: neat - . iv a oy Pay PN aati Sik! Mii on ak fe he oe "Sink tS COP RLITGY EN ‘ =, y : : ¢ M22 te Nn NO a YM ag! ‘ OY AOR ee sc: ¥ se POR tHpePEORDE FOR EDVCATION || FOR SCIENCE = LIBRARY OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY J 0, U8 iN Ay b OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, EDITED BY THE SECRETARIES. VOL. XXXIT. Nos. I. to IV. and a Supplementary No.—1868. ee, 1% will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them tothe Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish if such communications shall be long intermitted: and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Siz Wm. Jonzs. eee CALCUTTA : PRINTED BY C. B. LEWIS, BAPTIST MISSION PRESS. 1364, aA RM oe he y CONTENTS. No. 289. On the Antiquities of the Peshawur District. Me) the Rev. I. LonwENTHAL, Ke Literary Intelligence, Correspondence, ‘ke. ys Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the months of J anuary and February, USK) ohe Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteor ological Observa- tions, taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for the months of July, August and September, 1862, pee No. 290. Bhoja Raja of Dhér and his Homonyms.—By Bébu RAsEn- DRALALA Mirra, Progress of the Trigonometrical Survey, being extracts from a report from Major J. T. Waker, Engineers, Officiating Superintendent, Great Trigonometrical Survey, to the Secre- tury to Government of India, Military Department, BB) On Dr. Gerard’s collection of fossils from the Spiti Valley, in the Asiatic Society's Museum.—By Henry F. Buanrorp, IDS Uke ae th hes iN (Crain Remarks on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Taxila. —By Ma- jor-General A. CUNNINGHAM, a Note on Major-General A. Cunningham’ s remarks on the Bac- tro-Pali Taxila Inscription. uhh Babu RAsENDRALALA M1- TRA, eae ee On Ancient Sanskrit Numerals. _By Dr. BHav Dasr of Bombay, ne Literary Intelligence, Correspondence, &e. us Postseript from Major-Ger eral Cunningham, = Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the months of March and April, 1863, Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa- tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for the months of October, November and December, 1862, 91. 111 124 139 15] Wo (ile!) 167 172 173 XXY 1v Contents. No. 291. On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath, with a list of the species collected by Messrs. Hooker, EpGEwortH, THomson and AnDERSON.—By THomas ANDERSON, Esq. M. D., Officiating Superintendent of the Botanic Gardens, Calcutta, Meracsmela on the Peshaw ur Valley, ce ‘regarding its Flora.— By J. L. Stewart, Esq. M. D., ie Remarks on a stone inscription from the ruins of Pu- -gin 0 on the Irrawady river.—By Lieut.-Col. A. P. Puaynzg, C. B. Bengal Statf Corps, Memorandum on some medals and coins in the Museum of the Asiatic Society, found near Mergui on the Tenasserim Coast. ——By Lieut.-Col. A. P. PHayrn, C. B. Bengal Staff Corps, .. Two ancient Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India; texts, translations and comments.—By Babu RAsenDRALALA Mr- TRA, ae ae soe ef oe Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for the months of May, June and July, 1863, Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa- tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for the months of January, February and March, 1863, No. 292. Contributions to Indian Malacology, No. IV. Descriptions of new land shells from Ava, and other parts of Burma.—By Wittr1am T. Buanrorp, Associate of the Royal School of Mines, F. G.S., A Memoir on the Rats and Mice of India. —By Epwarp IB TVEE Notes on the distribution of Indian terrestrial ‘Gasteropoda considered with reference to its bearing on the origin of species.—By W. Turopaxp, Jr., ... Account of a visit to the hot springs of Pai in the Tavoy dis- trict.—By Capt. J. F. Stevenson, Deputy Commissioner, ... A Visit to Xiengmai, the principal City of the Laos or Shan States—By Sir Ropert H. Scoompurer, Kt., F. B.S., Her Majesty’s Consul at Siam, __... Notes on the tribes of the Eastern Frontier, No. L —By joEe O’DoneEt, Esq., Revenue Surveyor of Arracan, Notes on the Tribes of the Hastern Frontier, No. I1.—By J. H. O’DonEt, Esq., Revenue Surveyor of Arracan, ... Notes onthe Tribes of the Eastern ae NOs WUE —By H. J. Reynoxps, Esq., Aornos.—By Lieut.-Colonel J. Apporn, Letter on the Taxila Inscription Grate Professor Vo ewee Sandhurst College, Page 189 219 267 271 273 288 xlix 319 327 354 383 387 400 404 407 4,09 421 Contents. Vv Page Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for the months of August, September and October, 1863, 431 Abstract of the Hourly Meteorological Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for the months of April, May, June and July, 1863, Ve . lxxii Supplementary No. Colonel Cunningham’s Archeological Survey ala for 1861- 62, communicated by the Government of India,.. i N, BM ¥ Contents. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, &c. /Sculptures from Naogram, Plates I. and II., ...... To face pase, 2 The Thaneswar or Pehewa Inscription, ~... ~Aossil Shells from the Spiti Valley, Plates I. to IV., Inscription from Pu-gan, © -Medals and Coins found near Me reui, Plate XI. » Ditto ditto, Plates XII. to XVII., Vil 272 Jour: of the Asiatic Society Plate 1, Calentta 1862. .L.Frazer L SCULPTURES FROM NAOGRAM. (lustrate the kha # I) Loowernthals paper ) ‘ (odod spPypuan207] [pIPJ VY) 20-4879) A} ) 3 WVHXGQVN WOHS SAYNLdAIINIS Vy lezen TH “AOST VHLD Os : TL Q id JOURNAL OF THE wOPATIG SOG] EA Y. No. I. 1863. LLL I OOOO away On the Antiquities of the Peshawur District.—By the Rev. I. LOEWENTHAL. Saint-Martin, in his Mémoire Analytique sur la Carte de l’ Asie, in endeavouring to identify Hiouen-Thsang’s Ou-to-kia-han-t’cha, not with Atok, but with Hund, mistaking the pronunciation of the lat- ter name, complains in reference to Yusufzai and the region about Peshawur that Malhewreusement nous sommes ici sur un terrain dont Peaploration archéologique est a peine entamée. And it is too true. Whilst the Mahomedans of Northern Africa and of Western Asia not only do not prevent the enterprising Englishman from digging up their graves, but lend even a helping hand in the work, the most interesting localities in the immediate neighbourhood of British territory are utterly forbidden ground to any adventurous archeolo- gist, on account of the unmanageable nature of the independent frontier tribes. And yet, few regions, out of the realm of soil made memorable by either classical or religious associations, would yield a richer harvest of the materials with which to eke out the records of history, than the plains and the hills now almost or altogether within sight of British cantonments. Few even of the scores of mounds* which cover the plain of Yusufzai, have as yet been in any * Since writing the above I have received an interesting communication from Major Burroughs, H. M. 93rd Highlanders, in reference to the mounds which are such a feature of the Yusufzai plain,—an extract from which may perhaps not be unacceptable. In speaking of the Broughs or Paecht’s Houses in Orkney, he says: **'Vhese ‘ Broughs’ are to all outward appearance mere mounds of earth like the tumuli scattered over the plains of the Panjab and throughout the valley of Peshawur, excepting that in the valley of Peshawur they appear always to be B 2 On the Antiquities of the Peshawur District. [No. 1, way investigated, much less opened; and still fewer have been the attempts to search the hills which abut on this plain, although every attempt in this direction has been abundantly rewarded. Some of these latter, indeed, require description even more than search, as the remains of buildings on them alone are most remarkable. A late visit to three of these localities, induces me to say a few words, by no means by way of description in the least degree exhaustive, but rather by way of direction for any one with more leisure, and with more previous acquaintance with Indian, Buddhist, and Bactrian antiquities, than I have, to do these interesting subjects justice. The hill of Takhti Bai, or Bahat, as it is called by the natives, has been frequently mentioned, and must have been described before this. It is an isolated, barren hill of no great height, about eight miles west of Fort Hoti Mardan in Yusufzai. It forms, irregularly, three sides of a square, with the open side towards the North-west. The inner slopes of this hill are covered with the still standing shells of lofty buildings, constructed of hewn stones; most of them are of at least two stories, the openings for the beams of the upper floor covered with bits of broken pottery, which I have not noticed elsewhere.” [This opinion that a// the mounds are covered with broken pottery, though very gene- ral, is not correct : many are.| ‘‘I have come across these same tumuli in the Orkney Islands (in the north of Scotland), about Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain in England, on and about the battle-field of the Alma, on the Plateau of Sebastopol and about Kertch and Yenikale in the Crimea; and here again on the plains of the Punjab and in the valley of Peshawur. To all outward appearance, they are alike. On the Plateau north of the Alma, these tumuli were generally in great circles with intervals between each tumulus of about halfa mile. At nearly every point along the ridge of the Plateau of Sebastopol overlooking the Tchernaya, where the French, Turks and British had thrown up batteries, was a tumulus to be found. The white telegraph tower on the battle field of the Alma, captured by the Zouaves was built on an old tumulus. The tumuli on the plain between Peshawur and Hoti Mardan are also dotted in cireles. At Stennis in Orkney and at Stonehenge in England a druidical circle of standing stones is to be seen in the centre of the great circle of tumuli.” [There is such a circle of standing stones also at Shewa in Yusufzai, to which the people there attach very superstitious notions. The Khan of the place told me that he had frequently placed men to count the stones, but the stones kept increasing aud decreasing in number the whole time that they were being counted, and the same number would not come cut twice. There is a single stone of the same nature, with a broken one at a little distance from it, some miles to the south of Shewa, in the ynidst of the Mera (or desert) near a mound,| “I was at the opening of a tumu- Jus, on my own property in the Island of Ronsay in Orkney, which was in shape like a bee-hive under ground. A large stone covered tle opening and over the stone was some two or three feet of earth. It was about twelve feet hich from the floor inside to the aperture. There was an aperture below leading to some underground passages. It was close to the seashore and was called by the peo- ple a ‘ Paecht’s House.’” 1863. ] On the Antiquities of the Peshawur District. 3 and the windows remaining to attest the fact. They were construct- ed with much care, the walls being smooth and straight, showing signs also of having been stuccoed or at least plastered. The build- ings are of various sizes; the steps leading to the upper story being either outside the building, or attached inside closely to the outer wall, the vacant space under the staircase being generally fitted up as a cell. The stone of which these buildings were constructed is found on the spot; the blocks are well hewn and carefully fitted. The centre of all these structures is formed by a quadrangle consist- ing of cells closely resembling in structure the altar in figure No. 10; that is, they consist of a square base, open in front, of little more than a man’s height; this surmounted by a coping, which in shape is the lower part of a paraboloidal vault; and a short cylinder con- nects this coping with a hemispherical cupola which is open at the top. (Single cells, or perhaps altars, of this kind, though much larger in size, are found in various spots all over the hill.) One side of the quadrangle has an opening as a doorway to which steps led from an enclosure round the quadrangle. Its centre is occupied by the ruins of a raised platform, whose sides were adorned with figures in stucco or stone. Close to this quadrangle there is what may readily be con- sidered a vaulted subterranean passage, though from the fact that the debris everywhere conceal the original level, there is great un- certainty as to its real depth below the original level of the ground. It may have been a bauli. ‘There is no water on the hill now any where; the Pushto word Bahai means a bauli; yet there is a possi- bility that Baha, the name of this hill, may be connected with the old Vihara. Another most interesting hill showing many remains of Buddhist tines, which I ascended, is on the Buner frontier, the nearest British village being that of Babuzai. It is very much higher than the hill of Bahai. The ascent from the Hast, from the Sudum valley, is said to be easy and readily performed by mules; that from the other side I must call toilsome and steep, for the most part, differing in this respect very much from the ascent of Bahai, which is easy, along a well-trodden path which exhibits in several places very distinet traces of steps cut in the rock, for great distances. A portion of the way up, however, led along the channel of a mountain stream, then dry (April 25th,) whose banks—if banks can be spoken of where rocks B 2 L On the Antiquities of the Peshawur District. [ No. 1, and large boulders conceal both the banks and the torrent’s bed— were covered with an impermeable thicket of a magnificent flora; trees blazing with an indescribable profusion of gorgeous blossoms ; shrubbery bending under the weight of fragrant flowers of the most pleasing colours; palm trees waving over head; with sequestered eave-like nooks, partly artificial, constructed over cool springs, traces of terraces, remains of tanks and water-courses,—all spoke of men of taste as well as enterprise, who had chosen and beautified this spot as their abode. There are a few caves scattered over the side of the moun- tain, but the most remarkable of all is a large cave near the summit, which was pointed out by General Court, many years ago, in the eighth volume of the Journal, when on p. 312 he wrote as follows: “The cave Cashmeer Ghar, situated in the territory of the Baboo- zeis, on a mountain which cannot be ascended but by a steep passage, hewn in a great measure out of the rock. This place is also called Pelley, and is sixteen koss from the town of Soukhor. The cave is said to be of an immeasurable depth, and to have so large an aper- ture that it is impossible to discern the direction by casting in a stone. As both sides of the entrance are of solid masonry, and the front is encumbered with enormous cut stones, one would imagine that it is one of the subterraneous temples attributed to the Pandoovans, or to the Caffres. At present it is a place of shelter for myriads of wood-pigeons. Quite close to it are visible the traces of a town or castle whence idols are sometimes dug up; a basin also is observable there, continually supplied with water. I had been assured that an inscription was discoverable, but my men could trace none whatever.” I transfer the passage in order to correct a few of the statements, as General Court was entirely dependant on information derived from natives. The cave is not hewn out of the rock, but is almost alto- gether natural. The place is not called Pelley. He must have con- founded it with a place of that name, some miles to the north of Baébiizai, not within British territory, which I was told by the Af- ghans is remarkable for extensive ruins and mounds. What General Court calls Soulkhor, is undoubtedly an error of type or a mistake of the pen for Lund-Khor ; but this town is hardly more than fen miles to the west of Babiizai. How the name Kashmirt Ghar or Kashmirté Smuss (both ghar and smuss being Pushto for cave) originated, is perhaps hard to tell. The idea of the natives is, that the extent of 1863. | On the Antiquities of the Peshawur District. 5 the cave cannot be measured, but that the opening at the other end of itisin Kashmir. The last portion of the ascent to the mouth of the cave itself is extremely difficult. The cave consists of several chambers of unequal size; the outer one, which is very lofty, is dis- tinguished only by a very few stalactites. The interior contains flights of almost uncountable steps, and buildings, whose nature can- not, however, be fully ascertained without some excavation. But such a work presents here unusual difficulty, not only on account of the comparative inaccessibility of the place, and its distance from the nearest village at which labourers could be obtained, but also because pigeons’ and bats’ excrements have accumulated in the cave for cen- turies. ‘Two inscriptions were spoken of by the natives as existing somewhere in the cave, but I did not see them. Indeed, the only inseription which I have seen anywhere during this tour, is on an unshapen piece of rock lying at the entrance of the village of Zeda, in the south-eastern corner of the Yusufzai plain. The character is Bactrian, as well as I was able to see, the stone lying under a great heap of manure, upside down, and with the inseribed surface to- wards a wall. I was not able, during the day that I was at Zeda, to obtain a facsimile or even a copy of it. On various terraces and natural plateaus below the Kashmiri Smuss there are numerous re- mains of buildings very much like those at Bahai as well as like those on a hill near Waogram, between the British frontier and the Indus. One of the most marked features among the remains on this latter hill Gt is about 1000 feet high) are very large rocks and boulders scattered about, which have been carefully excavated for cells; many of these are quite plain inside, whilst others have the simple orna- ment of a niche or two. The summit of the hill offers a flat plateau of some size, which had been very strongly fortified by buildings all round the brow. ‘These buildings are constructed of large blocks of stone (conglomerate, found on the spot) neatly hewn and carefully fitted, disposed with very great.regularity and laid in a cement of extraordinary excellence ; unavoidable interstices between the large blocks are filled up by layers of thin small stone tablets; this latter practice being an invariable feature in all the so-called Kafir build- ings which I have seen in the Trans-Indus country. To judge from the smooth turf and the vegetation in the middle of the plateau, it 6 On the Antiquities of the Peshawur District. [No. 1, is highly probable that the space in the middle was not built upon except one spot very nearly in the centre, where there seems to have been a shrine cr an altar. One of the best preserved buildings at a corner of this plateau still exhibits some chambers which convey a good idea of the internal structure of these ancient remains. A gateway with a pointed arch leads into a long chamber whose ceiling is formed by a prolongation of the arch of the gateway. ‘The arch would be pointed, but the centre line is taken up by a narrow rectangular groove. This cir- cumstance leads to the supposition, that the arch is not a true arch, but is formed by the stones being disposed on one another in the form of steps, whose lower corners were eventually cut away. There is another chamber, accessible from the long passage through a low opening, but it is quite dark, and to a great extent filled with rub- bish ; whether it was left dark intentionally, or whether superincum- bent ruins are closing up what may have been an opening, I could not ascertain without digging. A similar passage and chamber (or rather two chambers opposite each other) are also found on Bahai. On the plateau are found multitudes of figures in fragments, many of them, perhaps most, being the figure of Buddh (Sakya Muni) with his smooth, placid face, in his simple robe with ample pic- turesque drapery, elongated ear-lappets, and a halo round his head. The figures are either standing, or sitting cross-legged, with the bare soles of the feet turned upwards; the hands are frequently crossed over the breast, so however that the tips of the fingers of the left hand enter the hollow of the right; sometimes the hands rest in the lap ; sometimes the right hand is lifted up as if in the act of blessing. These figures are of dark blue or greenish slate of great brittleness, though not friable; they are of all sizes up to colossal. Then there are multitudes of haut-reliefs, but few of any good degree of pre- servation. ‘lhe vegetation on the hill is principally olive and myrtle, At the foot of this hill to the north there begins a series of low mounds extending far into the interior. A very few of these in the immediate vicinity of the frontier have been partly excavated through Captain Shortt, Assistant Commissioner, and sculptured remains from these mounds are now in Hoti Mardan, and in the museum at Peshawur. A few of these have been photographed by two officers, and I enclose copies of them. 1863. | On the Antiquities of the Peshawur District. 7 No. 1. A slab 13°14 inches in width, and 83 inches high, consi- derably abraded, representing a domestic scene. The execution is unusually coarse. The first and third figures from the right are evidently females ; they have shoes on their feet, whilst the figure between them with the right hand lifted up, has the feet bare. The first, second, and third figures on the right have ali earrings; the sitting female has a chadar over her head. The first and second figures on the right are seated on a bolstered couch, each having a footstool. The seated male figure has an ornamented head-dress, a necklace, and another ornament going over the left and under the right shoulder. The standing female figure has what appears to be a towel in her hands, which may be connected with the nude child on the knees of the next sitting bearded figure, the upper part of whose body is also nude: he appears seated on a mora. The next is also a male figure, but much mutilated. The ornamental architecture form- ing the ceiling of the room, cannot fail to strike the beholder. No. 2. The figure of a king—four feet five inches in height. Hindu dress ; tilak on the forehead, smooth chin, neat moustache, elaborate earrings. The head is covered with strings of pearls and precious stones, presenting in front the shape of a diadem or crown, whilst the two ends of a fillet appear on the circular plane behind the head. Four different strings of ornaments, such as are still worn by Hindus, are suspended from his neck. A very rich necklace, encircling the neck, is of precisely the shape and workmanship which belongs to those one sees now worn by the higher officers at the Court of the Maharajah of Kashmir. ow. Ammonites Lhouarsensis, D’Orb. Ammonites communis, Sow. and Pec- ten equivalvis, Sow. Five of these were figured by Mr. Everest in the 18¢h Volume of the Asiatic Researches, as forming part of Dr. Gerard’s collection. 1863. | On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. 125 a Liassic formation in the Spiti valley, in which, as in the beds of St, Cassian, certain Triassic forms were intermingled. The Upper Oolitic forms, I regarded (with doubt.) as indicating a distinct formation. The fossils I had examined comprised a majority of Cephalopoda, with a few species of Gasteropoda and Conchifera. The Brachiopoda which formed part of the original collection I had not been able te discover in the Society’s Museum. Mr. Theobald’s investigations have now established the existence of Triassic beds as well as those of Silurian and Upper Oolitic age, in the Spiti valley while the now proved spuriousness of the Liassic fossils described, eliminates this fauna from consideration. Further research in the Society’s Museum, has yielded me the Brachiopoda of Dr. Gerard’s collection and a number of other fossils, which, however, (with the exception of one or two ammonites) want of leisure at pre- sent compels me to defer for future examination. The former consist of Producta, Spirifer, Terebratula and Rhynchonella, some of them of Carboniferous age, but further than this I am not able to pronounce’ at present. This paper, therefore, confines itself to a description of the genuine portion of those species included in my original memoir, I have mentioned that while in England I had the opportunity of examining the valuable collection of Oolitic fossils made by Colonel Strachey at the Niti Pass in Kumaon, as well as those from northern Nepal collected by General Hardwicke, and M. Jaquemont’s collec- tion from Spiti. This has rendered an alteration necessary in the names of those species which also occur in the above collections and had already been named by authors or discoverers. ‘This has been effected in the present paper. Class. CEPHALOPODA. Order. DIBRANCHIATA. 1. Brtemnires Suncatus, Miller. Plate I. figs. 1, 2a-e. This Belemnite is apparently identical with that occuring in the Oolitic rocks of Cutch, which has been described and figured by Mr. Sowerby, (Geol. Trans. 2nd Ser, Vol. V.) as B. canaliculatus, Schlot- heim. The Spiti specimens differ from those figured by Miller and D’Orbigny, in the guard being more compressed in form, so that the R 2 126 On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. [No. 2, dorso-ventral diameter is rather the longer. The angle of the phragmacone is about 17°, while that given by M. D’Orbigny is 18° to 182°. These differences, however, do not appear to me to warrant specific distinction. There are several phragmacones of this species in Dr. Gerard’s collection. The largest is 2 inches in diameter. The largest guard measures as follows :— 3 in 10 lines long. —— 103 ,, lat. diam. —-— 10} ,, ant. post. diam. Order. TETRABRANCHIATA. 2. AMMONITES ACUCINCTUS, Strachey, Plate I. figs. 3, 3a. A. testa discoidea, percompressa, complanata, subleevigata, obsolete flexuoso-costata. Anfractibus complanatis, amplexantibus. Ventre sub-acuto; juniori dentato. Umbilico parvo; marginibus rotundatis. Apertura angusté hastata. Lobo superiori septorum longiori. Diameter of shell linch 8 lines if piioutecanionl Tee A fragment wanting the Thickness ae body whorl. With of outer whorl = ,55, of the diameter of the shell. Nearly allied to several Liassic species, viz., 4. oxynotus, Quensted, A. lynx, D’Orbigny, and A. Coynarti, D’Orbigny, this Ammonite is readily distinguished by the peculiar palmate form of the saddles, and the length of the superior lateral lobe as compared with the ventral [ quasi dorsal] lobe. The denticulation of the keel is, as in A. lyna, only apparent on the young shell, and becomes obsolete with age. The sides are faintly marked with ribs curved like those of A. concavus. Dr. Gerard’s collection contains two specimens of this species. 3. AMMONITES STRIGILIS,* n. s. Pl. III. figs. 1, 1a. A. testa discoidea, costata, compressé tuberculaté. Anfractibus amplexantibus, quadratis. Costis simplicibus, compressis, promi- nentibus, anticé inclinatis; apud venter, valdé angulatis. Ventre * There is some doubt whether this specimen be really from Spiti, though thers is I think but little question that it comes from the north Himalayan for- mation. It is one-half of a cut specimen, Another half specimen, (possibly the fellow of the above,) is in the British Museum, its locality being also unknown. 1863. | On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. 127 planato, costato. Umbilico angusto; lateribus leniter inclinatis, ro- tundatis. Diameter of shell 2 inches 1 line. wr omouver whorl Lio’ jy. 22s, Thickness Play Width of outer whorl = ;°5 of the diameter of the shell. A peculiar form, combining the characters of the Globosi and Amalthet groups. The young shell is smooth, (in the single speci- men described, to beyond the commencement of the body chamber,) and the last half whorl ornamented with strong, simple compressed ribs, inclined forwards from the umbilicus, and becoming more ele- vated as they approach the ventral region, on the sides of which, they rise almost into tubercles; then becoming less prominent as they bend forward on each side of the median line, they form an an- gle in the centre, being again elevated at the bend into a series of flattened tubercles. The whorls are rounded in the young, squared in the old shell. The sutures are very imperfectly seen: the saddles appear to be squared in form, and symmetrically divided, and the superior lateral lobe is probably longer than the ventral as in the Globosi. 4, AMMONITES WaLuicut, Gray, Plate I. figs. 4, 4a, Plate III, figs. 2, 3. A. testa discoidea, compressa, transversim costata. Anfractibus subcompressis, complanatis. Ventre angusto, excavato, levigato. Cos- tis acutis, bifurcatis, haud tuberculatis. Umbilico lato, profundo. Apertura oblongo-quadrata. Septis, lateraliter 5-lobatis. Diameter of shell 1 inch 9 lines. » of outer whorl 73 ,, Thickness TPs Width of outer whorl = 23, of the diameter of the shell. This ammonite, of which there are two specimens in the collection, is allied to A. Parkinsoni, Sowerby. The chief points of departure from the latter species are;—the absence of tubercles; the greater width of its whorls (33, instead of 2,4, of the diameter) ; and some differences in the sutural lobes, the superior lateral being barely so long as the ventral lobe, and having fewer ramifications than that of A. Parkinsont. The two specimens before me differ somewhat 128 On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. [No. 2 in the characters of the ribbing of the outer whorl, those of the inner whorls being exactly similar: the specimens are of the same diameter, but while that figured at Plate I. fig. 4, appears to be full grown,* that figured at Plate III. fig. 2, is only a fragment, wanting the body chamber, and the body-whorl of the former specimen, as is the case with many Ammonites and Nautili, is thicker than the inner whorls in proportion to their diameter, and exhibits a coarser and wider rib- bing, the ribs being rather inclined backwards. A. fissus. Sow, from the Oolites of Cutch, bears a general resemblance to the present species, but it appears from the description to have the ribs conti- nuous across the back. 5. AMMONITES OCTAGONUS, Strachey, Plate I. figs. 5a—e. A. testa discoidea, compressa. Anfr. parum amplexantibus, rotun- datis, lateraliter seriebus 3 tuberculis magnis ornatis, irregulariter costatis. Apertura elliptica. Septis lateraliter 3-lobatis. Allied to Ammonites Hugeni of Raspail, to which species I referred it in the first instance. It is ornamented with three rows of promi- nent tubercles connected by depressed and somewhat irregular ribs. Only one fragment of this Ammonite is in Dr. Gerard’s collection, viz., that figured. It does not allow cf my determining the spiral proportions. 6. Ammonites NepaLensis, Gray, Plate I. figs. 6, 6a. A. Nepalensis. Gray, Hardwicke’s Illustrations. A. testa discoideaé, compressa, complanata, costata ; anfractibus per- latis. Costis filiformibus bi-vel tri-furcatis. Ventre rotundato. Um- bilico angusto. Apertura compressé elliptica. Septis ? Diameter of shell 1 inch 5 lines. » of outer whorl Shai Thickness 63,, 2 Width of outer whorl = ,33, of the diameter of the shell. An Ammonite of the Macrocephali type, but more compressed, orna- mented with distinct filiform ribs, bifurcating or trifurcating about the middle of the whorl, and arched forwards in the ventral region. The sutures are not visible. A single specimen occurs in Dr. Gerard’s collection. It is much smaller than Dr. Gray’s type, and has a somewhat narrower umbilicus. Some large specimens were, however, collected by Mr. Theobald. * If so, however, the specimen is a small one, as one in Col. Strachey’s collec: tion is nearly 4 inches in diameter and one in the British Museum not less than 6 inches. 1863. ] On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. 129 7. AMMONITES TENUISTRIATUS, Gray. A. tenuistriatus, Gray, Hardwicke’s illustrations. A single cast containing a portion of the body whorl in which is a beautiful cast of an Aptychus, is to be referred doubtfully to the above species. The curvature of the ribs is similar to that of the type, but the whorls are narrower and rather thicker. Judging from the few specimens I have seen, A. tenwistriatus appears, however, to be very variable in this respect, and I refer the Spiti specimen there- fore provisionlly to this species. 8. AMMONITES BIPLEX, Sowerby, Plate II. fig. 5, Plate III. figs, 4, 4a—e, 5. Ammonites. Everest. As. Res. Vol. XVIII. Pt. II. p. 114, Pl. 1. figs 2, 3. A. annulatus. Sowerby. Op. et. vol. cit. p. 278. Several specimens of an Ammonite, which I cannot distinguish from the well known Oolitic species above quoted, occur in the col- lection, in black siliceous nodules. One large specimen measures 5 inches and 2 lines in diameter. Others less perfect, from 8 to 3% inches. The width of the outer whorl varies from ;33, to ;3% in the more typical specimens, and the aperture is almost orbicular, slightly flattened at the sides. The ribs are sharp and numerous, and bifur- eate very regularly at about 2 across the whorl. Most of them have an occasional deep suleation, indicating the position of a pre- vious mouth. The sutures correspond closely to that figured by M. D’Orbigny in the Pal. Franeaise. In addition to the above, two specimens, which at first I hesitated to regard as the same species, have the ribs much more numerous, and the whorls wider ; the outer whorl being 3.8, and ,4,', respective- ly, of the diameter. That with the latter measurement is moreover more compressed than the typical specimens, the thickness being 15 only. On consideration, however, I can see no good reason for regarding these specimens as specifically distinct from the more typi- eal. Their sutures are very similar, and as regards form, the narrow- er whorled of the two differs but little from the type, while the peculiar close set ribbing distinctly indicates the specific identity of the two. One of these is figured at Plate IIT. figs. 4, 4a. An important point to be noticed in comparing full grown speci- 130 On Dr. Gerard's collection of Spiti fossils. [No. 2, mens of this species, and indeed of many of the Planulatz and some other Ammonites, is that the last two or three sutures are frequently closer than the preceding, and are more or less shortened and dis- torted. In order, therefore, to establish a reliable comparison, and to avoid erroneous specific distinctions, one of the older sutures should be regarded as the standard. I give an illustration of this in figs. 4b and 4c of Plate III. the first of which represents the last suture of the whorl, (that terminating the body chamber,) the second, the sixth suture of the same specimen, counted backwards. I have ob- served similar irregularities in A. inflatus, and many Nautili (e. g. NV. Bouchardianus,) have the last one or two chambers considerably narrower than those formed during earlier growth. Fig. 5, Plate III. is the last suture of a specimen of the normal variety of A. beplex, which I give as it is the only one visible on any of my specimens. 9. AMMONITES TRIPLICATUS, Sowerby. Two specimens differ from the preceding in having the ribs, es- pecially those of the last whorl, trifureate. I have seen specimens both from Niti and Spiti with fasciate ribs, but otherwise undistin- guishable from A. biplex. I am inclined to doubt whether they be other than varieties of that species. 10. AMMONITES TORQUATUS, Sow.? PI. III. figs. 6, 6a, 7, 7a, 8. A. testa, discoidea, compressa, costata, laté umbilicaté. Anfracti- bus rotundatis, depressis, convolutis. Costis filiformibus, rectis, anticé inclinatis, apud 2 anfractuum diametris bifurcatis. Ventre laté ro- tundato, costato. Apertura reniformi. Septorum lobis lateralibus 4. a b Diameter of shell, 1 inch 6 lines. m of outer whorl, Dias 9 lines. Thickness 7%, ineh 12 9? Width of outer whorl = ,28, to 32, of the diameter of the shell. This shell is distinguished from A. beplex chiefly by its depressed whorls, and also by the greater width and comparative shortness of the saddles and lobes. ‘The ornamentation of the shell is precisely that of A, biplew, and it is indeed possible that A. torguatus may be merely a variety of that species, but until specimens of intermediate form, &c., have been discovered, the distinctions I have indicated are too considerable to be disregarded. 1863. | On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. 131 11. AMMONITHS SPITIENSIS, N. 8., Plate II. figs. 4, 4a, 40. Diameter of shell, 2 inches 38 lines. 1. of outer whorl, 9 Thickness, Lbous Width of outer whorl = 33, of the diameter of the shell. This Ammonite bears some resemblance to the 4. planula of 29 D’Orbigny, but is distinguished by the following characters -—the whorls of the Spiti species are somewhat narrower, the ribs more flexuous, and arcuated towards the front instead of towards the rear in the ventral area, and the shell is crossed at intervals of rather more than half a whorl, by deep oblique sulcations bounded poste- riorly by strong ribs. The sutures are identical with those of the A. planula, except that the ventral and superior lateral lobes of the Spiti fossil are equal in length, and it has but two minute accessory lobes, instead of 3, as figured by M. D’Orbigny. 12. AMMONITES GUTTATUS, Strachey, Plate IV. figs. 1, la, 16. A testa discoidea, compressa. Anfractibus rotundatis, apud umbi- licum crassioribus, tuberculato-costatis, 3 sulcis obliquis notatis. Costis numerosis, tenuibus, apud umbilicum 3, 4-fasciatis, apud ven- ter, leniter anticé arcuatis. Ventre rotundato. Umbilico profundo, lato, tuberculis 20 coronato. Apertura semilunari? Septorum lobis lateralibus 6. Diameter of shell, 2 inches 1 line. » of outer whorl, 91, Thickness, Jac Width of outer whorl = 33, of the diameter of the shell. Very closely allied to the preceding species, from which it is distinguished chiefly by the characters of its sutures; the lobes and saddles being 4 longer, and the saddles narrower than in A. Spitiensis; while there are 4 conspicuous and 2 minute lateral lobes instead of 3 of the former, as in the above species. There are also some differences in the ornamentation, but how far these are constant Iam unable to say. Thus, in 4. Spitiensis, the ribs and tubercles are less numerous than in A. guttatus, and the sul- ei of growth are three to each whorl, and continuous in the former species, while in the latter there are barely 2 to the whorl. These latter differences I consider, however, to be unimportant, and should further specimens shew the sutures to be more variable than is usual 8 132 On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. [No. 2, in Ammonites of the same group, there would remain no good reason for distinguishing the two forms in question. 13. Ammonires Hypnasis, n.s. Plate IV. figs. 2, 2a, 26. A. testa discoidea, compressa, costaté. Anfractibus subquadratis, parum amplexantibus. Costis valdis, rectis; nonnulis (plerumque alternantibus) bifurcatis; medio ventre parum incisis, haud inter- ruptis. Ventre planato. Umbilico magno: suturis impressis. Aper- tura reniformi. Septorum lobis lateralibus 4. Diameter of shell, 1 inch 10 lines. * of outer whorl, Uae Thickness, 84,5 Width of outer whorl = ,3), of the diameter of the shell. Intermediate in form between A. communis, and A. Parkinsoni, this shell is distinguished from the first by the mesial notching of the ribs which indicates an approach to the Dentati, (Ornati of Von Buch) ; and from the second by its continuous ribs, as well as by the inferior number of its lobes and their greater equality in size. Some of the ribs carry a small tubercle at the bifurcation, which occurs alternately on the opposite sides of the whorl. The collection contains two small specimens of this Ammonite, which are precisely similar to each other, and a fragment of a larger specimen 12 inches in thickness. 14, Ammonites GERARDI, n.s. Plate II. figs. 6, 6a, 60. A. testé subglobosa, levigata, angusté umbilicataé. Anfractibus ventraliter subcompressis, amplexantibus ; senioribus, radiatim laté undulatis. Ventre rotundato. Umbilico parvo, profundo. Apertu- ra trigona, apud dorsum valde excavata. a b Diameter of shell 2 inches. 3+ inches. Fe of outer whorl 1 inch. ee Thickness es 2 lines. 14 Width of outer whorl = 55°, of the diameter of the aie This Ammonite belongs to a group largely represented in the Triassic beds of St. Cassian, and of which one species only, A. ster- nalis, Von Buch, is described by M. D’Orbigny, Quensted and others from the Upper Lias of France and Germany.* ‘To this species, A. Gerardi bears much external resemblance, but the sutural ramifica- tions of the Spiti fossil prove it to be without doubt a distinct spe- * Several species occur in the Cretaceous rocks of S. India. 1863. ] On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. 133 cies. Moreover, from such fragments of shell as remain on one of our specimens, it appears that this was smooth in A. Gerardi as in the Triassic forms, whereas that of A. sternalis is ornamented ex- ternally with fine ribs. The ventral lobe of the septa of A. Gerardi is extremely short, barely half as long as the superior lateral lobe, and is divided almost its entire length. The lateral lobes are nearly equal and fan-shaped at the extremity, and the saddles simple and compressed in form. Four specimens are in the Gerard collection; one of the smaller, a distorted specimen, was figured in the Asiatic Researches; another is here represented. These are both young and do not shew the radiate undulations which characterize the adult shell.* 15. CrratiresP Himatayanos, n. s. Plate II. figs. 7, 7a. C. testa discoidea, compressa, carinata, tuberculato-costata. An- fractibus amplexantibus, complanatis. ‘Tuberculis internis apud 4 anfractuum 10: externis apud peripheriam 20. Costis haud promi- nentibus, incequalibus, plerumque bi vel tri-furcatis. Ventre anguste earinato, haud suleato. Umbilico parvo; marginibus rotundatis, Apertura angulateé ovata, anticé complanata. Diameter of shell, Jinch 6 lines. 4 of outer whorl 9 Thickness, Ces Width of outer whorl = ,°° of the diameter of the shell. 100 9? The specimen of this shell in the Spiti collection, although in a very fair state of preservation, does not present so clean a surface on that part on which alone the sutures are visible, as could be desired for the satisfactory determination of the genus. There is, however, no trace of any foliation on the saddles, so far as they can be seen, while the lobes of one part are distinctly dentated like those of the typical Ceratites. It is clearly distinct from C. Jaquemonti, Von Buch, the only known Himalayan species of the genus, which accord- ing to its discoverer, whose name it bears, was found associated with Ammonites biplex, and a number of other Oolitic forms of Ammonites. In form and ornamentation, C. Himalayanus, is closely allied to C. Wodosus, the type of the genus, but differs in its narrower ventral region and keeled periphery. * The largest specimens were only discovered after the plates had been finished. s 2 134 On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. [No. 2, Class. GASTEROPODA. 16. TURRITELLA MONTIUM, n. s. Plate I. fig. 7. Turritella? As. Res. Vol. XVIII. Part 2, p. 114, Pl. I. fig. 12. S. testa crass4, conica, turrita. Spira brevi, angulo 28°. Anfracti- bus angulatis, medio valde bicarinatis, superne obliquis, planatis: ultimo ad basin depressé rotundato. Suturis valdé excavatis. Aper- tura circulari. Length of fragment, linch 9 lines. Total length of spire restored, 2 inches 9 ,, Width of last whorl, 1 inch. » of peristome, Sih: An obtuse thick-shelled species, with the upper and lower surface of the whorls bevelled towards the suture, ornamented with two spiral keels, the lower of which is the most prominent. The collection contains three fragments of this species, the largest of which is figured in the Asiatic Researches, loc. cit. and also in the accompanying Plate I. Judging from its appearance (mineral character) it is from the same beds as the Ceratite and Ammonites Gerardi. 17. Pxievrotomarta, sp.? Plate IV. figs. 3, 3a. Some fragments of casts of a small turretted species with sub- angulated whorls, evidently belong to this genus. The upper surface of the whorls is flattened and oblique, the base convex, and marked on the cast with 4 equidistant ridges, the interval between the pos- terior ridge, and the keel being twice as great as that between the ridges. Aperture sub-pentangular, rounded in front. 18. PLEUROTOMARIA, sp. ? A flat Solarium shaped cast, much distorted by pressure, and water- worn, evidently distinct from the above. Class. CONCHIFERA. 19. ASTARTE MAJOR, Sowerby. Unio? and Trigonia? Herbert and Everest, Gleanings in Science, Vol. III. p. 272, Plate XVII. figs, 4a, b. 1863. | On Dr. Gerard's collection of Spiti fossils. 135 Unio? Everest, As. Res. Vol. XVIII. Part 2, p. 114, Plate II. figs. 26, a, 6, c. Astarte planata, Sowerby, Op. cit. p. 278. Astarte major, Sowerby, Geol. Trans. 2nd series, Vol. V. Plate LXI. fig. 1. This species, three specimens of which oceur in Dr. Gerard’s col- lection, is undoubtedly identical with the Cutch species named as above by Mr. Sowerby. The specimens are smaller than those from Cutch, but in form, only differ in that the anterior end is less trun- cated, and the length of the shell is somewhat less proportionally, than in the specimen figured in the Geological Transactions, which is stated to be somewhat wider (7. e. in the present terminology, long- er) than the average. The measurements of our largest specimen are as follows :— Length 2 inches 3 lines. Height; Lanch)i%on), Thickness 1 9 20. CYPRINA? TRIGONALIS, n. s. Plate IV. figs. 4, 5. C, testa trigono-cordiformi, crassa, sub-inflata, striata, anticé ro- tundata, posticé angulata, obtusé carinataé. Area posteriori levigata. Umbonibus prominentibus. Length J inch. Height 10 lines. A small trigonal shell, chiefly occurring as casts, and of somewhat doubtful genus. It is associated with Avicula echinata in sandstone. 21. NuvucULA CUNEIFORMIS, Sowerby. Modiola. Herbert, Glean. in Science, Vol. I1I. p. 272, Pl. XVIT. figs. 5a, 5, ec. Modiola. Everest, As. Res. Vol. XVIII. Part 2, p. 114, Pl. II. figs. 28, a, b, e. Nucula. Sowerby, As. Res. Vol. cit. p. 275. Nucula cuneiformis, Sowerby, Geol. Trans. 2nd Series, Vol. V. Plate XXII. fig. 4. Most of the specimens of this shell are much crushed, and the valves being united, do not admit of examination of the hinge. A small cast, however, apparently identical, but probably from a differ- ent bed, shews that the shell is, as surmised by Mr. Sowerby, a Ww- 136 On Dr. Grard’s collection of Spiti fossils. [No. 2, cula. Allowing for the distortion of the specimens, the form so closely resembles that of WV. cwneiformis from the Cutch Oolites that I cannot hesitate to regard them as specifically identical. Length 1linch 1] line. Height 7 lines. Thickness 7 ,, approximately. 22. CucuULLmA virGaTA, Sowerby. Arca. T“erbert, Glean. in Se. Vol. III. p. 272, Pl. XVII. fig. 6. Arca. Everest, As. Res. Vol. XVIII. Part 2, p. 114, Plate II. fig. 27. Cucullea virgata. Sowerby, Geol. Trans. 2nd Series, Vol. V. Pl. XXII. fig. 1. The specimens of this shell are much crushed, so that their form is not accurately determinable, but it appears to be identical with the Cutch species, and is characterised by similar sharp radiating ribs, with lines of growth strongly marked towards the margins. 23. InocERAMUS? A large concentrically-undulated shell, in bad preservation, ap- pears to belong to this genus. Also a smaller fragment, marked with deep broad concentric furrows distinct from the above. The specimens are insufficient to admit of specific description. 24. MonoriIs CONCENTRICUS, n. s. Plate LV. figs. 6, 6a, 7. M. test&é obliquo-pyriformi, inzquivalvi, anticé excavata, posticé rotundata. Valva sinistra inflata, concentricé undulata; umbone prominenti incurvataé. Valva dextra convexa, obliqué orbiculari; margine cardinali recta ; concentricé striata, superné angusté incisa. Length about 1 inch 3 lines. Width Beas Thickness ues In form, and in the sculpturing of the left valve, much resembling Inoceramus concentricus of the Gault. The right valve resembling that of an Anomia in form, with a deep linear notch just under the hinge line. The specimens are not very perfect. They are embed- ded in a black siliceous stone, similar to that of the nodules in which the Ammonites are enclosed, They are associated with Belemnites Sulcatus. 1863. | On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. 137 25. AVICULA ECHINATA ? Sowerby. Some specimens of sandstone are full of the valves of an Avicuwla, which appears to be identical with this widely ranging Oolitic species. None of them are sufficiently perfect to enable me to identify them with certainty, but the form of the ornamented valve, and the sculp- turing, so closely resemble those of the type specimens, that there is at least great probability of their identity. If any thing, the Spiti specimens are somewhat more orbicular than those of Hurope, but they vary somewhat in form, unless I have confounded two distinct species ; a question, which the state of the specimens does not enable me to decide satisfactorily. 26. MytTiILus MyTILOIDEA, n.s. Pl. IV. fig. 8. M. testa semiovata, elongata; anticé truncata, angulate planata, recta ; posticé rotundata ; concentricé striata, haud costata. Length 2 inches. Height 1 ,, This shell has precisely the form of the common Mytilus edulis. The umbo of the only specimen in the collection, is wanting. Sub-kingdom. ANNULOSA. Class). HECHINODERMATA. 27. Saumnta? PI. IV. fig. 9. An internal cast of a depressed spheroidal Hehinid with narrow ambulacra, pores in simple pairs, broad interambulacra with five or six plates in each row, and a very large circular disc, the plates of which are not however distinguishable. As regards form it might be either a Cidaris or one of the Salenide, but the size of the disc is such that it can only be referred to the latter family. It seems improbable from its association with Oolitic forms that it should belong to the genus to which I have referred it provisionally (all the known Salenias being cretaceous), but the dise is much larger than any known species of the oolitic Acrosalenta. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Plate I. Figs. 1, 2 a—c, Phragmacone and guard of Belemnites sulcatus, Miller. » 9, 38@ Ammonites acucinctus, Strachey. On Dr. Gerard’s collection of Spiti fossils. [No. 2, 4 Ammonites Wallichii, Gray ; a, suture. 5, a—b, Ammonites octagonus, Strachey ; c. suture. 6, 6a, Ammonites Nepalensis, Gray. 7, Turritella ? montium, Blanford. Plate Il. . 1, la—é, 2, 8, Ammonites communis, Sow. See note, p. 124. 4, 4a, Ammonites Spitiensis, Blanford ; 6. suture. 5, Suture of Ammonites biplex, Sow. 6, 6a, Ammonites Gerardi, Blanf. Sep. 6. suture. 7, 7a, Ceratites Himalayanus, Blanf. ‘Plate IT. . 1, la, Ammonites Strigilis, Blanford. 2,3, Ammonites Wallichii, Gray. 4, 4a, Ammonites biplex, Sowerby ; 6, ¢ first and sixth sutures of the same Ammonite. 5, Suture of another specimen. 6, 6a, 7, 7a.—Ammonites torquatus, Sowerby. 8, Suture of the above. Plate IV. . 1, la, Ammonites guttatus, Strachey ; 0. suture. 2, 2a, Ammonites Hyphasis, Blanford ; 6. suture. 3, 3a, Pleurotomaria. 4, 5, Cyprina ? trigonalis, Blanford. 6, 6a, 7, Monotis concentricus, Blanford. 8, Mytilus mytiloidea, Blanford. 9, Salenia ?P ————$— Lees SEUSS = ts H.F. Blanford, de} LITH: BY H.M. SMITH, SURV: GENL'S OFFICE, CALCUTTA, 1861 PLM H.F Blanford, del. LITH: BY HM. SMITH,SURV: GENL'S OFFICE , CALCUTTA,1861 tea i ¢ we FU Lif PLAV. 1863. | Remarks on the Taxila Bactro-Pali Inseription. 133° temarks on the Baotro-Paut Inscription from Taxtia.—By Major-General A. CUNNINGHAM. Thirty years have elapsed since the first Bactro-Pali inscriptions were discovered by Ventura, Court, and Masson,—and during that long period but little progress has been made in their decipherment Certain titles such as Maharaja and Chhatrapa, or “ King” and “ Satrap,” and particular terms, such as Bhagavata S’arira, or “ relics of Buddha,” mdéa-pita, or “mother and father,” puwéra, “son,” and vthdra, “a monastery,’ have long been known; but the greater portion of these records still continued to baffle all attempts at any satisfactory rendering of their contents. Several of these inscriptions are dated, and so far back as January 1848 I was the first to make out the Hindu months of Srdvana and Chaitra, and during last year I succeeded in reading the names of the Macedonian months, Arte- misios and Apellaios. ‘The figured dates, however, still remained a riddle ; but the recent discovery of Mr. Roberts’s Taxila inscription, with its date written as well as figured, in characters much better defined than is usual in these cursive records has enabled Professor Dowson to unravel the mystery of the Bactrian numerical figures. I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Grote for the copy of this inscription, which has been sent out to India by Mr. Thomas, with the avowed object of obtaining independent translations in anticipa- tion of the receipt of Professor Dowson’s rendering of the text.* The following is a version of such parts of this important record as I have been able to make out during the short period that I have had it before me. Although this rendering is imperfect, yet I would fain hope that it may still be of some service towards the object which Mr. Thomas had in view, when he forwarded the inscription to India. My discovery of the Bactro-Pali symbol used for the pre- fixed r,in such important words as purvva, sarvva, and dchdryya, and in the names of the Macedonian month Artemisios, and the _ Hindu month Kartika, seems to me to be of sufficient value to war- rant the publication of this translation, as it may assist more com- petent scholars hereafter in rendering versions of other inscriptions. * Vide vol. xxxi. p. 532. 140 Remarks on the Taxila Bactro-Pals Inscription. |No. 2, — Transliteration. Line 1. Samvats'araye athasatatimae, 20, 20, 20, 10, 4, 4, (== 78) mahardyasa mahatasa MOGASA, Panemasa mdsasa, divase pan- chame, 4, 1, (= 5) etdye purvvdye, Chhaharasa (line 2) Chukhsasa cha, Chhatrapasa LIAKO, KUSULUKO nédma, atasa patropati (?) ** Takhas'ildye nagara utarena pacham des'o Chhema ndma atra (line 3) s/apatiko aprativadita BHAGAVATA S/aKA-Muntsa 8 ariram patidha- rati (7) Sangha Rachite (na) sarvva Budhinam puyae, mata-pitaram puya, yuta (line 4) Chhatrapasa saputraddrasa AYU-BAULA-VARDHIKA bhrdtara sarvva cha, satiga ** dharasa cha, puya, mahatana (7) pati- patikasa *** —(line 5) Rohini gatrena ya imati Sanghdrdma Kamika. On the back, Patipasa Chhatrapa Liaka. TRANSLATION. In the seventy-eighth year, 78, (in the reign) of the king, the great MOGA, in the month of Panemos, on the fifth day, 5, on this aforesaid date, (in the time) of LIAKA, Satrap of Chhahdra and Chukhsa (? Hazara and Chach, or Chach-Hazara of the present day) in the north-western district of Zakhasilanagara, in (the village) named Chhema, (this monument) was made to hoid relies of the matchless teacher, Bhagavata Sakya Muni, by Buddha Rakshita, for the benefit of all Buddhists, for the benefit of his mother and father, also for the benefit of the Satrap, together with the wife of his son AYU-BALA-VARDDHAKA, and all her brothers, and * * * dhara ; also for the benefit of-—(not made out down to the last two words) the monastery of Nava Kamika. Notes on the inscription. I. On the date. The number of the year is written thus, atha- satatimae, which is evidently the Sanskrit ashta-saptatitama, or eight and seventy. The unit number also occurs, both written and figured, in the year 28, in Masson’s Hidda inscription, and again in my Yusufzai inscription from Ohind, in the day of the month. In figures the date of the year is made up of six cyphers, namely 3 twenties, plus 1 ten, plus 2 fours, which together amount to 78. The number of the day of the month is formed in a similar manner, thus, 4 plus 1 =5, which being preceded by the word panchame, or “ fifth,” leaves no doubt of the correctness of the value assigned to the sym- bol x. The name of the month is Panemos, which was the ninth of the Macedonian calendar. This is preceded by the words Mahdrdya- 1863. | Remarks on the Taxila Bactro-Pali Inscription. 141 sa mahatasa Moaasa, which would appear to give the name and titles of the reigning king. The first word I take to be the same as Maharaja, as both terms are used indifferently in the Kapurdigiri inscription. The second word, mahata, or “great,” is well known from the coins as the title of all the later kings both Greek and Scythian. The third word therefore can only be a proper name, which I take to be that of the reigning king. We have a similar mode of expression in my Yusufzai inscription from Panjtar. In this record the month is the Hindu Sravana, during the reign of the king of the Gushan tribe (Mahdrdyasa Gushdnasa). The name of the king most probably followed the title, but has been lost by the break- ing of the stone. I think it probable that the great MOGA of this inscription is the same as the great MOA, or MAUA, of the coins. If the real name was MAWA, it might have been written indifferent- ly either as Joa, or Moga, as we find in the parallel case of the name of Gondophara, which is written both Undopherras and Gondophares on the coins. Now the coins of Moas prove, by their superior execution, that he must have been one of the principal leaders of the Indo-Scythian tribes who overthrew the Greek power in India. Indeed the priority of Moas to all other Indo-Scythian Princes, whose coins we possess, is so clear, that it has been admitted at once by all who have examin- ed the subject; but the precise date of his accession to power is still doubtful, although the period may be fixed with some certainty with- in the narrow limit of about thirty years. For this event the year 100 B. C. has been assigned by H. H. Wilson, and 120 B. C. by Professor Lassen, while my own chronological table, which was framed some twenty years ago, places it in 130 B.C. The mean of these three periods is 116 B.C. which is very close to the date of 126 B. C. assigned by the Chinese for the conquest of Kipin, or Ko- phene, by the great horde of the Su, or Sakas. Now if we suppose that Moas, or Moga, was the leader ofa branch of the Sw which set- tled in the Panjab, we may fix his date at a few years later than 126 B. C. or in about 116 B. C. as just suggested. According to this supposition the era in which the Taxila inscription is dated will be somewhere about 60 years earlier than 116 B. C. or B. C. 176; and the date of the inscription will be 176—78=98 B.C. Now as the occupation of Transoxiana by the Sw is stated by the Chinese to have in 4 142 Remarks on the Tartla Bactro-Pali Inscription. [ No. 2, taken place in the first half of the second century before Christ, it seems to me not improbable that the era in which the Taxila plate is dated, may refer to this particular event. As the year 163 B. C. is quoted by Lassen from the Chinese authorities as the actual date of this conquest, I think that it may be accepted for the present as the most probable approximation to the era used by the Indo-Scythian Sakas. By adopting this starting point, the date of the Taxila in- scription will be 163—78=85 B. C. In a recent number of this Journal, 1862, p. 425, mention is made of two small silver coins belonging to my cabinet, which are close imitations of the Oboli of Eukratides. The legend is in two lines * * OKO KOZOYAO; and as there is just sufficient room for two letters before OKO, I think it highly probable that the full name will turn out hereafter, when more perfect specimens are obtained, to be ALOKO, which is almost the same as that of the Satrap mentioned in the present inscription. These coins were found near Rawal Pindi, in company with a number of different types of Hyrkodes, and of a few of the barbarous imitations of the coins of Alexander and Seleu- kos. They appear to me to be about the same age as the coins of Kozola Kadaphes, or about 90 B. C. But there is another name in the Taxila inscription, if I have read it rightly, which will also serve to fix the date of the record in the early part of the century immediately preceding the Christian era. According to my reading the name of the Satrap’s son is Ayu-Bala- Varddhaka, “the strengthener of life,’ which possibly may have been the full name of Azas, or Aya, as he is called in the native legends of his coins. As Liaka was the Satrap of king Moas, there is no improbability in making the Satrap’s son Ayu the successor of Moas on the throne of Taxila. It now remains to fix the date which should be assigned to the Gushén eva. The leader of this tribe, which is called also Kushan, Khushan, and Koran, was certainly Kozola Kadaphes, as in the in- scriptions of all his coins he calls himself king of the Kushan, or Khushan, whilst on some of them his name is associated with that of Hermeus, who is allowed by all numismatists to have been the last of the Greek Princes. Kozola Kadphises was therefore beyond all doubt the subverter of the Greek power in Kabul. The date of this event is assigned to 85 B. C. by Professor Lassen, and also by 1863. | Remarks on the Paxila Bactro-Pali Inscription. 143 H. H. Wilson, while my own chronological table places it somewhat earlier in about 105 B.C. ‘The mean of these dates would be about 90 B. C. which may be accepted as the approximate date of this event. There is, however, another date connected with the history of the Gushan tribe which has perhaps even a stronger claim to be considered as the starting point of their national era. This is the date on which the king of the Gushan tribe subjected the other four tribes of the Yuchi, an event which, according to the Chinese, took place about 100 years after their first settlement in Bactria, or about 26 B.C. The king of the Gushdn tribe is then said to have con- quered Kabul, Gandhara and Arachosia, to which India was after- wards added by his successor. Now according to our present know- ledge, the conquest of India can be assigned only to Kanishka, and his brother Hushka, or Huvishka,* whose coins are still found in great numbers on the banks of the Ganges and Jumna. The father of these two Princes would therefore have been the consolidator of the Yuchi power by the subjection of the other four tribes. But who was their father? In settling this point we have little, or no- thing to guide us, except the inferences derivable from the coins. On these, however, all the authorities are unanimous in making Hima Kadphises the immediate predecessor of Kanishka and his brothers. It is probable therefore that he was also the father of these princes. The main objection to this assumption is the fact that Hima Kadphi- ses does not inscribe the name of the Gushdn tribe on his coins, as was done by his predecessor Kozola Kadphises, as well as by his suc- cessors, Kanerki, Hoverke, and Bazwano. But as Hima Kadphises does not inscribe the name of any tribe on his coins, there is a strong probability that he belonged to the same tribe as his immediate suc- cessors. By Professor Lassen, Hima Kadphises is assigned to 24 B. C.; by H. H. Wilson to the beginning of the Christian era, and by my own chronological table to 60 B. C. In fixing this date, I was influenced by the opinion that the consolidation of the Yuehi power under the king of the Gushdn tribe, and the subsequent overthrow of the power of the Sw, or Sakas, were not improbably connected with the defeat of the Sakas by Vikramaditya in B. C.57. I think still * Mr. Thomas has ascribed to Babu Rajendralal Mitra the suggestion that Huvishka of the Mathura and Wardak inscriptions is the same as the Hushka of Kashmir history. The suggestion was mine, and was published by me in the note which first made known the name of Huvishka, 144. Remarks on the Taxila Bactro-Palt Inscription. |No. 2, that this conjecture is a plausible one, and I am therefore inclined to assign the easily remembered date of 57 B. C. as the approximate period of the consolidation of the Yuchi power under the Gushdn tribe. This important event is also noticed by Trogus Pompeius, who says that the Asiant gave kings to the Tochari.* The Asiani I take to be the same as Strabo’s Pasiani, and both the same as the Gushan, Kushan, and Khushan of the coins, and the Kuei-shwang of the Chinese authors. I will now apply these eras to the other dated inscriptions which are accessible to me. No. 1.—Manikyala inscription of General Court ; see Thomas’ Prin- sep’s Hssays, Vol. I. Plate IX. The second line opens with the date as follows: San, 10, 4, 4 (== 18), etaye purvvaye, Maharajasa Gu- shina * * * and the last line gives the month and day, thus: Karti- kasa mdse divase 20. “ In the 18th year, on this aforesaid date, (in the reign) of king Kanishka of the Gushan tribe,—in the month of Kartika, on the 20th day.” Accepting B.C. 57 as the approximate period of the aggrandizement of the Gushan power, the date of this inscription of the reign of Kanishka will be 89 B. C. The local Satrap’s name which occurs certainly twice and perhaps three times in this record, I read doubtfully as -Hovedarta, of which the third letter is purely conjectural. No. 2.—Hidda inscription, No. 13, Tope, Masson :—See Ariana An- tiqua, Plate of Alphabet, p. 262—Samvatsaraye athavis' atihi 20,4,4 (= 28) mdse Apilaesa ekavisatihi Di. 20.1 (= 21). “ In the twenty-eighth year, 28, in the month of Apellaios, on the twenty-first day, 21.” There is nothing in this inscription to show in which of the two eras it is dated ; but as the earlier era of 163 B. C. would refer this record to B. C. 185 while the forms of the letters, even allowing for the cur- sive nature of the writing, seem to me to be of later date than the characters on the coins of the first Saka kings Moas and Azas, I con- clude that the Gushdn era is that which has been employed. The date of this inscription will therefore be 57—28 = 29 B.C. The word s’arira (relics) occurs shortly after the date, and I observe the word dharma twice in the lower line, which ends with puyae, the lo- cal form of the well known word punya. No, 3.—The Wardak inscription, of which a translation has been * Reges Thocharorum Asiani. 1863. | Remarks on the Taxila Bactro-Pali Inscription. 145 given in this Journal by Babu Rajendralal Mitra. No doubt the general scope of the record has been determined by this first attempt at a complete translation ; but I must demur to the Babu’s reading of nearly every proper name, except those of Bhagavata and Huvish- ka, which had been previously deciphered by myself. I have other objections to make to the values assigned to several of the letters, but I will here notice only the words read as pushae and asanthdnam, which should be puyae (for punya) and achdrydnam. Both of these words will be referred to hereafter. This inscription opens with the date as follows :—San 20, 20, 10, 1, (== 51) mdsa Artamisiyasa* hi, 10, 4,1, (=15). “In the year 5], in the month of Artemisios, on the 15th ”. One letter only is doubtful, although according to the form given to it in the copy, it should be ste, or perhaps vrz. A similar character occurs again between the words Vihdra and Bhaga- vata. The true form of the syllable wri occurs on my beautiful little bilingual silver coin of Vrishni Raja, and I at first thought that the word might be wrzhi, or vridi, for vriddht, and that it might refer to the fortnight of the increasing moon. Butif I have read the date of the Hidda inscription correctly, the days of the Macedonian months must have been numbered up to 30, as was done by the Macedonians them- selves. If we might read dwitt, or batz, or some word meaning “ second,” then the month would be Artemisios the second, which was the name given to Daisios by Alexander the Great shortly before his death. No. 4.— Yusufzai inscription from Ohind, Cunningham—See Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, 1854, and Thomas’s Prinsep, Plate X. fig. 2. This inscription opens with the date—San, 20, 20, 20, 1(==61) Chetrasa Mahasa Divasa athamiti, 4, 4 (== 8), “In the 61st year, in the month of Chaitra, on the 8th day” (=A. D. 4). No. 5.— Yusufzai inscription from Panjtar, Cunningham—See both plates just quoted. This inscription also opens with the date. San 100 (?) 20, 1, 1 (= 122), Sravanasa masa sudi prathame, 1, Mahara- jasa Gushinasa Ra (or Ta) ————- “Inthe year 122 (?) on the first of the waxing moon of Sravana (in the reign) of the king of the Gushdn .’ The value of the figure for hundreds is doubt- ful; but as the power of the Awet-shwang is said by the Chinese not to have lasted beyond the third century, this figure is most probably the symbol for 100. I confess, however, that in a Bactro Pali in- scription dated after the beginning of the Christian era I should have 146 Remarks on the Taxila Bactro-Paii Inscription. {No. 2, expected to have found the Bactrian letter 4, the initial of hat, or “hundred,” used as the symbol for 100, as we find in the western cave inscriptions, and on the Gupta coins. In the Taxila inscription the words etaye purvvaye, “ on this afore- said” (date), follow immediately after the date ; and I think that the same words follow the date in Court’s Manikyala inscription. But in the Mathura inscriptions the form of expression is always asya purvvaye, as well as in the two copperplate inscriptions of king Has- tina, published by Professor Hall. In another inscription, however, which I have lately discovered in the ruins of the ancient Srdvastz, the form of etaye purvvaye is used. Unfortunately the date of this inscription is lost, with the exception of the cypher for 10, followed by another cypher which could only have been a 4 or a 5, and which together no doubt formed the day of the month. The date of this inscription, however, is the only part that is lost. It is a short re- cord on the pedestal of a colossal statue of Buddha the teacher form- ed of the red sandstone of Fatehpur-Sikri, and therefore most proba- bly executed at Mathura. The name of Sdvasti is mentioned in this inscription, as well as the significant Buddhist terms, Zrepitaka, Bo- dhi-Satwa and Bhagavata. The concluding words are Kosambakutiya adchdryydndm Sarvastidinam parigrahe, that is “the accepted gift of the Sarvastidina teachers of the Kosam- bakuti,” or upper storied hall named Kosambakuti. I found the ruins of Sravasti, as I had already anticipated in a letter to Mr. Bayley written before I visited the place, in the ruined city now called Sé- het-Mdahet,—Sthet being the city, and Mdhet the great Jetavana monastery adjoining it. In Sdhet I recognize the most corrupt form of Sdwet, for the Pali Sdwatthz, which was the spoken form of the Sanskrit Srdvasti or Sdvasti. Iam happy to say that, on my recom- mendation the Governor-General has been pleased to direct that this important inscription shall be forwarded to the Society’s Museum in Calcutta, and, if possible, the statue also. T have noticed this Sravasti inscription for the purpose of illus- trating the Wardak inscription, of which the last line has been read by Babu Rajendralal Mitra as esha vihdra asanthdnam mahdsanghigana patigaha. By my discovery of the true form of the prefixed r, 1 am able to yead the third word as dchdrydnam, by which simple change this pas- 1863.| Remarks on the Bactro-Pali Taxila Inscription. 147 sage of the record becomes quite clear and satisfactory, and in accord- ance with the concluding passage of the Sravasti inscription just noticed, The translation of this passage is as follows, “ This monastery is the accepted gift of the Mlahdsanghika teachers.” The Mahd- sanghikas were one of the principal Buddhist sects, the followers of Kasyapa; and the Sarvdstidinas (or Sarvdstivddas) were another numerous sect, the followers of Adhula, the son of Sakya Sinha. I may notice here that the oft-recurring word read pushae by Ba- bu Rajendralal Mitra is properly puyae, for punya, the y being formed with a rounded head instead of the usual pointed one. Il.—On the place. I rvead the words Chhaharasa Chukhsasa cha as giving the name of the district of which Liaka was the Satrap, and in which the monument was situated. Chhahara, or rather Tshahara as it would be pronounced on the Indus, is very probably the original name of the modern Hazara, and Chukhsa of the modern Chach. These two names are always joined together in speaking as Chach-Hazdra, and it is certain that the inscription was found in the district which is called by this joint name. With regard to the situ- ation of the village J think that there must be some mistake in the copy of the inscription which reads utarena prachu, “in the North Hast,’ whereas Hasan Abdal, the place of discovery, is to the North West of Manikyala, or Taxila. By dropping the tail of the py, which forms the letter 7, the word prachu will become pacham, or West, and the description of the place will thus accord with the actual position of the site of discovery. III.—On the Satrap’s name. I have ventured to translate the term Kusuluka, as ‘‘ Red,” because I find that there are no less than three kings of the name of Kadphises, who are severally distinguish- ed as Kozola, Kara, and Hoemo (or Hima). Where there were so many princes of the same name, it became a matter of absolute necessity to distinguish the one from the other by some characteris- tic epithets. In these names therefore I read the simple distinctive epithets of Kazal, J33, Red,—Kara, %,3, Black—and Handw or Handdl, 355® White. The last term is of course connected with the Sanskrit Hima, and Tibetan Hyun, both of which mean snow. In Greek the name is written OOHMO, but in the native character it is simply Hima, which I translate as the “ White,” or the “ Fair.” Now as all three of these epithets are pure Turki words, the princes U 148 Remarks on the Bactro-Pali Taxila Inscription. |No. 2, who made use of them must have been of Turki race. This is of importance in the case of Hima Kadphises as we have no other di- rect proof as to whether he belonged to the Su or Sakas, or to the Yuchi, or TLochdri. I will now describe the coins of these three kings. Ist. Kozola Kadphizes. The coins of this Prince are of three kinds, of which those bearing the name of Hermeus in the Greek legend are most probably the earliest. This Greek legend is as fol- lows BASIAEOS STHPOS SY EPMAIOY, which I look upon as being a blundered copy of BASIAEQS, SOTHPOS EPMAIOY by a native artist who was ignorant of the Greek characters. This legend will therefore refer to king Hermeus himself. The native legend on the reverse has the name of Awula Kapsa, with the title of Kushdna Yatugasa, or king of the Kushan tribe. This coin I look upon as having been struck by Kadphizes during the lifetime of Hermeus, a practice which we know to have been customary in these provinces. On another coin of the same size and types we read the same native le- gend, but with the Greek inscription altered to KOZOYAO KAA®IZOY KOPCE A—that is struck in the name of Kadphises alone. The third kind of this Prince’s money is a small copper coin, of stiff but neat execution, bearing the Greek legend of KOZOAA KAAA®EC XOPAN CY ZA@OY, and on the reverse the native legend of Awjula Kaphsasa Sacha Dharmapidasa Khushdnasa Yatuvasa. The coins of Kara-Kadphises are of the well known Bull and Ca- mel types, which are always of rude execution and in bad preserva- tion. The Greek legends I can make nothing of, but the native le- gends appear to be always the same, although the words are disposed in two different ways. The whole of the native legend I have not yet succeeded in making out satisfactorily, but I have deciphered the beginning and the ending beyond all doubt. Maharajasa Rajatirajasa Deva-putrasa —Kara Kapsasa * (coin) of the king, the king of the kings, the God descended Kara Kadphises.” 'The undeciphered portion of the legend consists of three letters, and may possibly be Aushdna. The coins of Hima Kadphises are the well known gold and copper pieces which bear the same unvarying legends in Greek and Bactro Pali characters. On the gold coins the Greek legend is simply BACIAEYC OOHMO KAA®ICHC, which on the copper coins is 1863.] Remarks on the Bactro-Pali Taxila Inscription. 149 expanded into BACIAEYC BACIAEoN CoTHP METAC OOHMO KAA®ICHC. The native legend, which is the same on both coins, is as follows— Maharajasa Rajatirajasa Sarvva-logai-s'urasa Mahi-surasa Hime Kadphisasa tradata, “ (Coin) of the king, the king of kings, the lord of the Universe, the supreme lord, Hima Kadphises, the Preserver.”” The compound term Sarvvalogais'ura I take to be the same as Sarvva- lokes'wara, the lord of all worlds, the letters & and g being used in- differently in Gushdn and Kushdn. Mahisura may be either Mahi + as'wara = Mahis'wara the lord of the earth, or Mahd+its'wara = Ma- hes wara, the great lord, but the meaning is much the same. The only objection that strikes me to my rendering of the terms Kozola, Kara, and Hima, as distinctive epithets signifying Red, Black and White, is the fact that they are not translated in the Greel versions, but simply transcribed. I do not think, however, that this objection has much weight, as we know that the very same epithets when attached to the names of Gaelic chiefs, whether Scotch or Irish, are generally used in the original, as Roderick Dhu, Rob Roy. IV.—On the name of the donor. The name of Sangha Rakshita was a very common one amongst the Buddhists, meaning “ preserved, or cherished, by Sangha,” the third person of the Buddhist Triad. ‘It occurs frequently in the Bhilsa and Mathura inscriptions. The name is followed by the words Sarvva Budhdnam puyae, mata pitaram puya, “for the benefit of all Buddhists, for the benefit of his mother and father,” a form of expression which is common to all these dona- tive records. It occurs in Major Pearse’s Hazara inscription as mdta- pitu puyae; and also in Masson’s very perfect inscription on the brass casket found in No. 2 Tope at Bimaran. In this I read the donor’s name as Stva Rachita, but his father’s name is doubtful. The gift consisted of Bhagavata sariraht, or “relics of Buddha,’ sarvva Budhdnam puyae, “ for the benefit of all Buddhists. See Ari- ana Antiqua, Plate 2 of Tope discoveries, for this inscription, in which the final letter of Budhdnam is omitted, but which is found in Prinsep’s copy,—see Vol. I. Plate VI. of Thomas’s edition. The peculiar form of the y in puyae induces me to read the four letters immediately preceding Bhagavata as deya dharma, a “religious gift,” a form of expression which is common to most Buddhist donative records, whether found at Benares, at Mathura, or in the Western Caves, uv 2 150 Remarks on the Bactro-Pali Taxila Inscription. (No. 2, Additional Note, 23rd April. In the remarks on my Eusufzai inscription from Panjtar I have read the date as the year 122; the only doubtful figure being that for hundreds, which I have taken as 100 on the ground that the power of the Yuchi kings did not, aceording to the Chinese, last be- yond the beginning of the 3rd century. Since writing these remarks I have referred to Gesenius, Monuwmenta Phenic., pp. 88, 89, where I find the fullest confirmation of the value which I have assigned to the centenary figure. The contracted word San, or “ year,” is followed by an upright stroke which in Pheenician as well as in Bactro Pali represents the unit 1. This is followed by a symbol, which in Pheenician, Aramzo-Mgyptian, and Palmyrenian is the in- dex for hundreds, the two symbols together signifying simply one hundred, as 1 £ signifies 1 pound. In the Pheenician scheme the units up to nine are represented by an equivalent number of upright strokes. That this was also the ease in the original Bactro Pali scheme is rendered highly probable by the fact that the numbers 4 and 5 in the Kapurdigiri inscription are represented exactly in the same manner. But in the inscriptions under review an independent symbol has been adopted for the figure 4, and I would refer to India as the source from whence this figure was obtained, because in the Khalsi inscription the number 4, as I have already noticed, is represented by a St. George’s eross, +, where the Kapurdigiri inscription has four upright strokes. The Bactro Pali cypher for 10 is also derived from the Pheenician, and the cypher for 20 is merely a duplication of that for 10, one eypher being placed over the other, as in the Aramzo-Mgyptian and Palmyrenian numbers. A reference to Gesenius, pp. 88 and 89, will prove at once that the Bactro Pali scheme of numbers was originally the very same as that of the Pheenicians, and that it was afterwards slightly modified by the adoption of an independent symbol for the number 4, which was introduced from India. Whether the Indians had a separate and original scheme of their own I am not prepared to say ; but the symbols of the dates in the Mathura inscriptions, and on the Gujrat and Gupta coins, are quite distinct from those of the Bactro Pali inscriptions, even although most of them are simple Bactro Pali letters; as for instance the & which is the initial letter of the word hat, or “ hundred,” 1853. | Note on the Taxila Inscription. 151 I have re-examined my two small silver coins which I have attri- buted doubtingly to the Satrap Lzaka. There are only three letters of the name remaining, which I have read as OKO; but a more care- ful scrutiny shows that there is a decided difference in the shapes of the first and third of these letters. The first letter is not only larger but it is also differently formed below, while the last letter, as well as the three omikrons in KOZOYAO, is simply a small plain circle. The first letter remaining on both coins can, I think, only be intended for an A. This difference in the shapes of the first and third letters seems to render my attribution of the coins to Liaka Kusulaka almost certain. — The Peshawar Vase inscription, of which two copies have kindly been sent tome by Mr. Bayley and Babu Rajendra Mitra, I read as follows. Sthilena Siha-Rachhitena cha bharatehi Pakhasilaé As’a-thuva pratithavito sarva Budhanam puyac. “The Asa Stupa was erected in Taxila by Sinhila and Sinha- Rakshita, brothers, for the benefit of all Buddhists.” The characters appear to be rather loosely engraved—I have therefore read thupa for thuva, and pratithapito for pratithavito. The peculiar form of the chh in Rachhitena induces me to read the somewhat similar character in the Wardak inscription as ch, and to suggest that the words towards the end of the first line may be read thus: Agramatigra Vihara cha Thuva cha Bhagavata Sakya-muni Sari- ram patidharett. “ Both the Agramatigra Vihara and the Stupa were erected for the relics of Bhagavata Sakya Muni.” —— eee e—eeee—ee=eeeeEeeeeeEeEeEeEeeSOSOO Note on Major General A. Cunningham’s Remarks on the Bactro-Pali Taxila Inscription.—By Babu RAJENDRALALA Mirra, It is with some diffidence that I venture to offer a few remarks on the subject of the preceding paper. Entertaining the highest sentiment of respect for its author as one of the earliest and most successful antiquarians of India, I would never have, under ordinary circum- 152 Note on the Taxila Inscription. [No. 2, stances, presumed to give expression to opinions opposed, even though but slightly, to his views. But the subject of Bactro-Pali inscrip- tions is involved in so much difficulty, and has as yet derived so little benefit from the researches of oriental scholars that I feel convinced that the following contribution towards its elucidation, insignificant as it 1s, will not be altogether useless to future enquirers. To the general scope and purport of the Taxila inscription as inter- preted by General Cunningham, I have no objection to offer. They accord pretty closely with a version that I had prepared on the receipt of the last number of the Journal, but which I could not, owing to want of leisure, complete, for presentation to the Society. I think, however, that some of the explanations and inferences of the General are evidently inadmissible. In the first line of the record he reads, after the name of the King Mogasa, the name of the Greek month Pane- mos, but as the only letters visible are p, m ands, with a blank between the p, and the m, the deduction is by no means such as can claim immediate confidence. In all the Ariano-Pali inscriptions that have hitherto been decyphered the words for month, year and day have all been taken from the Sanskrita. The system of naming days according to the moon’s age is peculiarly Sanskritic, and the division of the month into the light and the dark halves of the moon, is of Indian or Sanskritic origin. A priori, therefore, one would expect that the Taxila tablet should have the name of an Indian and not a Greek month, and this expectation is strengthened by the fact that in the Manikyala inscription, the General has himself read the name of the seventh Hindu month Kdrtika; and we have his authority for the last Hindu month Chaitra in the Yusafzai inscription from Ohind, and for the fourth month S‘rdvana in the Punjtar record from the same locality. It is to be admitted that in the Hidda inscription he has read the name of apellaios, and in the Wardak vase, the word artamiseyasa, but those readings are yet open to question and cannot, therefore, be cited as authorities. The Hidda record, according to the General, opens with the words,* Samvatsaraye Athavisatihi 20, 4, 4, Mise apilesa ekavisatihi, bat on referring to the facsimile in the Ariana Antiqua (p. 262,) I find the only letters visible are 4, 4, dZdse apeusa chidasa, the variants being w for o in the first word, and J, ¢ or v for uw in the second. The * Ante, p. 144. 1863. ] Note on the Taxila Inscription. 153 letters from “ Samvat’” to “20” do not exist in the original. The word Masa is doubtful, as the m has a mark at the bottom which is equivalent to an o or a w, and not an d, which is generally indicated by a horizontal or oblique line on the top and never by a stroke at foot, and it is impossible, therefore to read the first syllable as mda without assuming an error either in the original or the facsimile. For apilesa we have a word which cannot by any possibility have an Z in it, and - for ekavisatihi I can find no equivalent syllables, regard being had to the known powers of the Arian alphabet. In the Wardak record I followed Mr. H. C. Bayley in reading the letter* after the era atha chitriyasa vrehi. General Cunningham, in his correspondence with Mr. B. published in the last volume of the Journal (p. 303), found in those letters the words artamistyasa divasa vrehi which, in the paper under notice, he has changed to artamisiya- sa hi, dropping altogether the wre before hi and the divasa of his cor- respondence for which, however there was no equivalent whatever in the original. I do not presume to deny the possibility of Greek months being named in a Bactrian inscription, for in India it is a common practice in the present day to use the months of one language in the writing of another, such as the English months in Bengali records both official and private, and such might have been the case in the days of the Bactrians in India, but finding that out of the five dated Bactrian in- scriptions which have been hitherto discovered, three unquestionably have Hindu months, and the other two are only doubtful, Iam dis- posed to think that it is unwarrantable to assume from a few disjoint- ed syllables a Greek word in an Indian document, when an Indian term may be as easily supplied. Assuming the language of the record to be purely Sanskritic as I shall presently shew it to be, the missing syllable between the p and the m may be more reasonably supposed to have been an neha than an 7 and in that case the word would be panchamasa or the fifth month and not Panemos. | The General has noticed the Greek word Xanthicos in an inscription discovered by Captain Robinson of the Engineers, but as it has not yet been published, I cannot venture to say anything in regard to it. In the second line I take the word efasa to be the Pali form of etasya “of his” or “ thereof,’ and Patropati to be a corruption of * Ante, Vol. XXX. p. 346, 154 Note on the Tawxila Inscription. [ No. 2, patra a car and pati “lord ;” but owing to a lacuna after the last word its connexion with the subsequent word is not apparent. In the third line General Cunningham has translated the words, Sapatika aprativddita “the matchless Teacher ;” but upon what authority I cannot make out. Sa in Sanskrita means “hap- piness” or “felicity,” and patika “lord,” and the two together would make a very appropriate epithet for the founder of Buddhism whose great mission was to rid mankind of the threefold pain of disease, decrepitude and death, and clear the way to final beatitude. The second word is formed of the privative particle @ and prativdda “an opposing argument,” with the personal affix itach, which would make the whole phrase mean that ‘‘none could oppose him in argument.” This is a very becoming predicate for S’akya who has been repeatedly described in the Lalita Vistara and elsewhere as the most distinguished controversialist, from whom the Brahmanic phi- losuphers fled like jackals from a lion. About the end of the third line occurs the remarkable word Puyae, written often and more correctly with an additional y as puyaye. In Sanskrita puyaas a root means “to putrify,” and as a noun puya indicates “ pus,’ but in neither of these senses can it be used in the inscription. Apparently the word is the dative singular of puya, and the position it occupies requires it to imply some good or blessing for the parties named. Hence it is that General Cunningham takes it to be acorruption of punya or “ religious merit” which he translates into “benefit.” In the Wardak inscription the word occurs as pus/a but that has been attributed to a mislection on my part of the word puya. This, however, I am not willing to admit. The cerebral s in the Bactrian alphabet is formed of three lines making the three sides of a parallelogram leaving the bottom open, the y being formed of two lines shaped like a cone. Now inthe Wardak record the last syllable of puya or pus’a is made of three lines shaped like a parallelogram, and this more than half a dozen times. General Cunningham, being well aware of it, says that “there they are formed with a rounded head instead of the usual pointed one.” It must follow, therefore, that if the word there be puya and not pus'a, the error is due to the engraver of the original record, and not to the decipherer; and if an error of the kind be admitted, it is just as possible that it should be in the Taxila as in the Wardak monument, the only circum- 1863.] Note on the Tuxila Inscription. 155 stance remarkable being that the word occurs several times in each document and always with perfect uniformity, puya in the one and pus'a in the other, with the most vexatious constancy. In an un- published inscription on a steatite vase in the Peshawar museum,* the word appears as puya, not pus'a, and if this be permitted to incline the balance of probability in favour of that reading, I feel disposed to trace its origin to the Sanskrita root pej “to worship ;” the 7 of the word being, by local or dialectic peculiarity, changed to y. In the present day they in Uriah is invariably pronounced as 7, and in Bengali it assumes the two forms of & and @, the former being pronounced as 7 and the latter as y, though in the alphabet there is a separate symbol for j, and the 4 whether with or without the dot at the bottom, holds an only place at about the end of the series. The panditas of Bengal observe this distinction even in reading Sanskrita, and frequently quote an ancient verse in support of their practice.y The Nipalese _ follow the Uriah and pronounce their y, whether initial, medial or final, asj. According to Yajur Vedic scholars, the initial y should invariably be pronounced as 7, hence the name of their Veda, though written with ay,is pronounced as Jajur. In the Kapur di Giri inscriptions the y has - often been used in the place of j and the word Rajé changed to Rayo offers a notable instance of the convertibility of the y andy. These analogies would go a great way to support my assumption of puye being a corruption of pwa, and if this be admitted the meaning of puyaye, would be “ for the purpose of worship.” The supposition that itis a corruption of punya has not the support of analogy, for we know of no rule of orthoepy Sanskrita, Pali or Prakrita, which alone can govern the phonology of the Bactro- Pali, by which the sonant n can be elided for the benefit of the liquid y. The rvle in the Pré- krita is invariably to drop the semi-vowel and double the surd or the sonant with which it may be associated. General Cunningham reads the four last sylables at the end of the third line puya yuta. I wish to alter them to puyaye cha to preserve the syntactic connexion of the clause in which they occur with that which precedes it. The last letter of the line is partially obliterated, and taking it therefore, for the sake of concord as ch and not as ¢ [* Vide ante, p. 151.—Kps. J t Weal qeiea amie qa ae ! qietel q Wael aq AaRICIAA AT It 156 Jote on the Laxila Inscription. [No. 2, which it somewhat resembles, will not, I trust, be represented into a violence against the original. The phrase Saputra darasa Ayubalavarddhika in the fourth line has been explained by General Cunningham as the “ wife of his son Ayu- balavarddhika,” but the derivation of the first word of the clause being p) 39 sa “with,” putra “a son,” and dara “ wife,” its meaning should be “with his son and wife” and the aywbalavarddhika, if a proper noun, should be the name of the wife and not of the son. It might be made to correspond with the next word bhratara, but cannot, in consonance with any rule of Indian Grammar, be made to jump over the wife (dérd) and correspond with the son (putra). I am disposed to take it for an invocation for the life (dyw) and health (bala lit. strength) of the satrap and his family. The only objection to this explanation is the fact of the phrase having no case-aflfix to indicate its connexion, but as such an expression in the Sanskrita would have taken the accusative case, and in the monumental Pali the mark of that case is often elided, the objection cannot be of any moment. The last word of the 4th line—pati patikasa, has been left untrans-* lated on aecount of a blot at its end. I think it may be derived from and infer there- from that the concluding word is a declaration in favour of some patti a “line of infantry,” and patika “ commander, distinguished general. Although unconnected with the inscription under notice, I avail myself of this opportunity to observe that General Cunningham’s conversion into dcharydndm of my reading of asanthandndm of the Wardak vase is apparently a very appropriate emendation, being in perfect keeping with the S/ravastf record lately discovered by him ; but unfortunately for it, it cannot be adopted without declaring one of the twos, so distinetly visible at the end of the word, to be a redundancy. My observations, I feel, are open to the objection that they are based upon too strict an adherence to the rules of Sanskrita grammar, and cannot therefore be appropriately applicable to the language of the Indo-Bactrians who must have used a mixed tongue, partly Indian and partly Bactrian. But inasmuch as a mixed language implies a mixture of words from different sources in one language, and not the formation of a new language by a combination of the formal elements of different tongues, which is unknown in history, no exception should be taken on the score of my having availed myself of the standard of 1863. | Note on the Taxila Inscription. 157 the Sanskrita for my guide. As far as I am able to judge from the meagre evidence at my command, the grammar of the Arian inscrip- tions is unquestionably of Sanskrita origin. Its declensions correspond with the Pali of the Cinghalese on the one hand and the Sanskrita on the other, and closely resemble the Pali of the As/oka records, of which most probably itis a dialectic variety. Like the Pali of As/oka, it has no case-aflix for the nominative. The accusative in either is formed by an m or the omission of all case-mark just as we find it in thelater Prakrita. In the modern Indian yernaculars of Sanskrita origin it is frequently omitted. The instrumental has ena both in the As‘oka Pali and the Arian. In the Prakrita it changes into hinto. For the dative we have in both the dialects the same affix e or ye. The ablative has not yet been met with in the Arian. The genitive sa for the Sanskrita sya is common to the Arian, the Pali, and the Prakrita, while the e of the Sanskrita locative is almost universal in the Arian vernaculars of India both ancient and modern. In As’‘oka’s Kapur di Giri monument it is represented by sz, and in the Pali and the Prakrita by mhz. Only a limited number of conjugational affixes have as yet been discovered in the Bactrian inscriptions, but they all assimilate to the Sanskrita more closely than to the Pali of the Cinghalese. The ¢2 in paridharatt and viharati of the Taxila and the Rawal Pindi records and the fw in bhavatu of the Wardak vase, are so identically Sanskrita, that if we had no other evidence to ascertain the relationship of the Bactro-Pali to the ancient classics of India, they would have sutfticed to settle it with unquestionable certainty. Dr. Max Miller, talking of the English, says, “The single s, used as the exponent of the third person singular of the indicative present, is irrefragable evidence that in a scientific classification of languages, English, though it did not retain a single word of Saxon origin, would have to be classed as Saxon, and as a branch of the great Teutonic stem of the Arian family of speech.” And if this argument in favour of grammar being the only criterion of the relationship and classification of languages be true, how strongly must it apply to the Bactro-Pali which, besides its grammar, has nearly the whole stock ofits vocables taken from the Sanskrita? I say “nearly” to provide against the possibility of an erratic foreign element occasionally turning up, but as far as my knowledge of those records which have been already translated, is x 2 158 Note on the Taxila Inseription. [No. 2, concerned, I may with perfect safety use. the more positive wholly All the words of common life such as father, mother, brother, sister, husband and wife are identically the same in Sanskrita and the Bactro-Pali. The terms for superior, king, governor, master, servant, town, country, mountain and river, in the latter are all taken from the former; and the adjectives, pronouns and verbs, though occasionally altered and rounded by the attrition of use or the laws of phonetic decay, still retain enough of their pristine form to indicate most unmistakably thei affiliation to the Sanskrita. Mr. EB. C. Bayley, in his remarks on my note on the Rawal Pindi inscription, has taken exception to the word A/ahi Saehya which I assumed to be de- rived from the Sanskrita Mahé Sachiva “the great minister,’ and to two other words. But, admitting for the sake of argument, that they are unSanskritic, the fact will amount to this that there are three foreign nouns in a Sanskritic composition, which can no more affect its character than the scores of Bengah or the thousands of Latin in the English, affect its Teutonie origm. The same may be said of proper names, a great many of which could not but be foreign in a record put up by foreigners in India. The grammar is unquestion- ably Sanskritie, and that being the blood and soul of the language, it is but reasonable and fair that, in deeyphering records in that lan- guage, half effaced on mouldering monuments, and written in characters whose powers are not yet fully known, and several of which may be mistaken for half a dozen different letters, the enquirer should seek in the Sanskrita for a key. Tt isno doubt remarkable that the language of the Bactrian inscrip- tions, put up by conquerors in a foreign land, should retain the purity of the native dialect, and be altogether free from the admixture of vocables imported from the speech of the dominant race. Itis, indeed, but natural to suppose that those who introduced their alphabet amongst their subject nation should likewise introduce their lan- guage ; and the contrary is a matter of surprise. But the difficulty vanishes when it is borne in mind that the inscriptions under notice were monumental records,and care was therefore taken to compose them in the purest of vernaculars, and that the Bactrians at the time had not had sufficient opportunity to infuse their language into the current speech of the country. Mr. Bayley is of opinion “that a foreign element was strong in the trans-Jhelum districts” between the 3rd century before,and the 2nd 1863. | Note on the Taxila Inscription. 159 century after, Christ; that this “may be guessed from the familiar names of men and places which are certainly for the most part any thing but Pali or Hindee ;” and “ that the language of their common use must be primd facie.expected to partake of a similar character.” This argument has led him to the inference that the language of As/oka’s edicts is a “quasi religious” or “sacred dialect” and not the current vernacular of his dominions. The first of these two positions may be readily admitted as possible or even probable, but the latter does not seem to be at all connected or dependent upon the other. What we have to deal with is the dialect as we have it before us, and not what it should be. Now a careful examination of the -language of the As/oka edicts, clearly shews that it is a stage in the progress or growth of the Sanskrita in its onward course from the Vedic period to the vernaculars of our day, produced by a natural process of phonetic decay and dialectic regeneration, which can never be possible except in the case of a spoken dialect. Professor Max Miiller, adverting to these changes, justly says, they “take place gradually but surely, and what is more important, they are completely beyond the reach or controul of the free will of man.” No more could As/oka and his monks devise them for religious purposes, than change the direction of the monsoons or retard the progress of the tides. It is said that Marcellus, the grammarian, once addressed the emperor Tiberius when he had made a mistake, saying, “ Cesar, thou canst give the Roman citizenship to man, but not to words ;’* and mutatis mutandis the remark applies with just as much force to As/oka as to Tiberius. There can be no doubt that As’oka was one of the mightiest sovereigns of India. His sway extended from Dhauli on the sea board of Orissa to Kapur di Giri in Afghanistan, and from Bakra in the north-east to Junagar in Guzerat. His clergy and missionaries numbered by millions ; they had penetrated the farthest limits of Hindustan proper, and had most probably gone as far as Bamian on the borders of the Persian empire. Religious enthusiasm was at its height in his days, and he was the greatest enthusiast in the cause of the religion of his adop- tion. He devised his edicts to promote that religion, had them written in the same words for all parts of his kingdom, and used exactly the same form every where; but with all his imperial power and influence he could not touch a single syllable of the grammar which prevailed * Apud Max Miiller, Science of Langnage, p. 37. _ 160 On Ancient Sanskrit Numerals. [No. 2, in the different parts of his dominions. In the North West the three sibilants, the 7 above and below compound consonants, the neglect of the long and short vowels, and other dialectic peculiarities, rode rough-shod over the original as devised by him and his ministers and apostles in his palace, and recorded in Allahabad and Delhi; while at Dhauli nothing has been able to prevent the letter 7 entirely super- seding the letter 7 of the edicts. Had the language under notice been, as supposed by Mr. Bayley, a “ quasi religious” or a “sacred dialect,” it would have been found identically the same in all parts of India, for the characters used in the Delhi, Allahabad, Dhauli and Junagar records are the same, and if uniformity had been sought, it could have been most easily secured. But popularity was evidently what was most - desiderated, and therefore concessions were freely made in favour of the vernaculars of the different provinces at the expense of uniformity. Unless this be admitted, it would be impossible to explain why the word RLajdé of Delhi, written in the same characters, should in Cuttack change into Ldjd. Had the language been a sacred one intended for the clergy only, no such concession would ever have been required. The Sanskrita of the Brahmanic priesthood is alike everywhere, and so is the Latin of the Roman Catholic clergy. It is the people whom As/oka wished to address, and accordingly adapted his lan- guage to the capacity and the idiom of his hearers. The differences which have resulted from this concession to the genius loci of lan- guage have been pointed out at some length by Prinsep ;* and they have confirmed the opinion of Wilson,t Thomas,t Lassen§ and others that the Pali of the edicts was the vernacular of India at the time of As’oka, and that the peculiarities under notice are the dialectic differences of the different provinces where they occur. By that vernacular it is of course meant to be the language of writing and of the higher or- ders of the gentry, and in the same sense in which the language of the Parliamentary speeches and of the leaders of the Times news- paper would be called the vernacular of England. The common people no doubt spoke dialects of very different degrees of purity in much the same way as we notice dialectic differences in almost the different streets of London from the back slums of St. Giles to Belgravia. All who could read and write could understand the * Ante VII. p. 220 et 279. + Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, XII. p. 236. { Thomas’s Prinsep, II. p. 44. § Essai sur le Pali, p. 15, et Institutiones Lingus Prakritice, p. 60, 1863. | On Ancient Sanskrit Numerals. 161 language of the edicts, and those who heard it read out could likewise understand it, and that is all that is intended to be said in regard to its vernacularity. Philologically considered the language of the edicts is intermediate between the Sanskrita on the one side and the Prakrita on the other. lassen says, “que le Prakrit altére plus le Sanskrit que ne le fait le Pali, et qu’il offre en quelque sorte, le second dégré d’alteration, comme le Palien est le premier et le plus immédiat.” And inasmuch as the Bactro-Pali bears the closest resemblance to it with a leaning to- wards the Sanskrita, we cannot but assign to it a Sanskritic affiliation, and in decyphering it therefore the safest guide appears to us to be the Sanskrita. Hence it is that the more we assimilate it with Sanskrita, the more readily does it become intelligible, while all attempts to decypher it on the hypothesis of its being a mixed language, have hitherto proved completely fruitless. —~ On Ancient Sanskrit Numerals—By Dr. Buav Dast, of Bombay. Some time ago I read before the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society a paper on ancient Sanskrit numerals, which will, I believe, appear in that Society’s Journal in a year or two. As I think the discovery of the correct value of the numerical symbols is important, perhaps this brief abstract will be deemed worthy of publi- cation in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. In deciphering the inscriptions in the caves of western India, espe- cially those at Nassick, I found many numerical symbols the value of which was at the same time given in words. And as many of them are repeated sometimes in the same series of inscriptions, some- times in others, without presenting any difference, there cannot possi- bly be a doubt of the correctness of the following results. The sym- bol for one hundred is 4 that for two hundred is represented by one side spur stroke added to the former > that for three hundred is re- presented by two side spur strokes a . The symbol for four hund- red has not been found. Strange to say the symbol for 500 is not 4 placed after the symbol for 100, but the number 5 itself joined, 162 On Ancient Sanskrit Numerals. [No. 2, The symbol for 1,000 resembles the Marathi figure for one ; the addi- tion of one side spur stroke doubles its value, and of two side spur strokes trebles it as in the case of the hundreds. Four thousand are represented by the figure 4 being joined to the symbol for one thou- sand ; and the figure 8 is joined to represent eight thousand. There is a symbol apparently for 5,000, the spelling of which is indistinct. The following are most of the numerical symbols with their spelling in words. Nassick cave No. 23 of Mr. Brett's plan.* Line 3rd ‘T Walfad 22 two hundred (200.) 39 99 j » 6th. ox 9 PARC G in the 18th year. Oth ") Ba Yee one hundred. ¥ ‘Uith Bt} Hagr ey in the 24th year. » 12th «© fea Xe on the 10th day. ” 9 F wagrtg v in the 4th year. e 3 op i" faqs gaa ¥ on the 5th day. Ps) | TS? in the (?) demilunation. Cave No. 16. In a newly discovered inscription regarding the Abhir dynasty. 97 99 Line 10th 4 = %» two (2.) 43 » W227 MITWETE! (?) thousands of Karshapanas (?). ‘guendeban ah Watia Te Be five hundred (500.) Cave No. 8. Inscription by the wife of the Commander-in-Chief Yudnashri Sdtakarni. * Journal, Bombay Br. As. Soc., Vol. V. 1863.] Line Ist 9) 7 9) 99 a ana. 9 bP) “5 GIR! 99 bP) » 4th te 99 9) bP} » oth On Ancient Sanskrit Numerais. 163 ‘ WaRt Baa in the year seven (7.) => qaaqaly 2 in the demilunation three. Cave No. 16. a) = 4H 8k or € in the year forty-two (42) or ninety- two (92.) if Vali Fi f@Roeoe three thousand (3000.) F ee? 2000 (no spelling in words.) NE azar faq eee Karshapanas two thousand (2000.) 4 Yee 1000 (no spelling in words.) 4 gual fa qe ceo Nandigur currency, eight thousand (8000). U, aq 8° or ¢2 in the year forty (40) ? or ninety (90). oe fh aa gy forty-five (45.) 4 - five (?) thousand (?) Karshapanas. Last line which has been extended under another inscription for want of space * * * * Karshapanas four thousand (4000). Line Ist : Line 2nd ” 2? Cave No. 23. In another inscription of Gotamiputra. JE FaRtAFaAAG in the nineteenth year (19). x= wafaaia in the second demilunation. v( = f<98 FTTH AR on the thirteenth (13) day. In another inscription below. 4 3 a4 te Suva (Sumvatsun) or year nineteen (19). = faq 2 Gi. Pa. two (2) Ge. Gimha Pakheh) in the second demilunation in the summer season. YX 164 On Ancient Sanskrit Numerals. [No. 2, pu = fea ve diva thirteen (18) (@. e. on the thirteenth day.) Line 3rd [fee diva seven (7) z. e. on the seventh day. 9? 2 Cave No. 24. Line Ist 3aRt ez ¢ in the sixth (6) year. Karlen Cave. Tn an inscription of the mendicant Harapharan the son of Sata- pharan. Line Ist BD aatat xu in the year twenty-four. ,» in the 8rd demilunation. », on the second day. In Somadeva’s inscription. Line 1st in the 7th year. in the 6th demilunation. In Padamavi’s inscription. Line Ist in the 5th demilunation. 2nd on the Ist day. In a Chaitya cave at Junner on the Bhima Shunker hill, at its mid- dle, the following numbers are to be found. Line 2nd, 15 (no spelling.) 4th, 1: 410 (?) [the symbol Zo resembles somewhat the let- ter & in the Vallabhi copper plates. ] In cave No. 1 in the inscription of an officer of Ushavaddt. Line 4th Ag in the year 46 (?) Kanheri cave, No. 30. Line 9th, two hundred (200.) Cave No. Line Ist, in the year seven hundred and ninety-nine (799). In the Junnagur inscription of Rudradama. Ling 4th, in the year of Rudradama, seventy-two (72). In the Vallabhi plates. OF & sf =s01 J: ‘V & =375. a 6 —=845 (395). 3) 99 99 23 3) 9) — 1863.] On Ancient Sanskrit Numerals. 165 “F CA. =s80, & fi UL _310, nm |. —349, J Eval] ss 5 6 tee G@a9) Bhilsa inscription, No. 7.* i) = BI Inscription 2nd. j Ca) f Sus Rg A very old inscription in the cave character at the top of the Na- nah ghat near Junnara contains a great number of numerals, but their value is not given in words. It records gifts of cows (or per- haps their value in coins) horses, elephants, carts, sapakas (a parti- cular coin) and perhaps clothes. There is one numerical symbol in it which I cannot at present exactly make out. The gifts were made at a great variety of Yadngas or Vedic sacrifices and a study of these will, I trust, enable me to discover their true value. A correct decipherment of the inscriptions having enabled me to ascertain the true value of the various numerical symbols, it struck me that there would now be no difficulty in reading the exact dates on the Sah coins of Surdshtra; on looking at these, it appeared that both Mr. Prinsep and Mr. Thomas had read the first numerical sym- bol in the place of hundreds as if it did not vary in any of the coins; but it was clear to me that in some, the symbol was the plain one for 100, and in others for 200, accordingly a correct reading of those dates would, I thought, enable a Numismatist to arrange the Sah dynasty in chronological order; I therefore repaired to our learned Vice-President, the Honorable Mr. Newton, whose acquaintance with the Sah coins is minute and accurate, and would not be surpassed. In going over the large and beautiful collection of coins in his cabi- net, the arrangement according to the dates as I now read them, agreed in a most remarkable manner with that which Mr. Newton had already drawn up from a most careful study of the coins for several years. I therefore left the subject of the Sah coins, their * Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. VI. p. 454. Wee 166 On Ancient Sanskrit Numerals. [No. 2, date and arrangement in the able hands of Mr. Newton who will no doubt furnish a luminous paper on the subject. I have placed about three hundred Séh coins of my own collection at his service and have now only to offer a few remarks on the era in which I think the Sah coins are dated. In former papers read before the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, I have attempted to identify the Padamavi of the inscriptions with the Siripulomdyi of Ptolemy; and Swami Chastana, the grandfather of Rudradama, with Tiastenes, king of Ujjayini, noticed by the same geographer. I placed Rudradamaé at the end of the second century of the Christian era, and as we have got a coin of his son bearing date, apparently 104 a, a and some of his grandson’s bearing date 1077) the only era which would place Rudradéma’s son at the end of the second century is that of Salivahana or Sakanripakéla, which commences 78 years after Christ. The Nasick inscriptions in particular, show that the Satrap Nahaptna who preceded Padamavi, and Ushavadata, who is called a Saka, adopted an era, which counted in their time under 100 (either 42 or 92). Iam therefore inclined to look upon it as the era of Kshaha- rata or Phrahates, one of the Arsacide, whose satraps they were. The Sahs are also Satraps; the type of their coins is that of the Arsacide and not that of the Bactrian Greek kings. The very ex- pressions S’akanripa or Saka-king which all the old copper-plates and manuscripts have, indicates a S’aka or Scythian king. The S’a- kanripakala is observed over a great part of India, in Burmah, Java and Bali; in fact in those countries to which Buddhism was carried from India at the commencement of the Christian era; and corre- sponding to the spread of the Sakas or Scythians over this peninsula. It is not likely, therefore, that the era prevalent over so large a por- tion of the globe was derived from the exploits of a humble prince Salivahana, whose capital was Paithan on the Godaveri, as is com- monly supposed. Indeed the word Salivahana does not occur in any ancient records or manuscripts. A Salavahana dynasty appears to have reigned at Paithan about the time that the Scythian Satraps ruled over Guzerat, a portion of the Dekhan and the Konkan; and the utmost that can be granted is, that the Hindus of modern times have preferred calling the era of the great Saka-king by the name of 1863. ] Literary Intelligence, Se. 167 a contemporary Hindu prince at Paithan. I now begin to entertain serious doubts about the Vikramaditya era also. I believe that era too was introduced by the Buddhists or rather the Jainas, and that it corresponds to the victory obtained by Mithridates over the Ro- man general Crassus, 53 years before Christ. When we remember that there is a difference of four years between the Christian era and the birth of Christ, we can easily understand the Vikramaditya era being dated 57 years before Christ; but I hope to return to this subject at length on another occasion. ee ees Livernary INTELLIGENCE, CORRESPONDENCE, &e. Dr. Sprenger writes to Mr. Grote from Paris, March 24th. “T frequently had heard complaints that there was little doing at Paris in oriental literature. As far as the study of Arabic and Persian is concerned [I would not say that they are just. On the contrary I find that the pursuits of the new generation of orientalists have taken a new and better turn. Instead of dwelling on grammati- eal subtleties and illustrating notes by notes, they enter into the subject. Without underrating the merits of oriental authors, they are not blind to their faults and endeavour to give us an idea of the con- dition of the east in bye-gone ages, considering language as a means to attain this object. To this school belongs the grandson of a man who was of a very different turn of mind—de Sacy. It is impossible to overrate the beneficial influence of M. Mohl, he is au fait on every topic, indefatigable, frank and ready to assist each and every one in his studies. To his endeavours the ‘ Collection d’ouvrages orientaux’ is due, the plan and execution of which leaves nothing to desire. M. Schafer who has spent the greater part of his life in diplomatic service at Constantinople and Teheran, and who has visited Yaman, has col- lected a number of MSS. of the existence of which I had not an idea, as the 3,¢= of Ibn Kelby the leading work on the genealogy of Arabic tribes, the w,#J|3,35 42 the best book on the geography of Arabia, the Gly®J| Gl! of Baladzory which treats on the history of the noble families of the empire of the Khalifs from Mohammad to his time, including a biography of the prophet which I have found quoted no where except in the Icaba—so rare it was in the east ;—and three works on the ¢l;* or system of revenue, of which only one had been 168 Literary Intelligence, &e. [No. 2, known previous to his discoveries. In fact every book in his col- lection is a gem. It appears that Constantinople is after all the place where the best MSS. are to be found, and we must allow that Schafer was the man to select what is valuable. He is an excellent linguist and I hope he will find time to publish some of the materials which he has brought to Europe bearing on the history of eastern civilization, for this seems to have been the main object which he had in view in making his collection. You know Barbier de Maynard’s dictionaire Geogr., it is made on the sound plan on which Sir H. Rawlinson intended to translate Yaqut. He intends to give us an edition of Ibn Khordadba, having discovered a MS. at Constan- tinople. It is the basis of oriental geography and every word which Ibn Kh. says is drawn from official records and therefore valuable. Reinaud has shown me the first proof sheets of a work which will interest you—on the knowledge which the Romans had of the far Kast, particularly India and China. Wopke is advancing in his im- portant labour, and will besides soon present us an essay on the his- tory of the Arabic cyphers, which will exhaust the subject. Garcin de Tassy’s correct edition and elegant translation of the ‘ Mantic at Tair’ you have of course seen. He is the only and the fittest man to explain to us the system of the Qufies, and it is to be hoped he will continue in this useful career. You ask whether I am going on with Mogaddasy. I shall soon surprise you with a small treatise on geography containing the iti- neraries of oriental authors, illustrated with maps founded upon Byriny and the Atwal. It is intended to supply the place of good maps and enable travellers to find out the spot of ancient cities which exist no more. I believe I mentioned to you that the indefatigable Wiistenfeld is going to publish the large geographical dictionary of Yaqit. Though Yaqut was no more a geographer than Abulfeda, the book will be useful on account of the excellent extracts which it con- tains. I forgot to mention that Slane has nearly completed the se- cond volume of Ibn Khaldin. This book can only be compared with Montesquieu’s ‘ Esprit des lois,’ but it is more philosophical and better founded on facts, Slane was the only man able to translate so diffi- cult a work. M. Schafer read to me yesterday at breakfast the ad- vertisements of new books published in Constantinople. Among them is the Itq4n, I wonder whether they have reprinted our edition. 1863. | Literary Intelligence, &e. 169 I told Wopke that the advice of Babu Rajendralala Mitra would in many instances be of great use to him in identifying Sanskrit terms, and I hope he will apply to him, if he should need it. If you should not succeed in finding a sufficiently good copy of the Tabakati Nasiry, you might publish Cywly99 wrel. It is a poem which has been translated from the Pehlewy by Nitzamy ’Aridhy. There is a copy, I believe an unicum, in your Library. It was com- plete, but the book-binder finding it troublesome to mend the leaves has thrown away some. I should not mind this defect but publish it as itis. As far as I can judge, it is, after the Shahnama, the most im- portant work in Persian literature. As it contains a very great num- ber of obsolete words, care must be taken that it is not modernized by a native editor. The labour of editing is not great, there is only one copy, and consequently no MSS. have to be collated, and the original is beautifully written. All that is necessary is to compare earefully the proof-sheets with the original, you would therefore have little expense on this account. I talked to Mohl regarding the publication of Ramyn and Ways, and he agrees with me in recommending it as one of the most useful works.” Dr. Weber writes to Mr. Cowell, dated Berlin, April 9th. “T have to thank you for your edition of the Kaushitaki-Upanishad, and the Society for the continuation of the splendid series of the Bibliotheca Indica (Nos. 175—185, new series 14—80) and of its Journal (Nos. 1—4 of 1861 and of 1862). The difference of the texts of the Kaushitaki-Upanishad, and the curious state of its wording in several places, is a very interesting fact. Vindyaka in his commentary to Sankhay. (= Kaushitaki) br4hmana V. 5 quotes the first two chapters of the Aranyaka (which are closely followed in our MS., Chambers 6770 Ey the Upanishad) as the 31st and 82nd Ange aya of a brahmana : agqutet qafeanalsue- SISA BAG UAH Canaateteasiad weretafeta : the adas of the text certainly refers to the Somasya mahdvratam as a later part of the work. On the other hand Varadattasuta Anartiya in his commentary to the S/ankhay-S/rauta Stitra 18,15, 1 quotes them by the title Aranyaka: awmawaaae qaxcuwala aarecin Hata afau:. Both commentators quote several times a Mahd Kaushitaki brahmana. Anartiya tells us (at 14, 2, 8) that the 170 Literary Intelligence, Sc. -[No. 2, adhyayas 14—16 of the sutra, which bear the appearance more of a bréhmana than of a sutra, are an Anubrdhmanam, extracted by the Kalpakdra from the Mahékaushttaka, C4 TEAM AAAS RT AT- Zea AMARUBAAY. And Vinayaka adduces the same at sever- al passages as varying from the text which he comments. The deep- er looks we get into the literature of the brahmanas and the sitras, the clearer we see, that the apparent fixedness of their texts is but a secondary one, that we have in-them only the last stage of a long and multiform development. I am now in possession of a copy of two very good MSS. of the Taittirfya Sanhita (formerly in the possession of Hug. Burnouf) pada and sanhitdé, and I have in mind to give a transliteration of it in Latin type in the Indische Stud., in the same manner as Aufrecht’s Rik, but joint with the various readings from the Kathaka and the White-Yajurveda.—Vol. 8 of the Indische Stud., which is now in print already, is to contain two metric treatises of my pen, 1, die Vedischen Nachrichten tiber Metrik, 2, Pingala’s chhandah sutra with copious introduction and with additions from the Vrittaratnakara, &c. Professor Whitney has given in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, an edition of the Atharva Pratis’akhya, with notes (I have not yet seen it, but presume the best) and one of the next numbers will contain the Taittiriya Pratis’4khya, Professor Kern is about to set off for Benares: he takes with him his long and elabo- rate studies and collections for an edition of Varahamihira’s brihat- sanhita: he will no doubt find new materials in Benares, and your Bibliotheca Indica would be the right place for this most important publication. Professor Bihler (Elphinstone College, Bombay) has finished his essay on the As‘vins and is busy with an edition of Go- bhila’s grihya stitra with Narayana’s commentary. Mr. F. E. Hallis reprinting Wilson’s Vishnupurana with notes. The 3rd volume of the selected works of Professor Wilson, edited by Rost, and containing Wilson’s smaller essays on the Puranas, is to appear in the course of the summer. We have now got here through Trubner and Comp. London, good and comparatively cheap prints from Bombay, Mr. M. Bréalon, Paris, has given a very clear and Incid essay on ’ which is full of inter- comparative mythology, “ Hercule et Cacus,’ esting detail. The Petersburg Worterbuch goes on steadily; the last proof sheet reached to qatfe. Of Bohtlingk’s collection of. 1863. | Literary Intelligence, §¢. IVE “Spriche” the first volume (¥4-a@) is now ready. Dr. Friederich has left with us before he resailed for Batavia, a decipherment and translation of a curious inscription on a Manjus’ri statue.” Dr. Weber also writes to Babu Rajendra Lala Mitra. “ Your translation of the Chhandogya Upanishad and the introduc- tion to it deserve all praise: in the latter, however, there are some points in which I cannot quite agree with you. The four new Brahmanas of which you speak at pp. 15, 16, are nothing but the VIL. VI. I. and II. Kandas of the S‘atapatha Brahmana, as you will easily verify from my edition of it: the names hasti, usha, havyan and ekvai are corruptions for hastishat (or hastighata,) ukhdsambha- rana, haviryajno and ekapadiké. It is a pity, that you have not joined the text of the first two chapters of the Chhandogya Brah- mana, (pp. 17, 18,) to this your translation of the eight following adhydyas. Their context refers to the grihya ritual and its knowledge would be I guess of value for the understanding of the corresponding part of the gobhilagrihyasttra (see Indische Studien, V. 368 ff.). Professor Buhler (Elphinstone College, Bombay) is now busy with an edition of this sutra, and he would no doubt be very thankful to you for a communication of the text in question. We long very much for the conclusion of your valuable edition of the Lalita-Vis- tara and for the continuation of the fext of the Taittiriya Braéhmana, the third kanda being of much interest on account of its containing the enumeration of the victims at the as’wamedha and the purusha- medha sacrifices (compare Vaj. Samh. 24—30.) The only copy of it, which J knew till lately in Europe, is very corrupt: but they have in Paris, as I learned some time ago, a very excellent copy, formerly in the possession of Hug. Burnouf. Aufrecht’s edition of the Riksanhita in Latin type is now finish- ed, and will be hailed by all engaged in our studies with much fer- vour. He has also composed a complete Index of all the words con- tained in it, together with an indication of all the passages, where they occur. But as yet he is not decided when and where he will publish it. His catalogue of the Sanskrit MSS. of the Bodleian is finished in print, excepting the indexes: and these will be com- pleted he hopes in the course of this year. We shall have then before us a most excellent work, a real mine of literary intelligence not to be found any where else.” Z 172 Literary Intelligence, Sc. [ No. 2, Dr. Max Miller has been delivering a second course of Lectures on the Science of Language at the Royal Institution ; the following is the programme. Lecture I.—Saturday, February 21st. Introductory Lecture—On the Method of the Science of Language. Lucture I].—Saturday, February 28th. On Sound and Meaning. Lecture. I11.—Saturday, March 7th. On the Physiology of Articulate Sounds. Lecture 1V.—Saturday, March 14th. On the Causes of Phonetic Variation, Lecture V.—Saturday, March 2ist. On Grimm’s Law. Lecture VI.—Saturday, March 28th. The Principles of Etymology. Lucture VII.—Saturday, April 18th. The Principles of Etymology. Lecture VIII.—Saturday, April 25th. On the Powers of Roots. Lecture 1X.—Saturday, May 2nd. On Metaphors. Lucture X.—Saturday, May 9th. On Ancient Religion. Lucture XI.—Saturday, May 16th. On Ancient Mythology. Lecture XII.—Saturday, May 23rd. On Modern Mythology. POSTSCRIPT. We have just received the following emendation from General Cunningham of his reading of the inscription on the Peshawur vase, (vide supra). Nynee Tal, 4th June, 1863. This morning I have received a copy of the inscription from Mr. Lowenthal through the kindness of Colonel Maclagan. This copy shows an important difference in the reading of one letter, namely y for s, which gives at once a simple and intelligible meaning to the record. Instead of Asa thuva, the “ Asa Stupa,” the new reading gives aya thuva, “this Stupa.”—On a closer examination perhaps a dot will be found after the y, thus making the word ayam. PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, For Marcu, 1868. . OO The monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal was held on the 4th instant. Lieutenant-Colonel H. L. Thuillier, President, in the chair. The Proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Presentations were received— From Captain A. K. Comber, Debrooghur, a fine specimen of the head and horns of the Takin (Budorcas Taxicolor). 2. From Captain E. Smyth, Futtehgur, the skins of the follow- ing animals :— 2 Thibet Ravens. ce Owe Large Ovis Ammon (female). Young Ovis Ammon (male). Snow Leopard (the Ounce). Thibet Wolf. >» Hares. 3, From Mr. F. K. Dunbar, a specimen of the Red-tailed Tropic Bird (young) (Phaeton Gtherus). 4. From Babu Rajendra Mallika, a specimen of the Singapore DH eS ee fe Fruit Pigeon. 5. From Mons. Garcin de Tassy, a copy of his translation into French of a Persian work entitled Mantie Uttair of Farid Uddin Attar, 6. From Major J. Stevenson, Deputy Commissioner of Tavoy, the skull of a Dolphin, found at the mouth of the Tavoy river, and the skin of a Hog-fish. 7. From the Secretary Imperial Society of Cherbourg, through the French Consul at Calcutta, a copy of Vol. VIII. of the Memoirs of the Society. 174 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 2, 8. From Colonel C. 8. Guthrie, a bag prepared from the bark of the Jack-tree. The following gentlemen duly proposed at the last meeting were balloted for and elected ordinary members :— The Right Hon’ble Sir Charles Trevelyan, K. C. B.; the Hon’ble A. Eden, C. 8.; Babu Hurry Doss Dutt ; Captain G. Hunter Thomp- son, Staff Corps; and H. M. Rogers, Esq., C. 8. The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary mem- bers at the next meeting :— Major C. L. Showers, proposed by Mr. Grote and seconded by the President. Dr. H. Cleghorn, Conservator of Forests, Madras, proposed by Dr. Anderson, and seconded by Dr. Fayrer. Captain D. MacDonald, Revenue Survey Department, proposed by Major J. L. Sherwill, and seconded by the President. R.S. Hllis, Esq, C.8., C. B., proposed by Captain W. N. Lees, and seconded by the President. C. Robertson, Hsq., C. S., Banda, proposed by Mr. Bayley, and se- conded by Mr. Atkinson. John Stephenson, Esq. B. A., Educational Department, proposed by Mr. H. Woodrow, and seconded by the President. Dr. Gordon, C. B., Inspector General of H. M.’s Hospitals, propos- ed by Captain Lees, and seconded by the President. The Council reported that they had appointed Mr. E. C. Bayley a Vice-President and Mr. H. F. Blanford a member of their body vice Colonel Strachey, who had left Calcutta for the North-Western Pro- vinces. Communications were received— 1. From Mons. R. de Schlagintweit, a paper entitled Alphabetical list of the Hot Springs of India and High Asia. 2. From the Assistant Secretary to the Government of India, Fo- reign Department, extracts from a Report on the Dependency of Bus- tar, by Captain Glasfurd, Deputy Commissioner of the Upper Goda- very District, in the Central Provinces, containing an account of the architectural remains in that region, accompanied by copies of certain inscriptions referred to therein. 3. From the Under-Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department, copy of a communication from the Superintendent of 1863. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 175 Port Blair, giving an account of further intercourse with the natives. Mr. Bayley mentioned that intelligence had since been received, that the friendly intercourse here reported had been suddenly inter- rupted, and an unfortunate conflict had occurred in which a European sailor and a number of the Aborigines had been killed. _ 4, From Captain Montgomerie a letter on the subject of employ- ing properly trained natives to explore countries beyond the British frontier. The letter was read by Major Walker as follows :— Camp Ladak, July 28th, 1862. To THE SECRETARY OF THE Asiatic Socipty, CaLcuTta. Sir,—lI have now the honor to address you with reference to my proposal, for employing natives in the exploration of countries which are not as yet accessible to Huropeans. I think that for Central Asia, the Mahomedans from our North Western frontier are most likely to supply the best recruits. For Great Thibet and other countries, it may, from time to time, be found expedient to train a different class. The observations, &c. to be made by such natives should be as sim- ple as possible. The instrumental equipment should be compact and not include anything of a complex character. I should propose the following as the primary objects of their explorations. 1st. —The latitudes of important points. 2nd.—The heights of ditto. 3rd.—A rough route survey from point to point. 4th.—An aceount of each march and of each remarkable place vi- sited. For the above I think the following instruments would be sufficient, ve. >— Ist.—A sextant and artificial horizon or some instrument adapted for taking the altitude of the Polar Star, Sun, &c. 2nd.—A small boiling thermometer to determine the lreights of places. 8rd.—A pocket compass with clinometer. 4th.—A good chronometer watch. The above skilfully used, and the results honestly recorded, would at any rate give us an intelligible idea as to the whole of Eastern Tur- kistan. 176 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 2, Mahomedans of our North-Western frontier are constantly in the habit of crossing from Ladak into Yarkand, going from thence wid Kashgar, Kokan, Bokhara, and back by Kabul. The advent of such a party from Ladak would be taken as a matter of course and would excite no suspicion. If we only got the latitude and approximate height of Yarkand and the other cities of Eastern Turkistan, the result would be very valu- able as we are in doubt as to the latitude and height of that portion of Central Asia. As yet the height has been deduced solely from speculations derived from the products of the country, but the great difference between the climate of places in the same parallels of lati- tude in India and China renders the resulting heights vague. From the conjoint observations of the compass and watch checked by the latitudes &c., for the direction and time occupied on each march, I should hope that we would also gain a very fair idea as to the longitude of the various places. ‘The natives, moreover, could give us a general account of the country and of the nature of each march. The compass might also be provided with a clinometer so as to give a general idea of the slope of the roads. The great difficulty of the above scheme is of course, to obtain reliable natives capable of undertaking such journeys and with suffi- cient nerve to venture into such regions, and who can at the same time be taught to use the instrument efficiently and to record the results accurately. At present I know of but one man* fitted for such work and who would require a little training, but I do not think it would be very difficult to get one or two more from Peshawar or elsewhere, who might be trained to the work ina few months. After being trained, the party should first make some experiments in a country which we already know accurately, and as soon as the results prove equal to our expectations, arrangements should be made for an expedition into an unknown territory, and I should propose Kastern Turkistan for the first expedition. The Nakshabandi Fakir Kwajah Ahmed Shah, who lives in Kash- mir, is constantly in the habit of travelling in Hastern and Western Turkistan. He is, at the present moment, I understand, in Yarkand. * Mirza Sujjad, who was employed by Major Walker on the Peshawar Fron< tier Survey. 1863.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 177 His son, Gafur Khan, who accompanied him in 1852-53 from Kash- mir vid Ladak to Yarkand, Kashgar, Kokan and back by Kabul, is now in Kashmir; both father and son have, in their clerical character, considerable facilities in moving about Turkistan, where the mass of the population is Mahomedan, and where the Shah (the son) tells me they have a good many followers (mureed) of their own, and would consequently not be likely to be interrupted in their travels. I should propose that either the father or son should be asked to undertake the guidance of two trained native explorers, and I under- stand from the son that they would be willing to undertake such a charge. He said that he thought that there would be no danger to natives, who accompanied him into Turkistan. In order to carry out the above it would be necessary to be provided with funds for training the explorers. Say, first man on Rs. 80 and two apprentices on Rs. 20 each per mensem, to be increased when employ- ed in actual exploration to Rs. 100 and Rs. 30 respectively with tra velling allowance of say Rs. 10 and Rs. 5 besides, or in all Rs. 110 and Rs. 85 when exploring. The Syud in charge might be given an- other Rs. 100 per mensem or a present at the end according to the way in which the exploration was effected, guaranteeing him a minimum of Rs. 50 per mensem. Instruments might be provided in duplicate as far as the watch, thermometer and compass are concerned. It would take, say eight months to train the natives. The exploring party might leave Kash- mir on Ist May next. They would reach Yarkand early in July and might spend July, August, and part of September in exploring Eas- tern Turkistan and return to Kashmir by the beginning of November. They would be out for eight months in the expedition, the expense would hardly exceed Rs. 300 per mensem, even if the head explorer was accompanied by both the apprentices. Their work could be tested by Trigonometrical values right up to the Karakoram pass. The pay of the Syud and of the explorers would of course have to be separately arranged. I mention the sums above, simply in order to give the best idea I can as to the cost. The men should be trained at the Head Quarters of the Grand Trigonometrical Survey, or at the Head Quarters of one of the Great Trigonometrical Survey parties. Ifthe apprentice who accompanied the first explorer turned out 178 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 2, well, he might eventually be put at the head of a second party, and a third apprentice might be trained and explorations made in various other directions as required. After Turkistan, I should recommend exploration to the eastward of the Paukong Lake District, a third in the Lassa direction and so on, but in each case I should recommend that explorers be accompanied by some reliable man* who has been in the habit of visiting the countries in question. For instance I should think if an expedition is ever sent to Kokan, the Moola Abdul Majeed, who took the Governor-General’s letter last year, might be able to take care of the explorers. ‘ The exploration of all the country from Peshawar vid Kabul and the Sirikol Lake to Kokan would have been a capital commencement, as for more than half the distance we could have tested the explorers’ work by Lieutenant Wood’s route to Sirikol. With a small number of trained explorers available, the Asiatic Society would be justified in asking the Government of India to allow them always to send one or more native explorers with such expeditions as the last to Kokan whenever it was considered safe and expedient to do so. Recommending the subject to the consideration of the Council of the Society, I have, &c., (Sd.) T. G. Monrcomeniz, Capt. Engrs. 1st Asst. G. T. Survey of India, in charge, Kashmir Series. Major Walker expressed a strong opinion in favour of the plan suggested, and entered into various details as to the best mode of pro- ceeding in case the scheme met the approval of Government, as well as to the time necessary for training natives for such duties. He re- marked that the positions of certain places not far from our northern frontier, were uncertain to a very considerable amount of longitude, and that it would be easy to check the large differences now existing in the values of some places of note, as recorded by different autho- rities, if Captain Montgomerie’s plan was carried out, and the native explorers were trained and instructed and their observations and routes checked properly, as he would take care they should be. * Mahomed Amin who accompained Herr Adolphe Schlagintweit and his brothers, would be an excellent man for ail parts of Turkistan. He knows the country thoroughly and moves through it at his pleasure, 1863.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 179 The President remarked that the question was one of considerable interest and importance to the Society ; it had been submitted for the approval of the Government with the warm support of the Survey Department, but no orders had yet been received. He trusted that the Society would co-operate and add the weight of their influence in inducing the Government to contribute the small means necessary to carry out the measure. When they referred to the new map of Cen- tral Asia lately constructed under the direction of Major Walker, and published in the Surveyor General’s office here, and observed the comparatively short distance between the British and the Russian frontier, the growing importance of a better geographical knowledge of the intervening countries would be apparent. It was a most re- markable fact that up to the present time, our geographical explora- tions beyond the British Frontier in almost every direction round Hindustan, were lamentably limited; this was specially the case on the North-East frontier round Assam, and the valley of the Brahma- pootra river, owing to the persevering hostility of the hill tribes against all Europeans. The employment of qualified natives of India, there- fore, appeared to present almost the only means, at present likely to be of any avail, and he, therefore, looked hopefully for much good to arise from the present movement. 5. From Baboo Gopinauth Sein, abstracts of the results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office in December last. 6. From the Under-Secretary to the Government of India, in the Public Works Department, a copy of Major General Cunningham’s diary as Archxological Surveyor to the Government of India, for the month of December, 1862. Extracts from Major General Cunningham’s abstract printed report of his proceedings as Archeological Surveyor to Government of 1861- 62 were read and commented upon by Mr. Bayley. The President stated that the proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to Government were of the first importance to the Society, and looking to the interesting contents of the two printed abstract reports which were only intended as mere diaries to satisfy the Government as to the progress made, the ultimate value of Major General Cunningham’s researches might be inferred. Doubtless when his work was matured and published, it would prove a most valuable 2A 180 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 2 ? record of their Society. It was obvious that the history of the ancient remains scattered over this Presidency could not be in better hands. He proposed that the special thanks of the meeting be conveyed to the Government for communicating these reports, accompanied by an intimation of the very high value which the Society places on Major General Cunningham’s researches. The President announced that on the application of the Director of Public Instruction, the Council had granted the use of the meeting- room for a course of geological lectures to be delivered by Mr. H. F. Blanford, and had also permitted the use of such rock specimens and fossils from the Society’s collections as might be required to illustrate the lectures. For Aprin, 1863. The monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal was held on the 1st instant. Lieutenant-Colonel H. L. Thuillier, President, in the chair. The proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Presentations were received— 1. From Major J. T. Walker, a set of photographs of views in Kashmir, prepared by Captain Melville. 2. From Captain Melville, a set of photographs, illustrating the hill tribes on the Peshawur frontier. 3. From the Assistant General Superintendent, North-Western Provinces and Oudh, a parcel containing Dhatoora Stramonium in its different forms, as used by the poisoners of Upper India. 4, From A. Grote, Esq., a copy of the first annual report of the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria. 5. From the same, a centipede (Scolopendra morsitans). 6. From the Assistant Secretary, Government of India, a copy of the Surveyor General’s Report for 1858-59, 1859-60, 1860-61. 7. From Major C. L. Showers, a copy of his letter to Thomas Bazley, Esq., M. P., on the cotton question. 8. From Mr. N. S, Maskelyne, a copy of his paper on the fall of Indian Aerolites, published in the JERE No. of the London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine. 9. From the Vienna Museum, through Mr, Oldham, a box of meteorites. 1863. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 181 10. From the British Museum, through Mr. N. 8. Maskelyne, a small collection of meteoric stones and irons, and a fine series of models of aerolites which have fallen in India. Mr. Oldham thought the fact of these beautiful casts of Indian aerolites being on the table, rendered this a desirable opportunity for the Society to take cognizance of the hearty co-operation and aid they had received from Mr. Maskelyne, the chief of the Mineral Department of the British Museum. He presumed that a formal acknowledgement would as a matter of course be sent to the Trustees of the British Museum for the specimens sent in acknowledgement of the valuable series which the Society had sent to London. But he thought the Society would fail in its duty, if it did not also acknowledge the obligations it was under to Mr. Maskelyne for the zealous and hearty care he had devoted to the examination and preparation of the specimens. It would be in the recollection of the Society that some time back, they had sent to the Vienna Imperial Mineral Cabinet some speci- mens of aerolites, duplicates of their collection, and that subsequently they had sent to the British Museum all their meteorites to be cute and portions retained in the National collection. They were now in possession of the specimens sent by both those Institutions, in return for the Indian series. The first collection forwarded from Vienna was unfortunately lost by the wreck of the ship in which it had been despatched. To replace this a second had been made, which, although necessarily not quite so valuable as that first sent, was still an excellent series. It contained eight varieties of meteoric stones, and ten of meteoric irons. The series selected by Mr. Maskelyne of the British Museum eontained fifteen varieties of stone meteorites, and nine of irons. The two together made a total of 23 varieties of stones and 19 of irons. But in these two series there were duplicates of eight falls, so that deducting those, the Society now possessed in addition to its own original series of the Indian meteorites, and to the very beauti- ful casts of other Indian stones now on the table, good typical specimens of twenty meteoric stones and 14 of meteoric irons. He might add that the Geological Museum possessed about 45 different varieties of meteorites, so that the Caleutta collections, if aggregated, contained about 95 good specimens of meteorites. This 2a 2 182 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 2, 1 would place the series among the best of second class collections of such objects. He had the pleasure of more than once going over all these speci- mens with Mr. Maskelyne last year, during a brief visit to London, and he could testify to the zeal with which their wishes had been carried out. He therefore proposed that the thanks of the Society be tendered to Mr. N.S. Maskelyne for the care and skill he had devoted to the examination and preparation of the specimens of meteorites for the Society’s Cabinet. The motion was seconded and carried unanimously. 11. From Col. C. S. Guthrie, four MSS. in Persian. Mr. Cowell remarked that these MSS. were a valuable acquisition to the Society. They were— 1.—A _ well-written copy of the Kashful-Mahjib, a work on Sufi philosophy. 2.——The Diwdn-i- Haider, a very rare MS., but unhappily damaged by the corrosive character of the ink employed by the copier. There was no copy of the work in the Society’s library, but in Dr. Sprenger’s catalogue, mention is made of a Diwdn by Haider of Herat, which corresponds to the present volume. 3.—Diwdn-i-Sdib. 4.—Ruk at-i-’ Alamgirt, a volume of the letters of the Emperor Aurangzib. There were three collections of the Kmperor's letters, of which one had been printed (Kalamdt-i-Taibat). This was a different collection, and did not seem to be in the Society’s collection. On the motion of the President, the thanks of the meeting were voted to Colonel Guthrie, who was present. A letter from Mr. H. Braddon, intimating his desire to withdraw from the Society, was recorded. The nominations of Mr. HE. C. Bayley to be a Vice-President, and of Mr. H. F. Blanford to be a member of the Council, vice Colonel R. Strachey, were confirmed. The Council reported that they had appointed the Hon’ble H. S, Maine, a member of their body in the place of the Hon’ble C. J- Erskine, who had left Calcutta. The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the last meeting, were balloted for and elected ordinary members :— 1863. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 183 Major C. L. Showers; Dr. H. Cleghorn; Capt. D. MacDonald ; How’ble R. S. Ellis, c. s., c. B.; C. Robertson, Hsq., c. 8.; John Stephenson, Hsq., B. a., and Dr. G. Gordon, c. B. The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary members at the next meeting :— Lieut. H. R. Thuillier, Royal Engineers, first assistant G. T. Survey, proposed by the President and seconded by Lieut.-Col. Gastrell. H. D. Robertson, Esq., c. s., Saharunpore, proposed by Mr. Grote and seconded by Mr. Atkiuson. P. W. Wall, Hsq., c. E., F. G.8., proposed by Mr. Schiller and seconded by Mr. H. FI. Blanford. W. H. Stevens, Esq., proposed by Lieut.-Col. Gastrell and seconded by Mr. Leonard. Dr. J. Tyler, proposed by Dr. Fayrer and seconded by Mr. Atkinson. Hon’ble EH. P. Levinge, proposed by Mr. Grote and seconded by the President. W. Edgar, Esq. B. ©. 8., proposed by Mr. Blanford and seconded by the President. The Secretary announced that the Catalogue of Mammalia was now ready for issue, price Rs. 2. Communications were received— 1. From the Secretary to the Government of India, Public Works Department, forwarding a memorandum by Major General Cunning- ham containing proposals for carrying on excavations at certain localities examined by him during the last year, and informing the Society that His Excellency the Governor-General in Council had authorized the Governments of Bengal and the North-Western Pro- vinees to carry these proposals into effect. Mr. Bayley read extracts from Major General Cunningham’s © memorandum, and made some remarks on the subject of his proposals. 2. From Babu Gopinath Sein, an abstract of the result of the hourly meteorological observations taken at the Surveyor General’s office, in January last. Dr. Anderson read extracts from a paper by Dr. Stewart on the Peshawar valley, having special reference to its flora. Mr, Oldham moved that the paper be referred to the Committee 184 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 2, of papers, to be considered with a view to publication; Dr. Fayrer seconded the motion. The motion was opposed as an unnecessary interference with the discretion of the Council. It was explained that the paper had already been dealt with by the Council in the usual way and that it would be published in due course. The motion had reference to a difference of opinion that had arisen in the Council as to the mode in which supervision should be exercised over the Journal, a minority being of opinion that no paper should be published without a distinct vote of the Council on a report from the Committee of papers. The Council having agreed that their present practice fulfilled all the requirements of the rules and insured all the necessary supervision over the editorial management of the Journal, it was contended that their decision should be accepted until it was formally overruled upon a motion regularly made after due notice given. After a length- ened discussion, the following amendment was finally carried on the motion of Mr. Grote :— i That the present practice of editing the Journal is in harmony with the Society’s rules, as explained in the following note, and that it is expedient to adhere to it. Nory.—Editing our Journal is one of the specific duties imposed on our Secretaries by Rule 88, and Rule 99, which declares the Journal to be ‘ under the superintendence of the Council,’ does not, as I read it, claim for the latter any greater power of interference than Rule 74 which entrusts to it the ‘direction, management and execu- tion of the Society’s concerns.’ The Secretary Editor does not contend for an authority above that of his colleagues in Council, all have the same access to the papers laid before the Society and the voice of one member of the Council has no more weight than that of another. But for greater convenience the Council have, under Rule 77, appointed a Sub-Committee of papers to assist and advise with the Secretaries in their duty of editing the Journal. This Sub- Committee under Rules 79 and 81, is entirely under control of the Council, whose general power of superintendence under Rule 99 is thus effectually guarded. The Librarian submitted his monthly report. 1863.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 185 LIBRARY. The following are the accessions to the Library since the meeting held in February last. Presented. Annals of Indian Administration Vol. VI. Part 4.—By tur Brnean GOVERNMENT. Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde, Zesde Deel, Nos. 1 and 2. —By THE Batavian AcADEMY. The Calcutta Christian Observer for Feb. and March.—By THE Ep1itor. The Principles of Historical Evidence being a Lecture delivered at a meeting of the Bethune Society by Mr. E. B. Cowell—By tHE AuTHor. Essai Statistique Generale de la Belgique-—By tur Rev. J. Lone. Foullke’s Elements of the Saiva Philosophy translated from the Tamil.— By THE TRANSLATOR. Garcin de Tassy’s Mantic Uttair ou Le Langage des Oiseaux—Traduit du Persan De Farid Uddin Attar.—By THE TRANSLATOR. The General Report on Public Instruction in the Lower Provinces of the Bengal Presidency for 1861-62 with appendixes.—By tHE DirEcTOR oF Pustic Instruction. Educational Map of Bengal 1861-62 with Index.—By THE Samp, Heera or the Hindoo Widow, a didactic poem by P. C. L. M. Duplessis. —By tHE AvuTHor. Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. XXV. Part 4, for De- cember 1862.—By THE Society. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. I. Nos. 1 to 3, and Vol. II. No. 10.—By tHE BomBay Soctgry. Journal Asiatique, Vol. XX. No. 78.—By THE Paris SocirEty. The Journal of the Chemical Society, Vol. XV. Nos. 10 to 12.—By tHE Society. Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical record No. 4, New Series.—By THE HDITORS. Kavyanirnaya or a treatise on Rhetorical composition in Bengali by Lal Mohun Bhattacharjea.—By Mr. HE. B. Cow2tt. Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, Part 1—By tux Dirzctor oF Pusiic InstRvc- TION. Mineralogical notes and the fall of Indian erolites, by Professor N. 8. ‘Maskelyne and Dr. Viktor Von Lang of the British Museum.—By Mr. N. S. MaskELYNE. Map of Central Asia compiled by Major J. T. Walker—By tay Sur- VEYOR GENERAL or Inpra. Map of the countries of the Mahsood Wuzeeries.—By THE Same. 186 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 2, Memoires de la Sociéte Impériale des Sciences Naturelles de Cherbourg Vol. VIII.—By THE Society. The Oriental Baptist Vol. XVI. Nos. 191, 192, and Vol. XVII. Nos. 193 and 194.—By THe Eprtor. The Oriental Christian Spectator for December 1862.—By THE EpiTor. Report of the British Indian Association for December 1862 and January 1863.—By THE AssocraTION. Report on the Land Revenue Administration of the Lower Provinces for 1861-62.—By THE BrncaL GOVERNMENT. The Twenty-Second Report of the Proceedings of the Calcutta School - Book Society, with an appendix.—By Basu Rasenpra Lat Mirra. Vyakarana Pravesh qieaq Atqt, by Babu Rajendra Lal Mitra.—By THE AUTHOR. Report on the Trade and resources of the countries on the North Western boundary of British India, with maps and a minute on the same by Sir Ro- bert Montgomery.—By THE PanyaB GOVERNMENT. General Report on the Revenue Survey Operations of the Bengal Presi- dency for 1858 and 1861.—By THE GOVERNMENT oF INDIA. First Annual Report of the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria.n—By Mr, A. GRoOTE. Selections from the Records of the Government of India, Public Works Department, Nos. 35, 36 and 37.—By THE GOVERNMENT oF INDIA. A letter to T. Bazley, Esq. M. P. on the Cotton question by Major C. L, Showers, Pamphlet.—By THe AvutTHor. Diwan Saib.—By Cot. C. 8. GuruRiz. Diwan Hyder.—By THE Same. Rookayeat ’Alamgiri—By THE Same. Kashful Mahjtib.—By THE Samm. Exchanged. The Athenzum for December, 1862. The Calcutta Review for January, 1863. The London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine and Journal, Vol. XXIV. Nos. 164 and 165. Purchased. The Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Vol. XI. No. 61. The American Journal of Sciences and Arts for November, 1862. Annuaire des Deux Mondes Histoire Generale des Divers Etats, Vol. XI. for 1861. Annals des Sciences Naturelles, Zoologie, Vol. XVIII. Nos. 5 and 6. Bleeker’s Atlas Ichthyologique, Part 6. Bopadeva’s Mugdha Bodha Vyékarana with a commentary, 2 copies. 1863. ] Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 187 Comptes Rendus, Vol. LV. Nos. 25 to 26, and Vol, LVI. No. 1. The Edinburgh Review for January, 1863. The Discoveries of the world by Antonio Galvano,- Edited by Vice-Admi- ral Bethune, C. B. Hewitson’s Exotic Butterflies, Part 45. The Natural History Review for January, 1863, Noldeke’s Hebraische Sprache, Pamphlet. Nidana Parisishta Myta Ataftrs~ by Haérédhana Kabirdj, 2 copies. The Parthenon, Vol. I. Nos. 34 to 37. The Quarterly Review for January, 1863. Scheref Nameh, Vol. I. Revue et Magasin de Zoologie, No. 11 of 1862. Dr. Weber’s. Indische Studien, Vol. Vii. Parts } and 2. The Westminster Review for January, 1863. Revue des Deux Mondes for Ist January, 1863. Latcopar Dutt. ee 1 JOURNAL OF THE moa ES OO LE ye No En Soa: eee lee ees On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath, with a list of the species collected by Messrs. Hooxrr, EpGewortu, Tomson and Anprerson.—-5y Tuomas Anprerson, Esq., M. D. Officiating Superintendent of the Botanic Gardens, Calcutta. The Botany of Behar, and especially of Parasnath, the highest mountain in the province, has been carefully investigated within the last few years. Dr. Hooker, in 1848, ascended the mountain and made large collections of plants on it as well as along the Grand Trunk Road to the river Soane, and in the Kymore hills. Mr. Edge- worth has also botanized on Parasnath. More recently, Dr. Thom. son spent a few days on the hill in September, 1858, and added many species to the number found by Dr. Hooker and Mr. Edgeworth at another season of the year. In November 1858, Dr. Thomson and myself visited Parasnath, remaining eight days at the Jain temple at an elevation of 4000 feet. We were accompanied by several plant collectors from the Cal- cutta Botanic Garden, and were thus enabled to make most extensive collections. We also travelled slowly along the Grand Trunk Road, both while going to and when returning from Parasnath, and we thus succeeded in obtaining many plants that had escaped Dr. Thom- son’s notice at the less favourable season when his previous excursion was made, The following meagre sketch of the Flora of Behar and Parasnath, and the list of species collected in the Province are founded on the results of these botanical investigations. Dr. Hooker has kindly given me a catalogue of all the plants collected by himself 2B 190 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. | No.8, and Mr. Edgeworth on the occasions I have alluded to. This cata- logue contains several important identifications of little known and difficult species which it would have been impossible to make without a reference to the Royal Herbarium at Kew. The dry and hot region of Behar is covered in many parts with rather a thick forest which always acquires more luxuriance in the vicinity of the hills with which the country is studded. In some parts, the vegetation loses its arborescent character and near the Grand Trunk Road, in many places, patches of land of considerable extent are covered with numerous species of grasses. In other parts, especially where the hills are low and less numerous, the trees are scattered over the face of the country giving a park-like appearance to the scenery. ‘These trees belong principally to umbrageous, full foliaged species, among which the commonest are Bassia latifolia, Semecarpus Anacardium, Terminalia and two species of Urostigma. The botanical features of the country from Raneegunge to Paras- nath are deserving of a more detailed description. On the dry sandstone rocks, common near Raneegunge, the dwarf palm, Pheniax acaulis, is frequently seen. Along the roadsides, a dusty avenue of stunted trees of Acacia Furnesiana, with Parkinsonia aculeata extends for some miles. Phenix syvlestris is almost the only tree growing spontaneously in the level uninteresting country about Raneegunge. Tanks, banked up by high bunds of earth covered with thickly planted trees of Borassus flabelliformis, (the Palmyra palm) occur near every group of huts. These tanks during many months of the year are nearly dry, but they all contain a large number of interesting aquatic plants, the commonest among which are Ipomea reptans, Pow. Hydrilla dentata, Casp. Vallisneria spiralis, Linn. Otielia alismoides, DC. and several species of Potamageton, all cos- mopolitan. Sopubia delphinifolia, G. Don, Adenosma triflora, N. ab E. Hygrophila salicifolia, N. ab H. and A. spinosa, T. Anders. and the aquatic fern Cerafopteris thalictroides are seldom absent from the muddy margins of these tanks. Near the bungalow at Asinsole, we observed in November several fields covered with the orange- coloured flowers of Guizotia oleifera, cultivated for its oil-yielding seeds. Between Raneegunge and the Barakur, no spontaneous ar- borescent vegetation occurs, at least near the Grand Trunk Road, but bushes of Zizyphus, Combretum nanum, Ham. and a subscandent 1863.] On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 191 or prostrate Zragia are mingled with stunted semi-spontaneous plants of Borassus flabelliformis and Phenia« sylvestris. A short distance beyond the Barakur river, the Grand Trunk Road enters the low jungle which covers a great portion of Behar. Grislea tomentosa, Roxb. Butea frondosa, Roxb. Diospyros tomentosa, Roxb. Carissa Carandas, Linn. Sponia orientalis, Baliospermum poly- andrum, Wight. and Breidelia spinosa, Willd. are the most preva- lent species in the lower jungle. Where the hills approach the road, as at Gyra, trees of Vatica robusta W. and A. Cochlospermum Grossy- pum D. C. Soymida febrifuga, Juss. Terminalia, Bassia and Symplo- cos give a more arborescent character to the vegetation, In the cold season, about November, the slopes of the low hills near Gyra and Topechancee are whitened by the pale floral leaves of Jchnocar- pus frutescens, R. Br. a climbing plant belonging to the natural or- der Apocynacee. During the cold season, the partially dried-up rice- fields yield a rich harvest of rare and peculiar plants among which may be mentioned as most characteristic, five species of Ammannia, Ameletia Indica, three species of Utricularia, and Burmannia. Parasnath rises somewhat abruptly from the plain of Behar to the height of 4,500 feet above the sea. The mass of the mountain is not extensive, but judging from the character of the vegetation on its slopes, the mountain must exert a considerable influence on the amount of moisture in the atmosphere. Accordingly, many species of plants are confined to the mountain and its immediate vicinity probably from their inability to withstand the hot dry climate of the plains and lower hills. The influence of the mountain is shown around the base by the disappearance of the low jungle, its place being taken by large trees of Dillenia speciosa and D. pentagyna, Saccopetalwm tomentosum, Sterculia wrens, Terminalia, 2 Myrtaceae, Vatica robusta, Rubiacee among which, the most conspicuous are Nauclea parviflora and N. cordifolia. A few species of Ampelidee, Convolvulacee, especially Porana paniculata and Erycibe paniculata, with Ichnocarpus frutescens among Apocynacee, represent the gigantic climbers of the moist forests of other parts of India. As the sides of the mountain are approached, the forest becomes denser, the trees larger, and the number of species more abundant than around the base, TZerebinthacee and Legumi- noseé are by far the commonest orders, and of the latter the genera 2B 2 192 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. [No. 3, Dalbergia and Bauhinia occur more frequently than any other. Large climbers of Leguminose, such as Pueraria tuberosa, Mucuna, Cana- valia, Otosema macrophylla and Bauhinia Vahli, are most abundant above 2,000 feet elevation. ‘The undergrowth of these forests con- sists principally of Leguminous shrubs ; Rubiacee ; Composite of the genera Vernonia and LBlumea; Acanthacee represented principally by Strobilanthes auriculatus, Dedalacanthus purpurascens, and Bar- leria cristata; Scrophularinee and Labiate occur chiefly as incon- spicuous herbs. Among Serophularinee, two species of Alectra deserve to be noticed; one of them, a new species, nearly allied to the African one A. orobanchoides, Benth. occurs in one locality as a lurid, leafless plant, parasitic on the roots of Strobilanthes auriculatus. About 4,000 feet, three species of Aralia appear, but they are con- fined to the cool, dark ravines. From 4,000 feet to the summit, the few species representatives of the subtropical vegetation of the moun- tain ranges of India are found. These species are Clematis Gouriana, and C. nutans, Lhalictrum glyphocarpum, Berberis Asiatica, Gerani- um Nepalense, Pygeum lucidum, mihi, Rubia cordifolia, Buchnera hispida, Habenaria plantaginea and H. commelinifolia, Disporum sp. None of these species are numerous enough in individuals to give any character to the vegetation of the summit. Clematis nutans, the most tropical of them, is most frequently met with. Of Pygewm lucidum only a solitary tree was found on the mountain, on the northern side of the central peak. The distribution of a few of these species is worthy of notice. Cle- matis nutans is found on the Khasia hills distant, 400 miles from. Parasnath, and in Kumaon and Gharwal at a distance of 600 miles. Thalictrwm glyphocarpum is widely distributed over the mountain ranges of India, viz., the Himalaya, Khasia hills, mountains of south- ern India and Ceylon. In all these ranges, it never occurs below an elevation of 6,000 feet whereas in Parasnath it is met with at 4,000 feet. The nearest point to Parasnath where Berberis Asiatica occurs is the outer ranges of Kumaon and Gharwal, Parasnath being the southern limit of this species. Geranium Nepalense occurs only on a few grassy spots near the highest peaks of Parasnath and flowers in the cold season, after the 15th 1863.| On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 193 November. This species is found in the Himalayas, the Nilgherries and the mountains of Ceylon. In the Himalayas it flowers in the summer months, and its lower limit is 2,000 feet higher than the summit of Parasnath. The general resemblance of the Flora of Parasnath to that of the dry less elevated mountain ranges of central and southern India is undoubted. To prove this, the following features of that Flora and of Parasnath are sufficient. The most prominent negative characters of both these Floras are the absence of Anonacee, Ternstramiacee, Pittospereacee, Rhamnacee (except Zizyphus), Rosacea, especially tropical Rubt, Araliacee, Myrsinacee, Cornace, Apocynacee, Laura- cee, Amentacee, Aroideea, Orchidee and Ferns. The following orders preponderate in both these Floras, but none of them give a definite aspect to the vegetation of these districts. Sterculiacee, Buettneriacee and Tiliacee are proportionally nu- merous both on Parasnath and in central India. To these may be add- ed as quite as prominent in the vegetation, Olacinee ; Terebinthacee especially in number of genera; Leguminose ; Combretacee, Lythra- cee, Rubiacee, Composite, especially the genera Vernonia, and Blu mea; Convolvulacee ; Cordiacee and Graminee. The fact of a few peculiar genera and species being common to both these Floras is of more importance as a proof of the affinity of the vegetation of the two regions than deductions drawn from the excess of certain orders. I enumerate the most important of these genera or species which are either identical in species or have repre- sentative and allied species in each Flora. Kydia calycina fovb., in both. Cochlospermum Gossypium, DC. ditto. Eriolena Hookeriana, W. and A. ditto. Olax scandens, Rowb., ditto. Ougeina dalbergioides, Benth., ditto. Hardwickia binata, Rowé., ditto. Dedalacanthus purpurascens, 7. Anders. ditto. The following genera are common to both Floras having closely allied species in each. Pygeum, EHlzodendron, Zizyphus, 194 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. | No.3, Sophora, Terminalia, Cordia, Ehretia. Both these lists might be much increased, especially if the geogra- phical distribution in India of the species of Graminez was better known. The following table of the number of species in a few of the larger natural orders will shew how much Leguminose and Graminez exceed the others. The materials of the entire Flora of Behar are the basis of the tables. ; Natural orders. Genera. Species. Leguminose, 44, 89 Graminez, 47 84 Composite, 28 47 Rubiacez, 16 27 Scrophularinee, 18 26 Labiateze, 16 24 Acanthacez, 15 23 Euphorbiace, 15 23 Cyperace, 13 20 Convolvulacee, 9 16 Malvacee, 6 13 Lythrace, 6 13 Urticacer, Te 11 Orchidacez, 8 J Tiliacez, 3 10 The remainder of the Natural Orders have under ten species each. The total number of species included in this Catalogue is 738 belonging to 473 genera and 110 Natural orders. These are distributed in the three classés in the following numbers. Genera. Species. Dicotyledones, 059 560 Monocotyledones, 96 157 Cry ptogamee, 18 21 APPENDIX. During eight days that Dr. Thomson and I remained at the Jain temple on Parasnath, at an elevation of 4,000 feet a few observations 1863.] On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath, 195 on the height of the barometer and on the temperature of the air were recorded. I am not aware of any other observations taken during November having been published, I have therefore inserted them at length as they may be useful in comparing the climate of the cold season of Parasnath with that of other periods of the year. The instruments used were a mountain barometer by Newman, a delicate thermometer by the same maker, and a good minimum thermometer. Record of Barometric and Thermometric Olservations. Detached Date. | Hour. | Barome-| Thermo-| Thermo- ter. meter. | meter. Noy. 13th | 9 P.M. Bh 300 57° =| Air still, sky cloudless. Min. WAth | Ther. 500 ake ae ») .M. \ 26.222 3 57. ss "22m. | 26149 | 60° | 59° | Gentle northerly breeze all i 4p. mM. | 26.143 | 60° 60:5 || ye “p 6 P.M. | 26.155 58° Ome ty) i 8 P.M. | 26.208 | 58° 52° 15th Min ane 000 47° S 8 a.m. | 26.222 | 58° 50° » {104.m. | 26.241 | 60° 56.5 pe 3 P.M. | 26.167 61° 61.5 |Light clouds & northerly breeze. a 4p. M. | 25.158 61° 59.5 |Light clouds & southerly breeze. i 6 P.M. | 26.188 | 60° 57° -|Ditto ditto. is 8 P. M. | 26,224 | 59° 56° =| Ditto ditto. 16th Min ate 000 52° im 8 a.m. | 26.238 | 58° 54° - 10 a. M. | 26.265 60.5 60.5 |Southerly winds, light clouds over the Peak. » 2P.M. | 26.203 62° 62° e 4 P.M. | 26.182 61.5 62° =| Light clouds. i 6 P.M. | 26.201 | 60° 57° a 8 P.M. | 26.256 60° 56° |Wind variable. 17th Min, ie cee 55° Slight mist on the summit during night. 45 6 A. M. toe tae 56° i 8 a. M. | 26.282 59° 57° ‘|Strong northerly breeze blow- ing, while a marked upper southerly current of air pass- ed close to the summits of the mountain. oa 22. M. | 26.209 65.5 63.5 ‘g 4pm. | 26.200 | 62° 63° c 6 P.M. | 26.217 62° 60.5 ‘A 8 P.M. | 26.253 | 62° 60° 196 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. {|No.8, Catalogue of the plants collected in Behar and on Parasnath.—By J. M. P. Enaeworrn, Esg., Des. Hooker, Tuomson, and T. ANDERSON. DICOTYLEDONES. I.—RANUNCULACE. Naravelia Zeylania, DC., base of Parasnath. Clematis Gouriana, Zoxvb., upper portion of Parasnath. nutans, Hoyle, ditto ditto ditto. Thalictrum glyphocarpum, W. and JA., near the temple on Paras- nath. Ranunculus sceleratus, L. IT.—DILLENIACEz. Dillenia speciosa, Thunb. pentagyna, Roxb., base of Parasnath. ITE.—ANonacea. Polyalthia suberosa, Hf. f. e¢ Benth. Saccopetalum tomentosum, H. f. et. T., base of Parasnath. IV.—MENISPERMACER, Tiliacora acuminata, AWers. Cocculus villosus, DC, Stephania hernandifolia, Walp. Cissampelos Pareira, L. V.—BERBERIDACEE. Berberis Asiatica, owvb., summit of Parasnath. VI.—NyMpPu maces. Nymphea Lotus, LZ. ———— stellata, Willd. VII.—-NELUMBIACE. Nelumbium speciosum, Willd. VIIT.— PAPAVERACES. Papaver somniferum, L. ‘Argemone Mexicana, L. IX.—FUMARIACER. Fumaria parviflora, Lam. X.—CRUCIFERA, Nasturtium Indicum, LZ. —— — Penghalense, DC. 1863.] On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 197 Cochlearia flava, Ham., banks of the Soane. Thlaspi arvense, L. Lepidium sativum, JZ. Sinapis juncea, L. Brassica campestris, L. XI.—CappaRrIDACED. Cleome monophylla, L. pentaphylla, Z. Polanisia viseosa, DC. Capparis horrida, L. XIL.—FLAcoURTIACE®. Flacourtia sepiaria, Fovd. sapida, Roxb. cataphracta, Roxb. Casearia Hamiltonu, Wall. — tomentosa, Loxb. Cochlospermum Gossypium, DC., Grand Trunk Road and base of Parasnath. XITI.—Potye@aLacra. Salomonia oblongifolia, DC. Polygala glaucescens, Wall., summit of Parasnath. oligophylla, DC. ———- arvensis, Willd. XIV.—VIoLacex Tonidium suffruticosum, Ging. XV.—DROSERACES. Drosera indica, Z., summit of Parasnath. XVI.—TaMaRIcaces. Trichaurus ericoides, W. & A. XVIJ.—CaRYOPHYLLACER. Vaccaria parviflora, Aoench. Mollugo Cerviana, Ser. striata, L. triphylla, Lam. Polycarpxa corymbosa, Lam. Hapalosia Loeflingie, Wall, Drymaria cordata, 198 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. [No. 3, XVIII.—Linacez. Linum usitatissimum, LZ. Reinwardtia trigyna, Planch., base of Parasnath. XIX,.—Matvacen. Abutilon Indicum, Don. Sida cordifolia, Z. humilis, Willd. —— rhombifolia, Z. acuta, L. Abelmoschus moschatus, Aloench. — cancellatus, Roxb. Hibiscus Lampas, Cav. rigidus, L. Urena lobata, Z. repanda, Sm., Grand Trunk Road. — sinuata, Z., ditto ditto ditto. Lagunea lobata, Willd., ditto ditto ditto. XX.—STERCULIACER. Salmalia malabarica, Schott & Endl. Helicteres Isora, Z., base of Parasnath. Sterculia foetida, Z., lower forests of Parasnath. urens, Roxb., ditto ditto ditto. Firmiana colorata, #. Br., ditto ditto ditto. Melochia corchorifolia, Z., Grand Trunk Road. Waltheria Indica, Z. Kydia calycina, Rowb., Parasnath to 4,000 feet. X XI.—ByTrNeRIAcez. Byttneria herbacea, Rowb., Gyra. Eriolena Hookeriana, W. & A., summit of Parasnath. spectabilis, Planeh. XXII.—Tiniaces. Corchorus capsularis, L. acutangulus, Lam. olitorius, Z. Triumfetta pilosa, Roth. ? angulata, Lam. Grewia pilosa, Lam., summit of Parasnath. levigata, Vahl., Grand Trunk Road. 1863.] On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 199 Grewia helicterifolia, Wall. Asiatica, Z., Grand Trunk Road and Parasnath. _ vestita, Wail. ? summit of Parasnath. XXIII.—DrpreRocarPen. Vatica robusta, W. gf A., Grand Trunk Road. XXIV.—OLACINES. Olax scandens, Roxb., base of Parasnath. Balanites Roxburghi, RB. & S. XXV.—AURANTIACED. Glycosmis pentaphylla, DC., Parasnath. Murraya exotica, L. Feronia elephantum, Corr. fKigle marmelos, Corr. XXVI.—Ma.LPicHiacez. Hiptage madablota, Gertz. XXVII.—SapPiInpacEez. Cardiospermum Halicacabum, L. Nephelium duriocarpus, Lows. Schleichera trijuga, Willd., lower forests of Parasnath. XXVITI.—Metiaces. Melia Azedarach, Z. Azadirachta Indica, Adr. Juss., base of Parasnath. Mallea Rothii, ddr. Juss, summit of Parasnath. XXIX.—CEDRELACER, Chickrassia tabularis, 4dr. Juss., Parasnath, from base to summit. Soymida febrifuga, Juss. XXX.—AMPELIDER. Leea staphylea, Roxb. ) Vitis adnata, Wall. ? | —- carnosa, Wall. ¢ Base and lower forests of Parasnath. —— latifolia, Roxb. i — tomentosa, Heyne. XXXIJI.—GERANIACER, Geranium Nepalense, Sweeé., summit of Parasnath. XXXII.—OxaLIDEs. Oxalis corniculata, L. Biophytum sensitivum, DC., base of Parasnath. 200 On the Flora of Behar ond the mountain Parasnath. [No. 3, XXXIII.—Batsaminen. Impatiens Balsamina, Z., upper forests of Parasnath. XXXIV.—ZyYGoOPHYLLACER. Tribulus terrestris, Z. XXXV.-—CELASTRINEA. Celastrus paniculata, Willd. emarginata, Willd. Elzodendron Roxburghii, W. & A. XXXVI.—RHAMNACER. Zizyphus rugosa, Lam., upper forests of Parasnatl:. Xylopyra, Willd.? ? base of Parasnath. Lotus, Lam. Jujuba, Lam. ? Grand Trunk Road. (Enopila, Adi7/. Ventilago maderaspatana, Gaertn. Catha edulis, Férsk.? ? Grand Trunk Road. XXXVII.—'PEREBINTHACER. Mangifera Indica, Z., below the temple on Parasnath. Semecarpus Anacardium, Z. Buchanania tatifolta, Rowb., base of Parasnath and Trunk Road. Icica Indica, W. & A. Garuga pinnata, Roxb. ? base of Parasnath. Odina Wodier, Roxb. Boswellia thurifera, Colebr. XXXVIIT.—Morineaces. Moringa pterygosperma, Gaertn. XXXIX.—LEGUMINOS”. Crotalaria prostrata, Roxb. acicularis, Ham., near Topechance. alata, Roxb. sericea, Retz. verrucosa, L. ——_——_ juncea, L. albida, Heyne. Indigofera linifoha, Retz. pentaphylla, Z- } orn Trunk Road. hirsuta, Z. pulchella, Rowb., from 2,000 feet elevation to summit of Parasnath. 1863.] On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 201 Indigofera trita, D. Psoralia corylifolia, L. Sesbania egyptiaca, L. Tephrosia purpurea, Pers. Lathyrus sativa, D. Smithia sensitiva, A7t. ciliata, Zoyle., summit of Parasnath. conferta, Sm. Zornia angustifolia, Sm. Aischynomene Indica, L. Ougenia dalbergioides, Benth., summit of Parasnath. Alysicarpus vaginalis, DC. —_— —-— nummularifolius, DC. ———_—— bupleurifolius, DC. scariosus, Girah. Uraria lagopoides, DC. 7 hamosa, Wall. ? styracifolia, W. f A. Dendrolobium cephalotis, Benth. ) Desmodium triflorum, DC., Grand Trunk Road. — polycarpum, DC., from the base to summit of Paras- nath. | ' Along the Grand Trunk Road. ——— — gyrans, DC. — latifolium, DC., from the base to 2,000 feet on Paras- nath, —— —— diffusum, DC., lower forests of Parasnath. gangeticum, DC., on Parasnath. retroflexum, DC., Var. Phyllodium pulchellum, Devs., base of Parasnath. ’ Dumasia congesta, Girah. Pueraria tuberosa, DC. Alhagi maurorum, Z., Grand Trunk Road. Glycine labialis, W. dg A., base of Parasnath. Canavalia gladiata, DC. Mucuna pruriens, Wail. Erythrina Indica, Lam. sublobata, Road. Butea frondosa, Roxb, 202 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. [No. 3, Butea parviflora, Roxb. Lablab vulgaris, Save. Phaseolus sublobatus, Roxb. sp. proxima P. alato, Roxb., Parasnath. Atylosia scarabeoides, Benth., Grand Trunk Road. Rhynchosia minima, DC. Flemingia strobilifera, R. Br., Parasnath. — semialata, Roxb. angustifolia, Roxvb., Parasnath. cordifolia, Wall. Abrus precatorius, LZ. — Otosema macrophylla, Benth. Pongamia glabra, Vent. Dalbergia latifolia, Roxb. Sissoo, Roxb. ———— frondosa, Roxb. -———— paniculata, Roxb. — confertiflora, Sophora heptaphylla, Z.? ? Guilandina bonducella, Z. Mezoneuron cucculatum. Cassia occidentalis, LZ. tora, L. mimosoides, L. Tamarindus Indica, Z. Phanera purpurea, Benth. variegata, Benth. retusa, Benth. Vahliu, Benth. Piliostigma malabaricum, Benth. — racemosum, Benth. Hardwickia binata, Hoxb., upper Soane valley. Adenanthera Pavonina, L. Mimosa rubicaulis, Lam. Acacia Farnesiana, Willd. Catechu, Willd. cesia, W. & A. —— pennata, Willd. 1863.] On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 208 Albizzia odoratissima, Benth. amara, Bois. -———-— procera, Benth. XL.—RoOSsAcEz. Potentilla supina, L. banks of the Soane. Pygeum lucidum, T. Anders., MSS., summit of Parasnath at 4,300 feet elevation. XLI.—CoMBRETACES. Conocarpus latifolia, Roxb. Terminalia belerica, Zoxb. chebula, Roxb. Catappa. — eee citrina, Rowb. Pentaptera tomentosa. Arjuna, Roxb. ? Poivrea Roxburghu, DC. Combretum nanum, Ham., Grand Trunk Road. XLII.-—MELASTOMACER. Osbeckia angustifolia, Don., summit of Parasnath. ——— muralis Naud, ditto ditto. XLITI.—ALANGIACER. Alangium decapetalum, Zam., Grand Trunk Road. XLIV.—Myrracez. Eugenia Jambolana, Lam., Parasnath from the base to the summit, sp. summit of Parasnath. Barringtonia acutangula, Roxb. XLV.—LYTHRACER. Jussiaea repens, LD. Caine ore | From the base of Parasnath to an ngs r elevation of 4,000 feet in net places — angustifolia, Lam. | near the Grand Trunk Road. Ludwigia parviflora, Rovb. ) Grislea tomentosa, Roxb., Grand Trunk Road & base of Parasnath, Lagerstromia parviflora, Rovb., base of Parasnath. 204 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. { No. 3, Ameletia Indica, DC. ) tenuis, We. Ammanunia glauca, Wall. In rice fields near the Grand vesicatoria, Roxb. | Trunk Road at Topechancee. multiflora, Roxb. | — pentandra, Roxb. rotundifolia, Ham. J XLVI.—CucurBItaces. Trichosanthes dioica, Roxb. — cucumerina, Z., base of Parasnath. Bryonia scabrella, Z. ——- umbellata, Koen., summit of Parasnath. — laciniosa, Z., on the Grand Trunk Road. Coccinia Indica, W. & A. XLVII.—CrassuLacrs. Kalanche floribunda, W. & A., summit of Parasnath. Bryophyllum calycinum, Salisb. XLVIII.—UMBELLIFER S. Umbellifera (undeterminable,) summit of Parasnath. XLIX.—ARALIACER. Aralia digitata, Roxb., summit of Parasnath. sp., on Parasnath at 4,000 feet elevation. ==Isps on Parasnath at 2,000 feet elevation. ‘L.—LoRANTHACES. Viscum orientale, Willd. — attenuatum, DC. Loranthus buddleoides, W. & A., from the base to the summit at the base of Parasnath. of Parasnath. — bicolor, Rowxb., base of Parasnath. LI.—RvsBiacez. Nauclea parviflora, Rowb., forest the bas Ana cuehe — cordifolia, Rowb., ; orests on the base of Parasnath Hymenodyction excelsum, Wall., on Parasnath at 2,000 feet eleva- tion. Gardenia latifolia, A7t. ” See ae: ‘ base of Parasnath. turgida, Roxb. montana, ford. _) See ho 1863.| On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 05 Randia longispina, DC. uliginosa, DC. Wendlandia tinctoria, DC. exserta, DC. Dentella repens, Forst., moist places on the Grand Trunk Road. Hedyotis scandens, Rowb. ee cealycina, Wall. — pinifolia, Wail. Oldenlandia racemosa, Lam. Burmanniana, R. Br. Vanqueria spinosa, Roexb., base of Parasnath. Hamiltonia suaveolens, Rovb., summit of Parasnath. Ixora undulata, Rowb., forests at the base of Parasnath. parviflora, Vahl., near Gya on the Grand Trunk Road. Pavetta tomentosa, Sim., at the base of Parasnath. Bigelowia lasiocarpa, W. § A., from the base to the summit of Parasnath. Spermacoce articularis, Z. ‘Knoxia cosymbosa, Willd. n. sp. Rubia cordifolia, Z., on Parasnath. LII.—ComeosirT”. Vernonia saligna, DC.,on Parasnath (found only by Dr. Hooker.) ———— rigiophylla, DC., at the base of Parasnath. divergens, H. f. et. 7., near the summit of Parasnath. ————- aspera, DC. cinerea, Less. — anthelmintica, Willd. Elephantopus scaber, LZ. Adenostemma latifolium, DC., summit of Parasnath. Spheranthus hirtus, Willd. Grangea Madraspatana, Poir. Cyathocline lyrata, Cass. Conyza viscidula, Wail. veronicefolia, DO, Blumea amplectans, DC. Wightiana, DC, lacera, DC. 206 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. [No.8, Blumea runcinata, DC. virens, DC. ——— flava, DC. —- aurita, DC. —— oxyodonta, DC. —— glomerata, DC. — alata, DC. Vicoa Indica, Wt. Francceuria crispa, Cass. Cesulia axillaris, Roxb. EKclipta alba, Hassk. Blainvillea latifolia, DC. Glossocardia Boswellii, DC. Bidens pilosa, L. — bipinnata, L. Glossogyne pinnatifida, DC. Wedelia urticzfolia, DC. Siegesbeckia orientalis, L. Myricgyne minuta, DC. Artemisia parviflora, Roxb. Senecio sp. not determinable, summit of Parasnath. Gnaphalium luteo-album, L. erispatulum, Del. — indicum, Z. Emelia sonchifolia, DC. Sonchus arvensis, L. Youngia runcinata, DC. Kchinops echinatus, Roxb. Tricholepis Candolleana, W¢. Microrhynchus ruderalis, Less. asplenifolius, DC. LITI.—CampanvuLiaces. —_ Cephalostigma hirsutum, 4. DC. paniculatum, A. DC. Campanula canescens, Wall. Wahlenbergia agrestis, 4. DC. Lobelia trigona, Roxb. Micropyxis pumila, Duby., summit of Parasnath. 1863.] On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 207 LIV.—MYyRrsInacen. Embelia robusta, Roxb., lower forests to the summit of Parasnath. Ardisia humilis, Vahl., ditto ditto ditto. LV.—EBENACER. Diospyros tomentosa, Roxb. cordifolia, Rowd. exculpta, Haim. LVI.—Savoraces. Bassia butyracea, Roxb. LVII.—JasMinacn. Nyctanthes arbor-tristis, L., lower forests of Parasnath. LVITI.—Oxraces. Olea Roxburgh, &. g¢ S., summit of Parasnath. LIX.—StyRacacez. Symplocos Hamiltonianus, Herb. Sérach. et Winter, Gyra. LX.—APOCYNACER. Carissa Carandas, D. Vallaris dichotoma, Vahl. Wrightia tomentosa, DC., at the base of Parasnath. Holarrhena antidysenterica, Wall. Ichnocarpus frutescens, &. Br. Vinea pusilla, Murr. Gyra on the Grand Trunk Road. LXI.—ASCLEPIADACER. Hemidesmus Indicus, &. Br. Cryptolepis Buchananii, #. e¢ 8. Cynoctonum Callialata, Dene., at the summit of Parasnath. Calotropis gigantea, &. Br. Asclepias curassavica, L. Gymnema hirsutum, W. 5 A. Hoya pendula, W. & A., from the base to 3,500 feet on Parasnath. Ceropegia sp. undeterminable, summit of Parasnath. LXII.—Loe@antacen. Strychnos potatorum, L. il. LXIIJI.— GEntianacen. Exacum pedunculatum, L. ———-~ petiolare Grieseb, summit of Parasnath. Pladera pusilla, Roxb. 2D 2 208 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. |No.3, Canscora diffusa, R. Br. —— decussata, RP. et S. LXIV.—Bienontacez. Heterophragma Roxburgliui, DC.? Forest at the base of Paras- nath. Stereospermum chelonioides, DC.? Forest at the base of Paras- nath. Schrebera Swietenioides, Roxb. LXV.—PrEDALIACES. Sesamum Indicum, Z. Martynia diandra, Glow. LXVI.—CyRtanDRAcen. /Aschynanthus, sp., summit of Parasnath. Rhynchoglossum obliquum, DC., summit of Parasnath. LXVIIl.—Hypropuyvipiacenm. Hydrolea Zeylanica, Vahl., along the Grand Trunk Road. Sphenoclea Zeylanica, L. LXVIII.—ConvonvuLaces. Rivea hypocrateriformis, Chois. Bona Nox, Choris. Argyreia setosa, Chois. Pharbitis Nil, Chovs, summit of Parasnath. Tpomeea reptans, Pozr. reniformis, Chovs. ——— tridentata, Roth. Gyra. ——— pestigridis, L. —— sessiliflora, Roth. obscura, Kerr. sepiaria, Ken., Topechancee. Convolvulus pluricaulis, Chovs. Porana paniculata, Rowxb., on Parasnath to an elevation of 2,000 feet. Evolvulus alsinoides, Z. Erycibe paniculata, Roxb, Cuscuta reflexa, Roxb. LX1IX.—Corpiace#. Cordia polygama, Roxb. ? o—— sp. (an C. Macleodii H. f. et T.) Gyra. 1863.| On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 209 Ehretia levis, Roxb. . ovalifolia, Wight. ——— viminea, Wall. LXX.—BorRRAGINER. Coldenia procumbens, L. Bothriospermum tenellum, Fisch et Mey. Cynoglossum micranthum, Desf, from 2,000 feet to the summit of Parasnath. Trichodesma Indicum, &. Br. ——— Zeylanicum, R. Br. LXXI.—SonanacEs. Solanum Xanthocarpum, Schrad. torvum, Swartz. LXXII.—ScroPHvuLaRInes. Celsia coromandeliana, Vahl. Linaria ramosissima, Wall. Alectra Indica, Bth., towards the summit of Parasnath. squamosa, 7. Anders. MSS., from 1—38,000 feet elevation on Parasnath. Parasitic on roots of Strobilanthes auriculatus. Mazus rugosus, Louwr. Lindenbergia urticeefolia, Lehm., Parasnath to 4,000 feet elevation, Limnophila gratioloides, #. Br. Herpestes Hamiltoniana, Benth., Topechancee. Monniera, H. B. K. Torenia cordifolia, Roxb. | Grassy places on the summit of Paras- sp. (an nova.) nath. Vandellia crustacea, Bth. -——— erecta, Bth. nummularifolia, Don. Ilysanthes parviflora, Bth. Bonnaya brachiata, Link., et Otto. -— veronicefolia, Spreng. verbeneefolia, Spreng. Glossostigma spathulatum, Arn. Scoparia dulcis, L. Buddleia asiatica, Lowr. Buchnera hispida, Ham., above 4,000 feet on Parasnath. Striga euphrasioides, Bth. 210 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. | No. 8, Sopubia delphinifélia, G. Don., in pools of water along the Grand Trunk Road. Centranthera hispida, R. Br. ———-- humifusa, Wall. LXXIII.—OroBancuacen. Phelipza Indica, G. Don. AAginetia Indica, Roxb. LXXIV.— LEntipuLaRiacenm. Utricularia stellaris, Z. — sp. In a marshy place near Gyra. — sp. LXXV.—ACANTHACER. Nelsonia tomentosa, Willd. Adenosma triflora, VV. ab H. Hygrophila salicifola, WV. ab LE. -— spinosa 7. Anders. Ruellia cernua, Roxb., lower forests of Parasnath. Petalidium barlerioides, WV. ab L., base of Parasnath. Hemiagraphis elegans, VV. ab ZH. Strobilanthes auriculatus, WV. ab LH. Dedalacanthus purpurascens, 7. Anders. from the base to the summit of Parasnath. Barleria coerulea, Hoxb. cristata, LD. Lepidagathis hyalina, 1. ab E. — cristata, Wilid., along the Grand Trunk Road. — striata, WV. ab LH. Andrographis paniculata, VV. ab LH. —————- echioides, WV. ab H. Justicia Adhatoda, Z. —-— Betonica, L. Ce eememmnioaeed procumbens, L. Peristrophe bicalyculata, WV. ab H. Rungia parviflora, WV. ab H. Dicliptera bupleuroides, WV. ab H. ? micrantha, WV. ab E., 'Topechancee. LXXVI.—VERBENACER. Callicarpa arborea, Lowb., lower forests of Parasnath. 1863.] On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 211 Clerodendron serratum, Spreng., at the base of Parasnath. ——-—— infortunatum, JZ. Vitex Negundo, L., Gya. peduncularis, W#all., at the base of Parasnath. LXXVII.—Lapiara. Ocimum Basilicum, ZL. Acrocephalus capitatus, Benth. Orthosiphon rubicundus, Benth., Topechancee. Plectranthus ternifolius, Don. cordifolius, Don. Coleus barbatus, Benth. Anisochilus carnosus, Wall. eriocephalus, Benth., Kymore hills J. D. Hooker. Pogostemon plectranthoides, Desf. Dysophylla verticellata, Benth. Colebrookia oppositifolia, Smith. Calamintha umbrosa, Benth. ? Nepeta ruderalis, Hamilt. Anisomeles ovata, #&. Br., summit of Parasnath. Leueas lanata, Benth. mollissima, Wall. — pilosa, Benth. — aspera, Spreng. nutans, Spreng. cephalotes, Spreng. hinifolia Spreng,. Leonotis nepetfolia, &. Br. Teucrium decumbens. Ajuga macrosperma, Wall. ? summit of Parasnath. LXXVIII.—Prumpacinacesn. Plumbago Zeylanica, L. LXXIX.—Lavracea. Cassytha filiformis, Z. along the Grand Trunk Road. Tetranthera (an T. apetala.) LXXX.—Ponyeonacea, Rumex dentatus, Campd. vesicarius, L. Polygonum herniarioides, Delile. 212 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. [No. 8, Polygonum glabrum, Willd. -—— chinense, Z., from the base to the summit of Parasnath. Roxburghiu, Weisn. ———— flaccidum, Rowb., on Parasnath at elevation 4000 feet. — barbatum, Z., Gyra and Topechancee. —————— oot Nepalense, Meisn., towards the summit of Parasnath. LXXXI.— CHENOPODIACER. Chenopodium album, L. LXXXIT.—AMARANTACER. Derringia celosioides, A. Br. Celosia argentea, L. Amarantus spinosus, L. frva scandens, Wall., on Parasnath at 4000 feet elevation. — lanata, Juss. Achyranthes aspera, LD. —-— bidentata, Bluwme., from the base to the summit of Parasnath, Pupalia lappacea, Moq. Alternanthera sessilis, R. Br. LXXXIIT.—Nyrcraginen. Boerhaavia diffusa, L. LXXXIV.—PIPERAces. Peperomia reflexa, A. Dietr. on trees at 4000 feet elevation on Parasnath. LXXXV.—STILAGINACES. Antidesma diandrum, Spreng. paniculatum, Spreng. LXXXVI.—ScEPAcEa. Lepidostachys Roxburghi, Wall. LXXXVII.—Unrticacez. Trophis aspera, Willd. Urtica heterophylla, Roxb. Bheemeria, sp., on Parasnath. Urostigma religiosum, Guss. — bengalense, Guss. — tomentosa, Guss. —— comosum, at 2,500 feet elevation on the Northern slope of Parasnath. 1863.] On the Flora of Behar anid the mountain Parasnath. 213 Ficus parasitica, Koen. — scandens, Roxb. Covellia cunea, Wq. Artocarpus Lacucha, Roxb. LXXXVIII.—UtMacern. Sponia orientalis, Hndl. Ulmus integrifolia, Roxb. LUXXXIX.— HupHoRBIACES. Kuphorbia chamesyce, Willd. — Indica, Lam. ——- Nivulia, Ham. — uniflora, Roxb. Microstachys chamelea, Juss. Tragia, along the Grand ‘Trunk Road. Acalypha Indica, Willd., (fid. Edgew.) Baliospermum polyandrum, Wight. Rottlera tinctoria, Roxb. Trewia nudiflora, Linn. Croton oblongifolia, Roxb. Crozophora Rottleri, Juss. Emblica officinalis, Gert. Phyllanthus urinarius, Willd. simplex, Willd. —- Niruri, Lina. polyphyllus, Wight. = a ee Anisonema multiflorum, Wight. Bradleia (52 herb. Hook. et cat.) Briedelia montana, Willd. — spinosa, Wiild. No. 16 herb Hook. et cat. Melanthesa Vitis ida, Koen. MONOCOTYLEDONKS. XC.—PALME. Pheenix sylvestris, Rowb. acaulis, Roxb. Borassus flabelliformis, Zinn. XCI.—AROIDER. Remusatia vivipara, Schott. ho fi 214 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. | No.3, XCII.—Natavem. Najas minor, All. Zanichellia palustris, Linn. XCIII.— JuNcAGINEA. Potamogeton natans, Linn. hybridus, Mx. -——_———- crispus, Linn. —— pectinatus, Linn. XCIV.—HYDROCHARIDEZ. Hydrilla dentata, Casp. Vallisneria spiralis, Linn. Ottelia alismoides, DC. XCV.—SCITAMINESR. Globba bulbifera. Zingiber capitatum, Hoxb. ? roseum, Lowb. ? cassumunar, Loxb. ? Alpinia, sp. Curcuma, sp. : XCVI.—ORCHIDES. Oberonia, sp., on rocks near the summit of Parasnath, J. D. Hooker; Malaxis Walkeriana, Girah. ? Dendrobium ramosissimum, Wight., near the summit of Parasnath. sp., undetermined. Vanda Roxburghi, #. Br. Eulophia graminea, Lindl, — Calanthe, sp. towards the upper part of Habenaria plantaginea, Lind1. -— commelinifolia, Wall. ~ sp. Parasnath, Zeuxine suleata, Lindl. . XCVIT.—BuRMANNIACEz. Burmannia, sp., near Gyra on the Grand Trunk Road, XCOVIII.—HyroxipEz. Curciligo reeurvata, Don. orchidoides, Gaertn. Hypoxis minor, Don. XCIX.—Di0scorIDEa. Dioscorea glabra, Rowb, 1863.] On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. 215 C.—LIniacea. Smilax ovalifolia, Rowd. Iphigenia indica, Kunth. Asphodelus fistulosus, Linn. Chlorophytum attenuatum, Wight. Asparagus racemosus, Roxb. CI.—MELANTHACER. Disporum Leschenaultianum, Don. CII.— CoMMELYNACEH. Commelyna salicifolia, Rowb. — communis, Linn. — benghalensis, Linn. Aneilema nudiflorum, #. Br.- nana, Kunth latifolia, Wight. vaginata, Wall. Cyanotis cristata, R. g S. CIII.—Juncacea. Juncus Leschenaultii, J. Gay. CIV.—REstIacEeZ, Kriocaulon trilobum, Ham. CV.—CYPERACE, Papyrus Pangorei, Rottd. Cyperus flavescens, Linn. umbellatus, Benth. pygmaeus, Vahl. difformis, Linn. Lipocarpha levigata, WV. ab H. Hermicarpha Isolepis, V. ab LE. Fimbristylis pallescens, WV. ab HE. Trichelostylis scabra, NV. ab. EL. junciformis, WV. ab LH. Isolepis squarrosa, Vahl supina, R. Br. prolongata, VV. ab L. trifida, WV. ab L. Scirpus affinis, Loftd. capitatus, Willd. Fuirena glomerata, Lam. 216 On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath. [No. 8; Scléria lithosperma, Willd., on Parasnath. Carex speciosus, Kunth. CVI.—GRAMINES. Oryza sativa, Linn. granulata, WV. ab E. Zea majus, Linn., (culta.) Coix lachryma, Linn. near the temple on Parasnath. Paspalum scrobiculatum, Linn. brevifolium, Fligqge. pedicellatum, VV. ab LF. Milium sanguinale, Roxb. filiforme, Roxb. Lappago racemosa, Willd. Eriochloa annulata, Kunth. Coridochloa fimbriata, VV. ab E. Digitaria sanguinalis. Pennisetum cenchroides, Rich. Panicum colonum, Linn. compositum, Linn. glaucum, Linn. sarmentosum, Roxb. ————- montanum, Rozb. plicatum, Zam. humile, WV. ab E. —— costatum, Roz). fluitans, Roxb. uliginosum, Roxb. setigerum, Roxb. Tsachne australis, R. Br. ? Thysanolna acarifera, WV. ab L. Arundinella Wallichii, WV. ab EZ. — setosa, Lrin. — nepalensis, Trin. Menisthea levis. Rottbeellia, sp. Manisuris granularis, Linn. Perotis latifolia, A7é. Dimeria tenera, Trin. 7 Imperata arundinacea, Cyr. 1863.| On the Flora of Behar and the mountain Parasnath, 217 Saccharum spontaneum, Linn. — procerum, owb. ——- - Sara, Roxb. Pollinia villosa, Munro Mss. sp. an P. tenuis, Trin. Pogonatherum, sp. Anthistiria scandens, Roxb. ——- Wight, WV. ab EL. Androscepia gigantea, Brongn. Apluda aristata, Linn. communis, WV. ab LE. filiformis. Anatherum muricatum, Pal. de Beauv. Schizachrysum brevifolium, WV. ab H. Cymbopogon pachnodes, Trin. Sorghum muticum, var. tropicum, VV. ab LH. Andropogon annulatus, Forsk ! ————— ischemum. — pertusus, Willd. —_——— strictus, Roxb. ee) halapensis. — lancifolius, Trin. lanceolatus, Roxb. Heteropogon hirtus, Pers. Chrysopogon villosulus, WV. ab H. ~ montanus, Roxb. Sporobolus Wallichii, Munro Mss., (Wall. Cat. 3769.) ——— pulchellus, &. Br, (Wall. Cat. 8883.) Polypogon littoralis, Si. Aristida ceerulescens, Desf. Arundo Madagascariensis, Awnth. Roxburghu, Kunth. | Scheenefeldia pallida, Hdgew. Cynodon Dactylon, Pers. Dactyloctenium egyptiacum, Willd. Chloris barbata, Sw. Leptochloa cynosuroides, R. & S. Avena fatua, Zinn. Eragrostis bifaria, W. A. 218 On the Flora of Behar and the mountamm Parasnath. [No. 3, Hragrostis cynosuroides, Retz. multiflora, WV. ab #. unioloides, WV. ab H. — Brownei, WV. ab EH. verticellata, Pal. de Beauv. —— ——— nutans, Roxb. —— cylindrica, WV. ab EL. plumosa, Link. Tripogon bromoides, R. & S. Elytrophorus articularis, Pal. de Beauv. Dendrocalamus strictus, VV. ab EL. Bambusa, sp. CRYPTOGAM &. CVII.—Marsinuacem. Marsilea quadrifolia, Z. Azolla pinnata, &. Br. CVIII.—PoLypopiacex. Goniopteris. Pleopeltis. Niphobolus. Cheilanthes farinosa, Kaulf. tenuifolia, Sw. Adiantum lunulatum, Burm. Pteris Wightiana, Wall. Asplenium furcatum, Zinn. Nephrodium. Lastraea, sp. Sp. Sagenia, sp. Leucostegia, sp. Ceratopteris thalictroides, Brongn. Lygodium scandens, Sw. CIX.— OPHtoGLossaces. Ophioglossum vulgatum, Linn. CX.—LyYcoroDiacesm. Lycopodium, sp. terraced tl OF Selaginella, sp. LLL LD OOO Oa 1863. ] Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 219 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley, chiefly regarding its Flora.— By J. L. Stewart, Hsq., M. D. The Peshawur valley, from its position between two great botani- eal regions, the Oriental and the Indian, possesses greater interest in the eyes of botanists than its meagre Flora would otherwise entitle it to, and as no account of its botany has been published, I have been induced to arrange for publication all that I was able to collect on this and some allied subjects during several years’ residence there. So far as I am aware, but little had been done in botanizing in the district previous to 1856. Griffith had at various times spent a few days at Peshawur, during our occupation of Affghanistan in 1839-40. Dr. T. Thomson also had visited it about the same time, and some ten years later a collection of Peshawur plants, with the extent of which I am unacquainted, had been made by Major Vicary of the Bengal Army. Under these circumstances, I am fortunate in having had it in my power to botanize pretty extensively in the valley, in which and its neighbourhood, I resided from July 1856 to February 1861, (with the exception of eight months in 1857, when I was absent on service at Delhi). During that period I was able to avail myself of several opportunities for visiting places that are not readily accessible to the European traveller, who, in that district, if he stray beyond canton- ments, runs a chance of being shot by some fanatic Mussalman, wishing to gain a cheap entrance to Paradise by murdering a Faringi. Near the cantonment of Peshawur, this risk is greatest towards the Khaiber pass, and towards Fort Bara, and the police have strict orders to watch over any European going to even a short dis- tance in either of these directions. During the greater part of the time I have mentioned, I resided at Peshawur itself, but I was also stationed for shorter periods at Murdan, Nowshera, Attock and Campbellpore, (and although the last is a few miles Cis-Indus, its Flora is almost identical with that of the Peshawur valley, and may well be included in it.) Opportunities also occurred of traversing part of the Chinglai hills to the North Hast of the valley, with the Expedition under General Cotton in April and May, 1858, when we reached about 5,000 feet above the sea; of herborizing on 220 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [No. 3, Mount Mitt near Attock, 2,500 feet, the hill at the Cher4at Pass in the Khattak country, 4,700 feet, and various lower spurs near Murdan, Abazéi and Michni. I had occasion to traverse the Kohat Pass repeatedly ; so that I have had fair opportunities of becoming ac- quainted with the Flora of the district. The city and cantonment of Peshawur, which lie towards the Western extremity of the valley of that name, are situated in Long. 71°33! BE. and Lat. 34° N. at an elevation of nearly 1,200 feet above the sea, and no part of the valley is much above or below this height, although there is a slight rise on all sides towards its edges, and although the level of the Indus at Attock, near which the drainage of the district issues in the Cabul river, is only about 1,000 feet above the sea. All the inequalities of the flat part of the valley will probably be included in from 1,000 to 1,500 feet above the sea. The valley itself, which constitutes the most Northern part of the long strip of territory comprised in our Trans-Indus possessions and may be described as a broad oval, lying in a north-east and south-west direction, is about 60 miles long and nearly 40 broad. Its chief divisions, which however are more political than geographical, may be enumerated as follows :—Husofzdi ; the most North-eastern part of the district situated to the North of the junction of the Indus and Cabul rivers,—Ashnagar, to the West of Eusofzai, and between it and the Swat river,—the Doaba between the latter and the Cabul river, —the Daoodzdi and the Khalil to the North and West of the city of Peshawur, and the southern strip of the district, inhabited chiefly by the lower Momands and part of the Khattaks. There are no lakes in the district, but in many places there are large marshes (for instance an extensive one close to Peshawur,) and large tracts, particularly in the Doaba, become marshes after much rain. A curious phenomenon is noted on the maps at a place near Topi in the eastern Eusofzai, where it is stated that a lake of several miles in extent is formed after every eight or ten years. In 1858, I passed over the locality with the force under General Cotton, and found that such a tradition is held by the inhabitants. The part, where the lake is said to be formed, is low, and was then (in May) verdant and almost marshy, water being abundant in pits at 6 and 8 feet from the surface. A small, sluggish stream runs through. the tract, and from all I can learn, the so-called “lake” is merely a 1863. | Memoranda on the Peshawur Valiey. 221 marsh formed on this low ground, in seasons of excessive rain, the water, however, never being so deep as to quite conceal the tall grass and reeds. The principal streams of the valley are three, of which the chief is the Cabul river, the largest affluent of the Indus during its whole course above its junction with the Panjnad at Mittun Kote. This river, which, as well as the next, is called Liuindi, debouches from the Khaiber range a little above the village and fort of Michni, and follows an easterly course for about fifty miles till it falls into the Indus close to Attock. It is joined about fifteen miles from Peshawur by the Swat river, which after draining the valley of that name, issues from the mountains near Abazai, below which its course is south-east for twenty-five miles to join the last. 'The Bara stream which is much smaller than either of these, rises in T'eera, enters the valley ten miles to the south-west of Peshawur, and flows in an easterly direction to join the Cabul river above its junction with that of Swat. Much of its water, however, is absorbed in an early stage of its course, by various canals for the irrigation of the tracts on either side, one of the largest of these being for the supply of the city and cantonment of Peshawur. The Bodni is quite a small stream, which passes near Peshawur, to the northward, and joins a branch of the Cabul river. Besides these, there are no permanent large streams, but in the Husufzai country and other parts of the valley, there are many “ nullas” where water flows for a longer or shorter time after rain, and in one or two cases for the greater part of the year ; and in and near the beds of these, water is at most seasons found in wells from 12 to 30 feet deep. Indeed were it not for these, great part of the valley would be dependent for moisture on the scanty and precarious rain-fall, and much of it would be totally unfruitful. At many places, e. g. the Peshawur cantonment, and near Chumkunnie to the south, water is not found within seventy feet of the surface (at the former with a temperature of 68° to 70° F. in July) ; and the well which the Sikhs were obliged to dig for the supply of thew fort of Futtehgurh, Jumrood, (commanding the exit of the Khaiber,) 1s said to be no less than 180 feet in depth. In the ordinary shallow wells, the Persian wheel is almost univer- sal for irrigation purposes, propelled by a pair of bullocks or a buf- falo, one advantage of the latter being that he will go on indefinitely 25 222 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [No. 3, without a driver, when each of his eyes is covered by a conical leathern blinker. In the valley generally the soil is a strong retentive clay, which is strikingly fertile wherever there is a full supply of water. There are in some places sandy tracts, but the extent of these is limited, and almost the only absolutely unfertile parts are those situated near the circumference of the valley, towards which, nearly every where so far as I have examined, (and the circumstance has been noted by several previous observers,) there exists a wide talus of shingle. This, which slopes towards the middle of the valley, is often several miles in breadth and in many places (e. g. near Abazai,) more than 40 feet thick, as seen at cuttings. These shingly tracts are unproductive, but not universally so, as in some places the shingle is covered over by deep layers of a bluish, marly soil, the existence of the former at such places being only discovered at sections natural or artificial. This shingle is in general composed of fragments, more or less rolled, of the harder rocks of the surrounding hills; being mostly of limestone, and hard carbonaceous slate, and more rarely a red clayey rock. The north-eastern part of the valley is much broken up by spurs and outlying low hills from the mountain mass bounding it in that direction. The latter, at least that part which General Cotton’s Expedition passed through, is, in many places, plentifully strewn with blocks and shingle of a syenitic porphyry, which is occasion- ally seen im situ, as at Mungaltana on the flanks of Mahdbun, and at Kubbul on the Indus. Even fragments of this rock, however, are very rare throughout the rest of the valley. Many of the spurs along this, the north edge of the valley, are composed of a very hard, dark coloured slate similar to that of Attock, generally dipping strongly towards the north or west; on this side, also, micaceous schist frequently occurs, as in the ridge parallel to the Indus at Kubbul, and in the Takht-i-Bai spur in EKusofzai; and a micaceous schistose earthy limestone, near Michni, Shubkuddur and Abazai; in the lower ridges and isolated hills the rocks generally dip towards the north-west and north. Near Michni there is an outburst of trap, under micaceous and quartzose schists. On the east and south side of the valley as at mount Mitt near Attock,—the ridges south of Nowshera—the range on which, (the pro- 1863. | Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 223 posed sanatarium of) Cheraat is situated,—also on the hills traversed by the Kohat pass, I have never observed granitic rocks or micaceous schists. The greater part of these hills, in which the dip is, generally, westerly at a high angle, and the strike approaches north and south, appears to be composed of various limestones often much contorted, ranging from a dark-coloured very much indurated silici- ous variety, toa calcareous flagstone containing concretionary ferrugi- nous nodules, which has been used for flooring and roofing pur- poses. The spurs which extend furthest from the edge towards the centre of the valley, are :—one which terminates at Takht-i-Bai, near which it reaches a height of 700 or 800 feet above the plain, and which is main- ly composed of micaceous, quartzose and calcareous earthy schists ; and the Bara spur, (not far from the western extremity of the valley,) which stretches from the southern edge of the Khaiber hills to near Fort Bard, and the strata of which appear to dip towards the north- west at an angle of about 45°: this | was unable to visit, as it is in an “unsafe” country, and I think beyond our border. Towards the middle of the valley, rock-masses are but seldom found in sitt.. There is, however, a low rocky ridge parallel to the Cabul river oppo- site Nowshera which is composed of calcareous shale, and on which I have found worn pieces of limestone, with obscure fossil shells. Similar limestone fragments, with impressions of Brachiopods (?) are abundant in the shingle of the Jumrood plain (near which Griffith records fossil Pterocles* as found in arenaceous limestone,) but I have nowhere found any fossil zw s¢w in this district, although in a ridge near Campbellpore (16 miles from Attock, cis-Indus) there are extensive beds of limestone abounding in shells. There are also at various parts of the valley, horizontal beds of varying extent, of soft recent sandstone and conglomerate, and in such situations (as well as in very numerous places trans-Indus, to the south of the Peshawur district,) I have frequently found specimens of two species of shells (apparently Planorbis and Limnea). No kunkur occurs in the Peshawur valley. nor am I aware of its being found to the west of Jhelum (170 miles to the south-east), Most of the lime used in Peshawur appears to be brought from the range to the south towards Shamshatti, and besides it, the only * Sic. Griffith. Journals of Travels, p. 428.—Ep. 2F 2 224 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [No. 3, valuable or curious mineral products of the district or its neighbour- hood that I am acquainted with are :—iron, which is brought, roughly smelted, in considerable quantity from Bajour, where it is found in the form of iron-sand ; naphtha, (mumidz or gunduk ka tel) which is pro- cured between Kalabagh and Attock, and used as an application to sores; asbestos, said to be brought from a locality near the Khaiber pass; and mica (sang-t-jarahat, or sim-gil) which is used in powder and mixed with plaster for giving a silvery appearance to cor- nices, &c. A tradition exists among the inhabitants of the district, apparently originating in a desire to account for the elevated sites chosen for many of the numerous ancient cities, whose ruins are found in various parts, that the whole of the bed of the valley was at one time under water. It appears very doubtful, however, if any such body of water has existed since long anterior to the erection of these buildings ; although, that there has been at least partial submergence is evidenced by the fact that in several places, (e. g. close to the fort of Abazai, and near Ashnagar,) the remains of numerous buildings are found covered by the usual clayey soil, and whose foundations are several feet below the present level of the ground. These have generally been brought to light by accidental excavations or abrasion by water and are often accompanied by fragments of reliefs, apparently of Tndo-Bactrian origin. But little has hitherto been done to throw light on the various ruins and reliefs that have been discovered in the Peshawur district, and the proper examination of the materials al- ready available, with a systematic search for others, would amply repay the labours of any one practised in such researches. It is gratifying to know that part of the local funds have recently been made avail- able for investigations in this direction, under the direction of the Rev. I. Loewenthal of the American Mission, who is admirably qua- lified for the task, and to whom I am much indebted for aid as to various subjects referred to in this paper. Considerable tracts of the lower parts of the valley contain much saline matter, which effloresces abundantly on the surface, and the presence of which induces a copious growth of Salsolacez with other plants (such as Lamarix dioica and Berthelotia lanceolata) which flonrish in saline soil. The uncultivated parts of the Peshawur district, are barren in 1863. | Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 225 the extreme, there being no such thing as forest, and it is only to- wards the base of the surrounding hills, where small streams frequent- ly occur (whose waters are, however, rapidly dissipated by irrigation and evaporation) that any considerable amount of shrubby vegeta- tion is seen. This consists mostly of Acacia Modesta, Olea Euro- pea, Dodonea Burmanniana and Reptonia buxifolia, which con- tinue abundant as one ascends the hills (here, as elsewhere, the fact being noticeable that the southern aspect of the heights is less ver- dant than the northern;) while on the dry and barren low ground, the most conspicuous shrubs are scattered plants of Zizyphus Jujuba, Adhatoda vasica, Capparis Aphylla, Salvadora, Vitex Negundo (in dampish spots,) and Tecoma undulata. Under these circumstances, all timber too large to be supplied by the plants above noted, is afforded either by the cultivated trees of the valley such as the mulberry, and sissoo, or by the timber rafts brought down the Swat and Cabul rivers, which consist chiefly of deodar, with perhaps other pines. The large fire-wood supply for the cantonment is furnished by the above named shrubs, and large quantities mostly of oak (Quercus Ilex) are brought from the Khaiber. From all I can learn, it appears not unlikely that, ere many years elapse, the supply of fire-wood for Peshawur at reasonable rates, will be difficult or impossible. The climate of Peshawur may be shortly described as the extreme of that of the Panjab generally ; 7. e. there are great annual variations of temperature, great daily variation, especially in the cold season, a very dry atmosphere throughout most of the year, and a very limited rain-fall; the last occurring, not at the period of the usual “rainy season” of India, but in winter. J am sorry that I have not at my command any very lengthened series of observations on the meteorology of the district, but I have made use of the best series procurable, viz. observations on the temperature, humidity of the atmosphere, rain-fall, and barometrical variations made with the in- struments supplied by Government, and extending over most of 1859-60 and the whole of 1861. For these I am chiefly indebted to Dr. Hugh Clark, Bengal Artillery. Temperature. 'The observations on temperature were made nine times daily during part of the above period, and four times daily, during the remainder, and may be considered reliable. 226 TABLE 1. Bl a ep io) 4g, (e) 3 (fo) 40 | 4a a e= | e=| 8 = = = January, ...... 60.67 | 37.25] 48.96 February, 66.76 | 41.5 | 54.13 Wigngelals) Gash5s 73.88 | 49.47 | 61.67 AoA, 4 yonagqo05 87.96 | 638.07 | 75.51 MBN ados0 000 101.11 | 70.95] 86.03 Tune te 105.92 | 78.31] 92.11 Tilly, basuowoee 103.95 | 80.37 | 92.16 August, ...... 99.9 | 79.77) 89.83 September, ...} 97.2 | 72.65 | 84.92 October, ...... 87.35 | 55.28 | 71.31 November, ...| 76.67] 42.45 | 59.56 December, ...| 66.7 | 39.80) 53.25 Annl. means, | 85.67] 59.23 | 72.45 \ Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [ No. 3, It thus appears that the three coldest months at Peshawur are December, January and February, during which the average temper- ature is 52.119 F., the highest single observation being 77° F., in February, and the lowest 32° F. in January; the three hottest months are June, July, and August, the average temperature of which is 91.36° F., the highest single observation noted, being 113.5° F., in June, and the lowest 70.5° F.; the hottest single month being July, with an average temperature of 92.16° F., and the coldest, Ja- nuary, averaging 48,96° F. The average temperature of the three spring months calculated for these three years is about 80° F., and that of the three months of autumn nearly the same. As it may be interesting to compare the temperature of Peshawur with that of Sahdarunpore and Umballa, the nearest places to the south east, with regard to which I possess authentic series of observations, I here give some results for these stations, from the data given by Royle and Edgeworth, with the corresponding Pesha- wur figures. These shew that although the summers are hotter, and the winters colder at Peshawur than at these two places, yet its mean temperature is rather lower, which corroborates a remark made by Hooker and Thomson in the introduction to the Flora Indica. TABLE 2. see ge ce cs a ae SSS ej ey ye sagt eS : oo om ab = ey : = > ea |salag tal alte bes ase) Bie Ir csr cares =a [ses BM 8 S| am o) o) = = 5 fa) a A Means of Maxima, ...s..ce0:-2-0+--- 102 2 1103.25) 71.7 ? 64.71 Means of Minima, 72.16 ? 79.48 | 42.5 P 39.51 Means of these,.........../.........02)|) 87.08 || 86.81 || 91°36 1863. ] Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 227. NS|ns |~m = 3 3, Sx SF og os eas (ag lac laa ae ose re eet ede er | ee sel oe | as} es | ea | Ss aS | RD Bes | SS) |] eS | see ae mH sy (Sas oO o qn |} < ‘Youve “Seplomyomes +7 ‘mebpay ‘wumsoouere * 7 ‘od “UMUMOJOYOrp Tanjostuus | ¢ unuejoury wosodoskay9 “puarg “sugnjoautr “Ww ‘sgog TWperg, “We "T ‘snjjAis uosodorpuy ‘gf pue ay caceaennos wosodo.104077 ‘ds “Wy “oy “B908{O8 VprsLry [ No. 3, Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 250 ‘OWE NT NIYSNG ‘A AON founp "B AON ‘AIOE ‘Byeny "p ‘Aon ‘ATne “Bf “AON ‘oun "AON ‘EB 290 ‘y oune ‘pg oune Avy “BH Gore yy ‘B Tady “yoaeyy ‘PB oune “Avy “B AON “490 ‘Bp AON ‘oun "B AON dog ‘Bp yony ‘B AON “dog ‘Bo ySny ‘B Aon ‘Ata ‘BP AON founr ‘Bp AON “dy ‘optp “OFT ‘oqftp “0NT Bp Indy ‘p Avy Tady B dy ‘B AON ‘oune ‘WMI IO JOMOF JO porsog ‘ow “TLOUNTLOL) “HU PULL “MOULULOOUN JON “‘quepung y ‘IoJeM UL FUBpUNG Vy ‘gp[oY, poyRoLlal UL OSNJOLd OTT ‘[BOOT SMOULULOD JON, “OWT OI ‘WOTMULOOUN. 40 NJ OTB ‘sp[oy UI WOULULOOUN JON ‘OLE YT ‘om ‘SoyJIP UI WOTUULOD “WOUMULOOUN 40 NT *[RTLOTSVO0GQ, “HOTUULODUN 40 NT “OWN OLB YY ‘on ‘spley UL MouLULO’ *[BUOISVO0() “mowmULOOUN 40 NT Rede] Oren ae IV “TOULULOZ) *SplOy UI MoULULOD ‘Sploy UL WOUTUMOOUN JON ‘Sploy Ul WoULUOD *UOULULOD ‘dumep 210A WOTULOD ‘Souonbo.a,y “T ‘sroLIogIp *D ‘way ‘staelideo “6 "SNOATE ‘CQ “qyjoy ‘snyemoronuUr "A ‘gqaxy “BIUYeITVKE *O 7 ‘snpunjoa snaod ig ‘ds “vorpoyy TUN{VOLIMI UInIETIeUy ‘ds . g ‘ds ‘edyg ‘ds ‘eonqso,y ‘ds ‘ummop.10H TANYUSTNULS TUMNILOTT “pIUM “edoyy UanTedseg “yung ‘SnUIESe{s snueuIsT[dO ‘ds T ‘ds ‘ouovsy ‘co “eyemormos “Ww “eqeystre vpnidy “coy “exopiq oseddery ‘osuodeTep, UMTLGI0G ‘ds “umaoydoddeg ¢ VOLS SNpPIV NT ‘TRO y Byeroduy “TT ‘ST][OUL SnNULOIg ‘TT ‘SISMOTIVUBH SIIVleY TT “engey BUOAW “7 ‘stsuoyead snmoodo,y ‘youanypy “eotne VIoIVULeT “7 ‘sisuosorjodsuoyy, uosodAjog “quvid Jo owe Ny ——————— ea 251 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 1863. | ‘qdag rayopung DB AON "390 az, ONS. ‘Amp ‘qdog “Aap ‘ATO "p Ap “qoreyy "Gg ‘AON foune 2H AON * youy sD AON “AON "A Gosre yl ‘Ajo “AON B OIG B “AON *TLOULULOD) ong | ‘OFFIC “quepung vy ‘OIG ‘OLB, "1oYWM UL OSNFOI OFFI *[BUOISBDDGQ) ‘om ‘soyyrp ‘sespe Ur Juepungy “MOULULOD) *MOULULODUN 40 NT "[BUOISvI00 *TOULULOOUM. 40 NT OO Y *MOULULOOUN 40 NT OTE “Oy SUB pUnG, 490} 00G‘Z 0} WOUIUIOOUN 4oN7 *[RMOTSVI0G, ‘OUT ‘MOULULOG) “OTe yy “MOULULOOUN. JON, "WOTUULOD SSO] 10 oLoUT [Te ‘saAepac_) ‘N Toy3qnop jo squejd g pue ‘ssow B “wAroyuoo @ (¢ ¢) Bloque “ereyo yw ‘SURICM “x7 ‘SsuURIINE VIoory “voy ‘oTIqep winjesmmba ‘ds ‘eryueyoae yy “elOZV ¢ “ds “erurapeg “'T “erjoyiapenb eorpisaze py é Sarg ‘sttoydApoyy, eeoaqsery “BI[OJLSUOT S104 q “7 ‘sitoue A sniideg umnyueipy “og og ‘waovred ig ‘aSatq “eWRIYOTTe AA XoIeD 7 ‘snugiaeu sndiiog “ug ‘staysnjed steyooopa "saan “eqeurjoed eqeatoorleyy ‘oy ‘wangou0D vancoy dori dds ‘ds . a “1YMA “eULOZOYOIp “Ff ‘saan “ST[RAO STLAQST.Iq UAT ¢ uedsey ‘9 252 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [No. 3, The number of plants in the foregoing list amounts to 467, of which 348 are dicotyledonous, 105 monocotyledonous, and 14 aco- tyledonous, and these are distributed in about 320 genera, and 95 natural orders ; thus the natural orders are to the genera as 1 to 3.45, and to the species as 1 to 4.91. 377 out of the whole species have been specifically identified, but of these must be excluded 8 species with regard to the general distribution of which I have not sufficient data to render them available for any calculations as to the geographical relations of the Peshawur Flora. Of the 369 species thus left to be dealt with in this connexion, 188 belong to the ordinary Indian Flora, while those plants which are found at various heights in the Himalaya, amount to 128, 39 species being common to both the Himalaya and the plains. One circumstance which comes out strongly in the examination of the plants of Peshawur, is that here in the plains a great many species, (many of them European,) are indigenous, which to the Eastward cf the Punjab are only found in the Himalaya (or at similar heights in the Neilgheries, &c.) It has long been familiarly known that a considerable number of European species of herbaceous plants inhabit the plains of the N. W. Provinces. These generally flourish “in the cold season,” to use Dr. Royle’s phrase, but with regard to many of them, spring is the season of active growth, as I have been able to verify by observation during the early months of, 1861, 1862 and 1863. All of these extend also into the Punjab, and the circumstance with which we are now concerned, goes to prove what otherwise would appear very likely, viz. : that the further North West we proceed, the greater is the number of (European and) Himalayan plants found in the plains. I shall here give a list of those plants which, near Peshawur, I have found below 1500 feet above the sea- level, but which have not been found in the plains of the North West Provinces, (to the East of the Sutlej)—many of them, so far as my information goes, having been found at such low elevations in the extreme North West Punjab only ;—but my means of obtaining data regarding the distribution of many of even the Indian species of plants, have, from my isolated position, and the want of libraries, &e.,—been so limited, that I have doubtless inserted some plants which ought to be excluded from this list. 1863.] Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 253 Of the 68 species, those marked B. are British, those marked E. are found in other parts of Europe, while the rest are Himalayan plants. B. hi w& Ranunculus arvensis, Z. R. letus, Wall. Adonis estivalis, Z, . Ceratocephalus faleatus, Mench, . Lepidium ruderale, Z, . Malcolmia africana, R. Br. Goldbachia levigata, DC. Euclidium Syriacum, DC, . Sisymbrium Sophia, L. . Neslia paniculata, Desv. . Arenaria serpyllifolia, Z, Sageretia oppositifolia, Brongn. Rhamnus virgatus, Rox. Rhus Kakrasinghi, Royle (acuminata, DC. ?) . Medicago maculata, Willd, . Trifolium repens, L. . Lotus angustissimus, L, . Rubus fruticosus, L, R. lasiocarpus, Sz. Grislea tomentosa, fox, . Herniaria hirsuta, Z. . Sium angustifolium, Z, . Tillea muscosa, L. . Galium aparine, L. G. tricorne, With. . Asperula cynanchica, L, . Taraxacum officinale, Wigq. Gnaphalium multiceps, Wall. Lactuca auriculata, Wall. Koelpinia linearis, Pall. . Centaurea calcitrapa, LZ. Aplotaxis candicans, DC, . Bidens cernua, ZL. . Samolus Valerandi, Z, Olea Europea, L, solulse/nes Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. Nerium odorum, L. Orthanthera viminea, Wight. . Lithospermum arvense, L. Lantana alba, Azil. Eremostachys laciniata, Bunga Lallemantia Royleana, Benth. . Lycopus Europeus, L. Salvia pumila, Benth. S. lanata, Row. S. Moorcroftiana, Wall. Micromeria biflora, Benth. Ajuga parviflora, Benth. . Plantago lanceolata, Z. Gieseckia linearifolia, Schum. . Chenopodium Botrys, L. . Atriplex laciniata, Jfoq. Rumex hastatus, Don. ? Salix Babylonica, Z. . Populus alba, Z. Ficus Roxburgh, dig. . Alisma Plantago, Z. A. reniforme, Don. Tulipa stellata, Hook. Allium leptophyllum, Wadi. . Juncus articulatus, Z. Cymbopogon Iwarancusa, Schult. . Poa annua, LZ. . Phalaris Canariensis, Z. . Bromus mollis, Z. Eriophorum comosum, Wail. Carex Wallichiana, Prese. . Lastrea Thelypteris, Pest. ticcia fluitans, ZL. | No. 3, The number of British species found in the Peshawur valley amounts to 100, being avery large proportion of the number of species (Hooker and ‘thomson give 222) common to Britain and India, and of this number the following twenty species have not, 1863. | Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 255 so far as I am aware, been hitherto found in the Himalaya, or in the plains to the Hast of the Punjab. Sisymbrium Irio, DC. Lepidium Draba, L. Frankenia pulverulenta, L. ba) Kuphorbia Helioscopia, L. KE. Peplus, Z. Erodium maritimum, Z. Her. EK. cicutarium, Z. ? Cichorium Intybus, LZ. Lycopsis arvensis, L. Plantago major, L. Suzeda fruticosa, Mog. Chenopodina maritima, L. P| Salsola Kali, 2: ? Typha latifolia, Z. Lemna minor, Z. Digitaria sanguinalis, Pers. Keeleria cristata, Pers. Agrostis alba, LD. Alopecurus pratensis, J. Nardus stricta, Z. The number of Central and Southern European species of plants, (exclusive of such as are also found in Great Britain) included in the Peshawur Flora, is 61. African species, continental and insular, occurring in the Pesh- awur valley, amount to 146, and it is worthy of note that among these are 11 out of 14 identified Peshawur Cyperacex, and 30 out of 44 Grasses. Of the Peshawur species, 101 have been found in the region com- prising the Caucasus, Asia Minor, Syria and Persia. The species of Siberia, Mongolia, and Central Asia (north of Tibet) are 59, of which 43 are common also to the last section. The Arabian species amount to 41, of which 18 are found in the Persian region also. The species collected at Peshawur, and common to it with Affgha- nistan, Beluchistan and Sind, are 47, of which the following appear 2K 2 256 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [No. 3, not to have been as yet found elsewhere than in these three regions, excepting one or two which are indigenous also in some parts of the Punjab, Cis-Indus. Papaver cornigerum, Stocks. Crotalaria Burhia, Ham. Reptonia buxifolia, 4A. DC. Withania coagulans, Dun. Scrophularia Cabulica, Benth, Tinaria Cabulica, Benth. Plantago eriantha, Due. Anabasis multiflora, Moq. Caroxylon Griffithu, AZfoq. Chamerops Ritchiana, Griff. The following 32 are characteristic Punjab species, many of which extend to the more arid tracts near Delhi, some even (as Cocculus LLeeba) to dry parts of the Peninsula, and of which many are also found in Arabia or Africa, while a few (as Fagonia cretica, Plantago arenaria, and Forskahlea tenacissima) extend to the South of Europe. Cocculus Lezeba, Forsk. Oligomeris glaucescens, Dre. Cleome Ruta, Jacq. C. linearis, Stocks. Mollugo Cerviana, Seringe. Crozophora tinctoria, Juss. Fagonia Cretica, Z. Peganum Harmala, L. Acacia modesta, Wall. Carthamus oxyacantha, Bieé. Filago Germanica, Z, Berthelotia lanceolata, DC. Franceeuria crispa, DC. Pulicaria vulgaris, Gertn. ? Trichogyne cauliflora, DC. Rhazzya stricta, Dne. Periploca aphylla, Due. Demia extensa, R. Br. Tecoma undulata, Don. Heliotropium Huropxum, E. 1863. | Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 257 H. brevifolium, Wall. Nonnea Edgeworth, DC. Scopolia prealta, Dun. Ballota limbata, Benth. Plantago arenaria, W. f K. P. bauphula, ‘Ldgew. Forskahlea tenacissima, L. Cenchrus echinatus, L. Pennisetum dichotomum, Delile. P. araneosum, Mdgew. P. cenchroides, Fzch. Chloris villosa, Pers. ? A few of the Peshawur plants, 36, are found also in China or Japan, but of these many are of very wide distribution throughout the world, and the same remark applies to 78 species that are corn- mon to Peshawur and Australia, as well as to 97 species that occur also in America, continental or insular. Of the 369 Peshawur species, 1385 are found in at least three out of the five great divisions of the globe. Of these, however, a consi- derable proportion do not extend, in Africa and Europe, far from the Mediterranean, so that although occurring in three continents, they are not so widely distributed as the mere statement of the latter fact would appear to indicate. The results of the above may be thus briefly stated ; Indian species, 188 ; Himalayan, 123: common to the plains of India and the Hima- laya, 39; Himalayan, which have been found in the plains to the west of the Sutlej only, 68; British species, 100, of which 20 have not been found to the east of the Sutle]; of South Hurope, 61 ; African, 146; of Caucasus, Asia Minor, Syria or Persia, 101; of Siberia and Central Asia, 59, of which 43 occur also in the preced- ing section; Arabian, 41, of which 18 are common also to Persia, &e.; of Affghanistan, Beluchistan and Sind, 47,10 of these being peculiar ; of Punjab and arid tracts of India, 32; of China and Japan, 86; Australian, 78; American, 97 ; and occurring in at least three of the five continents, 135. I shall conclude this already too lengthy paper by some re- marks on a few of the species individually, noting those circumstances 258 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [ No. 3, in regard to their frequency, the uses to which they are put, &c., which seem to deserve attention. Ceratocephalus falcatus does not appear to have been previously found anywhere at the plain level in India, and I only got a very few plants on one occasion in the Peshawur district, at a place where I failed altogether to find it in the succeeding season. It occurred abundantly in central Waziristan, north west from Dehra Ismail Khan, at about 7,000 feet above the sea. Delphinium penicillatum is common in the lower hills round the valley, but as my specimens were lost, it is not included in the list. Cocculus Leaba is a common plant, but only on dry precipitous banks, where also (I might almost add where only) Capparis spinosa and HKhretia aspera are very generally found. ~ Immense quantities of Nelumbium speciosum grow in one part of the Peshawur marsh, where it has probably been introduced, and to which myriads of its flowers give a very gay appearance in July. The right of collecting the seeds and roots (the latter dug in Octo- ber) is leased out, both being eaten by natives. The (new ?) species of Malcolmia is in many parts of the valley an abundant weed, and the widespread masses of its pretty purple-lilae flowers have attracted the notice of the Huropean residents, by whom it is frequently called “ heather.” I have seen itas far east as Hussan Abdal, but it is not contained in an extensive collection of plants, made by Dr. J. E. T. Aitchison, at and near Jhelum. Specimens of it as well as of M. Africana, frequently occur with white flowers. The species of Notoceras is also common and may be new. It is a small, inconspicu- ous herb. I cannot find that Euclidium Syriacum, Alyssum calycinum, Sisym- brium Sophia or Neslia paniculata have previously been collected in the plains anywhere to the east of the Suliman range. Near Peshawur, all except the two last, are with Malcolmia Africana, abundant. Oligomeris glaucescens 1s by no means common, nor are Cleome Ruta, C. droserifolia, and C. linearis, as I only knew of one or two, stations where each of these could be found. Capparis aphylla (Sodada decidua, Forsk.) though not universal, is in some parts of the district abundant. Fliiggea virosa was not found in the valley, the only tree I saw in that neighbourhood being Cis-Indus, but it occurs frequently beyond the Indus to the South of Peshawur. 1863. | Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 259 Grewia oppositifolia is probably the plant (in Pushtu pastawane, literally “soft tree’) mentioned by Vigne as that from which the inhabitants of the Suliman range make their bows. It is frequent Trans-Indus, and is the ddman of the Punjab, where its elastic wood is used for making buggy-shafts, banghy-sticks, &c. Dodonza Burmanniana is one of the most characteristic plants of the dry rocky lower ranges to 4000, feet, Trans-Indus. It is a very handsome evergreen shrub, and does admirably for hedges. This plant is often called “ bog-myrtle” by Europeans, why I know not. Peganum Harmala is probably the most common of the larger herbaceous plants from Peshawur to Dehra Ismail Khan, and is doubtless the species “like Devil in the Bush,” alluded to by Elphin- stone as common near Peshawur, and surmised by Royle (appendix to Vigne’s Kashmir) to be Nigella—sativa. The Haplophyllum was only found in one spot, in one season. Celastrus parviflora is one of the characteristic plants of the dry tracts near the base of the hills ; it grows to be a largish shrub. The new (?) species of Sageretia (mtmdnt) is also very common in similar places to the last, and throughout the Trans-Indus hills generally to 4,000 feet. Its fruit which is not unlike the bilberry, is small, but when fresh is pleasant and sweet. Itis the madmunna of Grif- fiths and is well-known in the bazars of Peshawur and Afighdnistan. Under Rhamnus virgatus have probably been confounded two species, one (or both) of which is common on most of the Trans- Indus hills. Of Rhus Kakrasinghee (acuminata?) in Pushtu shkne, I have only seen a very few trees beyond the Indus; Griffith hints at the shne (schnee) of Affehanistan being a Xanthoxylon. This name thas at different times been applied by Affghans to each and all of the species of Rhus and Pistacia that I have ever shewn them. The present species produces beautifully marked wood—the Auwkkar of the Himalaya—for furniture, desks, &c.; and is subject to the growth of large, red, fleshy excrescences upon its leaves (as is also the case with Pistacia Cabulica or Atlantica in Belichistan, according to Stocks,) which are employed medicinally by the natives. Crotalaria Burhia was not met with in the Peshawur ville although it is common near Campbellpore, a few miles to the east of Attock, and abundant at many places to the south of Peshawur. The 260 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [No. 3, fibres of its bark are of great strength, but I am not aware of this property being taken advantage of for economical purposes. Acacia modesta is an abundant and characteristic shrub. Its flowers in spring have a most agreeable and powerful odour, easily felt at a distance of many yards to leeward of a bush in full blossom; and it furnishes good but very small timber, suitable for making ploughs, &e. Medicago maculata and Trifolium repens do not appear to have been previously found in the plains of India, but the one is common and the other occasional near Peshawur and in the Trans-Indus districts generally. Acacia catechu and Butea frondosa might have been included in the list of Peshawur Leguminose, as they were collected (though both are very rare) in the district. They have, however, been exclud- ed, as the specimens were lost at Nowshera—with the other results of my first two seasons botanizing in the valley—ain the flood of the Cabul river, caused by the great Indus cataclysmof 1858. On two occasions only were very young plants of Kubus lasiocar- pus found, in the beds of streams, and they may have been seedlings accidentally brought down from the hills. Trapa bispinosa is by no means common and has possibly been introduced. Grislea tomentosa was found only close to the Swat river near its débouchement from the hills. Tamarix orientalis is one of the trees very commonly planted about villages, &c., and I am not sure that I have ever seen it wild. It is a very handsome tree and looks a shady one (indeed, Elphinstone alludes to its shade as being extremely sombre,) but in reality, its slender, rod-like branches, with very minute leaves, afford a most in- adequate defence from the sun, as experience soon teaches the frontier campaigner. Its wood is of little value. The only Compositous plant that seems to require special notice is Carthamus oxyacantha which is abundant throughout the valley. An oil is extracted from its seeds which is both burned and used in cookery. Its parched seeds are eaten, and when ground, they are made into bread which is considered very nutritious. Col. Sykes gives similar information with regard to the uses of the allied Cartha- mus (Onobroma) Persicus, 1863. | Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 261 I may remark that lere, as elsewhere in the Punjab and in the N. W. Provinces, Anagallis arvensis is always the variety 6 cerulea, while every specimen I saw in the valley of Kashmir, had the usual scarlet corolla of the British plant. Reptonia buxifolia is a large shrub common towards the skirts of the hills, and to 3,000 feet, throughout the Trans-Indus districts. Its wood is small but hard and fine grained, and its fruit is the well- known gurgura of the Affghans, collected in April for sale, but which is miserable eating, and by no means deserves their panegyrics. Olea Europea is very common, Trans-Indus, as well as throughout the Western Punjab, in similar situations to the last. It is a small tree, furnishing a good deal of strong hard wood used for making agricultural implements, and for the kneed timbers of boats, &c. The supply for the Government boat-yards at Attock is brought chiefly from the direction of Nilab. Elphinstone mentions that its fruit is eaten both fresh and dried, by the Sheraunees, but I could discover no trace of such an usage among the Affghans, and the amount of fleshy pericarp is very much less than in the European olive. Rhazzya stricta is here (as further east in the Punjab) a characteris- tic shrub, being so abundant in some parts of the valley that its dried branches are commonly used as fuel. It seldom exceeds 2 or 23 feet in height, and its resemblance to the oleander (noted by Vicary in his paper on the Sind Flora, J. A.S.) accounts for its Pushttii name being a modification of the Hindustani name of the latter. Periploca aphylla, which occurs as far east as the hills north of Jhelum (and in the Salt range near that place where it was first found in India by Jacquemont), and which is common in most places Trans-Indus.(to Sind, see Vicary) is so abundant in some parts of the valley, as to be in common use as fuel. In one place, Cis-Indus, the young shoots are eaten as sag. The species of Boucerosia, not yet determined (I have only been fortunate enough to get it once in flower and fruit) has a distribution similar to that of the Periploca, than which it is, however, very much less abundant. ‘The appearance of its bunches of short tetragonal stems has suggested its Persian name panj angusht, five fingers, and one of its Punjabi names chdr angli, four fingers. Its taste is intense- ly bitter, and as in the case of most plants which have a very decided flavour, salutary effects are attributed to it by Pathans and Punjabis, 2 262 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. LNo. 3, by both of whom it is eagerly eaten. This is probably Griffiths’ ““Stapelioides, eaten as a vegetable” found by him in the Khyber Pass and appears to be the plant alluded to by Masson (Vol. II. p. 80) which however he calls “ a lichen.” Tecoma undulata is not uncommon in the Peshawur valley as elsewhere, Trans-Indus. It has by far the largest corolla of any wild plant I collected in the Punjab, and its gorgeous orange-coloured blossoms present a striking appearance in April and May. Cuscuta reflexa is by no means rare, and is the only parasitical plant found in the plain near Peshawur. (Viscum album is, however, evidently common above a certain height in the hills around, as it was at once recognized and named, both fresh and dried, by Tira men, who stated it to be frequent in their country). A yellow-flowered variety of Heliotropium Europeum (or a differ- ent species?) was only got in two places, and is probably the “ Helio- tropium flavum” found by Griffith near Jellalabad. The unnamed species of Nonnza (flower white, that of N. Edge- worthii being rose-coloured in all my specimens,) I only found in successive seasons in one field where it was abundant. Arnebia echioides is common near Peshawur, as elsewhere beyond the Indus, and in March and April its pretty yellow flowers enamel the ground in many places where it occurs in profusion. It has a pleasant smell, and under the name of the “ Prophet-flower” is held in much esteem by the Affghans (but not to the south of the Trans- Indus salt range so far as I could learn) who attribute the five dark spots upon its corolla to the pressure of Mahomed’s fingers. I do not know of its having been found to the Hast of Hussan Abdal, there being some doubt as to specimens collected near Jhelum by Dr. Aitchison, but its congener A. hispidissima, which occurs in the Kohat Pass,is common in Rohilkhund, and is enumerated by Dr. Anderson in the flora of Lucknow. Lithospermum arvense is an abundant field-weed in spring, and Lycopsis arvensis occurs sparingly in waste places. Ehretia aspera is frequently found, Trans-Indus, on dry precipitous banks, but always much more stunted than in the lower North-West Himalaya. Withania coagulans is an abundant small shrubby plant and extends eastward at least to Jhelum. Its Persian name pani bad 1863. | Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 263 implies, and information received from Dr. Bellew regarding the practice at Candahar, authenticates its occasional use in Affghanistan as a coagulant, but this does not appear to be the case at Peshawur. Masson mentions its seeds as being useful in colic, &c., and this seems probable from the known sedative effects of W. somniferum. Hyoscyamus pusillus was only found, in successive years, in one place, where it was pretty common in several fields. Of Scopolia przalta only one plant was found near Peshawur, but I have frequently got it at places further to the south. It is rather singular that although Solanum gracilipes is common beyond the Indus about Kohat and to the south, (as in the Cis-Indus salt range when Jacquemont originally collected it) it was nowhere got in the Peshawur valley. The species of Dicliptera is abundant in shady spots every where, Trans-Indus, and Adhatoda vasica is, near Peshawur, as elsewhere in the Punjab and North West Provinces, a very common plant. Mentha incana is profuse by canals, &c. In one spot many plants occurred having each spike contracted into a quasi-capitulum. Of Eremostachys laciniata, in successive seasons, no more than a single plant was to be found, Ballota limbata is common in dry rocky places near the skirts of the valley. It extends eastward at least to Jhelum. Of Plantago bauphula there are two tolerably distinct varieties, both of which are abundant. Both Plantago major and P. lanceolata are very rare, and only found near water; while P. eriantha (?) is common in the most arid spots. Salvadora is frequent towards the base of the hills. In some places, Trans-Indus, powerful aphrodisiac qualities are attributed to the fruit of this plant, but it is probable that the circumstances under which it is collected—where the male and female inhabitants of whole villages turn out into the “jungle” to gather it,—rather than any quality of the fruit itself, afford an explanation of the results attributed to the latter. No fewer than twelve species of Salsolacez are found, most of them being very common, near Peshawur, and several additional species were got beyond the Indus to the south of the valley. We may note this in connection with the two or three species of this order found wild in the N. W. Provinces, and the twenty-two species (as given 2 2 264 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [No. 3, in Decandolle’s Prodromus) contained in Griffiths’ Affghanistan Herbarium, while in the Siberian Flora, the number is very much larger still. Of those found in the Peshawur district the most common are Anabasis multiflora, Sueda fruticosa, Caroxylon Griffithu, and Panderia pilosa, the last being the tallest and most bushy. So far as I am aware none of the Salsolacee are here applied to any use, but J understand that in the arid tracts between Lahore and Miltan, immense quantities of an impure alkali are extracted from the ashes of several of them (known by the general name of lane or lana) for export to other districts. ‘rua Javanica is very abundant, and grows in the driest places, often to upwards of five feet in height. It varies much in habit and in the form and size of its leaves. Rumex vesicarius is common in dry rocky or shingly situations. R. hastatus is only found at some height ahove the plain. Thymelea arvensis is an abundant field weed,: with a marked variety less common than the ordinary form. The species of Alnus was only met with near the debouchement of the Swat river from the hills, near which place it is common, but stunted. Quercus Ilex, I procured from the Khyber Pass where it must be abundant, as its wood is one of the commonest brought in for fuel to the cantonment of Peshawur. Forskihlea tenacissima is not uncommon on dry rocky spots. It varies very much in habit, being sometimes short stemmed, low and scrambling, and at others tall, erect and half-shrubby. Its leaves also vary much according to age, in texture and “ tenacity.” Pinus longifolius I have collected at about 4,000 feet above the sea, in the hills to the North-Hast of the valley, and I procured it from the hills above Abazéi towards Swat, where it is said to be abundant. It is notable that there should be none (nor was Quercus Ilex met with) on the hills to the south of the valley, which rise to 5,000 feet above the sea. Nor did we reach it on the Waziri expedi- tion into the Suliman range North-West of Dehra Ismail Khan, when we attained 8,500 feet, and where its lower limit (forests of it were seen above us, and I picked up its cones in stream-beds)—was certainly not under 9,000 feet. The comparative drought has doubt- less much to do with this. The Affghan name of the tree is nakhtar, 1863. | Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. 265 under which Cedrus Deodara also appears to be included. The word shdutai (mentioned by Griffith and Irvine) is only applied to its resinous splinters used for torches and firewood. An undetermined species of Asparagus is common here, as in many parts of the Western Punjab ; while A. racemosus is very rare. Alisma reniforme occurred only in one spring, which fact may possi- bly be connected with the temperature of the latter, which is very equable, and always considerably higher than that of the air in winter and spring. Allium leptophyllum, Asphodelus fistulosus, Tulipa stellata and a species of Iris are all abundant in the fields in spring, when the gaudy flowers of the two last present a very gay appearance. Of Commelynum communis I only found a single plant. Zeuxine sulcata is not uncommon in dampish places. The various species of Fluviales are all abundant in most pools or slow running streams. Chamerops Ritchiana (possibly identical with C. humilis, the most northern and only Huropean Palm) is not got close to Peshawur itself where the supply has probably been completely used up—but very large quantities of it are brought in from places a few miles off, where it is gregarious and covers extensive tracts, for the manufacture of mats, ropes and sandals, &c. The hillmen make a tobacco pipe from a single segment of a leaf by twisting it up spirally ; and when the ends of all the segments of a leaf are tied together, it is used as a way-side drinking vessel. The mossy looking rete lying inside the base of the petiole is used as tinder for which it answers admirably. Though I have not seen this plant to the Hast of the Indus, and Dr. Fleming in his Report (in J. A. 8.) on the Salt Range, does not mention it as growing there, yet I am informed on good authority that it is found on the top of Sarkesar in that range. Typha angustifolia is abundant in all marshes but it is superseded as a material for mats, for which it is used in the N. W. Provinces, &c., by the Chameerops, from which a much stronger and more lasting article is made. ‘The seeds of the Typha are used as a binding mate- rial for wall plaster, and to the South of Peshawur, the leaves are employed ag thatch. Of the Peshawur grasses a large number grow in very dry situa- tions and of these the following are the most prominent; Aristida 266 Memoranda on the Peshawur Valley. [| Nowe: setacea, Heteropogon contortus, Pennisetum cenchroides, Chloris villosa (?), Rottbeellia hirsuta, Andropogon Bladhii, Cenchrus echinatus, Eleusine flagellifera, and the species of Pappophorum. The proportion of grasses to the whole of the plants collected in the Peshawur district, about 60 to 460 (more than one-eighth) seems very large when we consider that the number of grasses in the Indian Flora to the total number of Phanerogamous species found in India, including the Himalaya and Ceylon, is given by Hooker and Thomson as about 400 to 12,000 or one-thirtieth. A comparatively large number of grasses were also obtained in the Trans-Indus districts, hill and plain, south from Peshawur to near Dehra Ismail Khan, the proportion to the number of plants collected being more than one-tenth (about 65 to 640). The Cyperacez are also numerous at Peshawur, about 20 to 460 species; I am not aware that any of them is applied to any special economical purpose. Of Ferns, Adiantum Capillus Veneris is common on the sides of wells (as it is in the N. W. Provinces, though Royle does not mention it as found there,) and in shady places by ditches, &c. ; Pteris longifolia and Lastrea Thelypteris (?) are both uncommon. Marsilea quadrifolia and Equisetum debile are both profuse in damp places, as are Riccia natans, R. fluitans, and Azolla, floating on, and Chara, immersed in water. In bringing toa conclusion these notes on the Peshawur Flora, I have to express my exceeding regret that owing to various unavoid- able causes, so many of the species should still remain unidentified. As among these there will probably be a considerable number new to India, when circumstances permit of their identification, I may beg for admission into the Journal of the Society of a corrected list with remarks, so as to furnish a more complete view of the Flora than is at present possible. Meanwhile I have preferred sending the present imperfect paper, to incurring the indefinite delay that may occur before all the species can be thoroughly compared and named with certainty; knowing as I do from bitter experience, from how much vexation the possession of even such a catalogue as I have been able to give here, would save the tyro in Indian botany who commences his labours in the Upper Punjab. PII PIIOIIIIIIILILIILIIIIII I 1863. | Inscription from Pu-gan. 267 Remarks on a stone inscription from the ruins of Pu-gin on the Irrawaddy river.— By Lieut -Col. A. P, Puayre, C. B. Bengal Staff Corps. Among the ruins of the city of Pu-gan are numerous ancient inscriptions, generally on slabs of sandstone, which being soft, and the slabs having for centuries been exposed to the weather, the inscriptions have for the most part become much worn, and are now difficult to be read. Many of these inscribed stones have been re- moved by order of the king of Burmah to the capital. Those which remain at Pu-gan are seldom found in their original places, but have been collected chiefly within the enclosure of one Pagoda called Baudi-Phra. Some years ago when at Pu-gan I took rubbings of several of the inscriptions, but from want of leisure, have never set seriously to work to decipher them. At length I commenced with one, the date of which was legible, and which had the merit of being short. With the help of two Burmese literati, Moung Shwé Hlau and Moung Ta, I have been able to decipher it. The inscription possesses no historical interest, but may be of use as showing the form of letters existing among the Burmese at the time it was engraved, and so be a key to other and more valuable writings. For this reason the original rubbing is sent, and a copy in modern Bur- mese character, with an English translation, and notes, are added. The inscription is unsatisfactory, as it does not give even the name of the person making the gifts which it records. Very different in this respect is the conduct of the bestower, to that of the modern Burmese, who take care to record carefully their names when they build a religious or charitable fabric. The language of the inscrip- tion is homely Burmese, with such few Pali words as the nature of the subject required. In later times a man would have despised the vernacular, and have recorded his good deeds entirely in flowing Pali. The language is quite intelligible, though the meaning of a few words is still doubtful. Considering that the inscription is now, (in A. D. 1862), six hundred and seventy-three years old, it is won- derful that so few of the words have become obsolete. The inscription records that the donor from sincere feelings of respect to “the three treasures, Budha, his law and his ministers,” 268 Inscription from Pu-gin. [No. 3, bestows or presents certain land, and agricultural implements, in order that pure milk, or a preparation of rice-milk, or milk and honey, may be available; and after blessing those who assist in the good work, the inscription concludes with dreadful imprecations on those who destroy it. While the donor is not mentioned, though ene word implies a royal benefactor, nothing is even said as to whom the offering is intended for; but perhaps that would have been in- decorous, as it was probably a gift to a monastery, and Budhist monks, not only theoretically must be dependent on daily charity for their food, but must be utterly indifferent to it, except to support life for the purpose of practising virtue. But milk is not taken as food by grown up people in Burmah; or at all events is only lately beginning to be used. Possibly the milk may have been intended for foreign Budhist monks from Ceylon, who, there is reason to be- lieve, about the time of the inscription, were not unfrequently at Pu-gan. Some explanatory notes have been added to the inscription. The original consists of eighteen lines, and the copy in modern charac- ters is written to correspond with it. Copy of the inscription in modern character. 29096) 5 3 399909,09 § SoG SRF jqo5slss0053 o€ 50g 2p. c0qp09209,99899012095 R05 D008 EG a5e35gogodqcooaZon$39Qg)9 85a Qn030qClsa00209 eq] HBO eoo0g9 s05Qo06dcy cdg 2000¢(Goro8 Scovdaacq Ros G299 c209|6 909, 5003 Sgacepad e(g5o2 saesooI Osc scgegocedlarecg6eoooco 059 E OllosAOQo9—5e$EZE9 o11w$(OGoyo1ige yo 5 2 er CO 20 = = 20 a ee. boaley>se Pam SSE eer Patsy 13) 2 oY AD Lime avaak i MBA SE ag LE ree 13 Para of ers eae Deqei “us at = SE wf Ss: a a Genes ig get 4 anes eae tai 3 PSs se Bays oe are Ne hile of COPIED FROM A PHOTOGRAPHED REDUCT!ON AND LITH? BY H.M SMITH, SURV’ GEN’S OFFICE, CALCUTTA, NOV. /862. 1863. | Inscription from Pu-gan. 269 90 Of69[eq,99 Qo19|EG8o3o .011030YOSe(Gy0n sede 99 GooIIg}ClGlcoooearaE goQBoEdleoss020001 #229, DJ aga Beaqeng pSecorodgagog deegoqadaé D0 S&ca0dq.u70909/00026(8(GYq] Scocovon $2632 Ca 0G GaddIgC og gococooaiI(OJo09e@cO0NIISe (Go pce $9) Geto) O$oSqiod cocaoaiIc09539qSos|co G000I1I8q$c00 9€ wpdeqdoco0o = —_ and dep gad Beoeo00e00 GOe0006,8 OL GOGH —-_ QOH cqodqapey 290 03900 oSeo0a(gesaScooqSeoooeon Translation of the Inscription. In the era 551* the Tharawan year, the fifth day of the waning moon Tabodwai, (bearing in mind) the offering of pure milk curds,t made sincerely from a well disposed regard to Phra (Budha) (his) law (and his) ministers, (therefore I in order to provide) milk-curds, * The existing era of the Burmese, commences with the vernal equinox of the year A. D. 638. All their astronomical knowledge is derived from the Hindus, (or Budhists of India) and formerly each year used to be designated in succes- sion, by one of the lunar mansions of the Hindu system. Thus in the inscrip- tion, the year 551 is called Tharawan, which answers to Sravanah the 22nd lunar mansion of the Hindus. The waning moon Tabo-dwai falls in February. The inscription was executed in the year 1189 A. 1). + Offering of pure milk. The composition of this inscription is, like all ancient, and indeed most modern, Burmese writings, so elliptical, that much of the meaning has to be guessed at. In this sentence it is possible that the offer- ing of ga-nha, milk and honey, made to Gautama, after six years of fasting and mortification by Thoodzata is alluded to, 2M 270 Inscription from Pu-qan. [No. 3, (and) cows,* to be the property of the three treasures, royally bestowt pure milk curds (and) rice-producing land;{ * * * * in quantity at the place (called) Po-oon-tshay-tsyeng until you reach the village Tsagyo, and from the north to the west until you reach the Nhen- gyee§ stream, (what is) my own (that I) bestow, rice land (in extent) 50;|| digging spades 50; broad spades 50; planks 50 ;* ploughs 50;7 sickle handles divided 110; earth rakes 50; in all 410. This my good work the men who have assisted, may they remain a hundred years; (but) that my good work, the loose de- structive men, who would make away with, (it) may the earth swal- low (them up); may the thunderbolts strike them ; may the clergy and laity avoid them; may tigers devour them; may crocodiles eat them, to-day may they be destroyed ; may their blood harden and become corrupt ;§ may calamity, enmity, and evil overtake them ;|| may all their endeavours come to nought; may they die; with gid- diness,§] may they have a disgusting stench in the body, with dis- tressing skin disease ; with shivering,* and may evil follow them day and night. * The word in the inscription rendered “cows” reads () FR? or 2 ae if the last it. may be a Pali word for cow; if the first it is bad spelling for QQ0900 * honey and milk,” or “‘ rice and milk.’ + Royally bestow. The word here rendered royally, is in the inscription spelt differently to the present mode of spelling that word; indeed it is an abbrevia- tion not now in use, yet it is difficult to suppose it to represent any other word. et the same time no other phrase in the whole inscription indicates a royal donor, { The word connected with “ rice-producing land” left blank in translation as not understood, may be the name of the place where it is situated. § It appears there is a small stream at Pu-gan still called Nhen-gyee. || ‘* Rice land fifty.” Probably the mere figures at that time sufficiently indi- cated the area of the land. If they meant the produce in bushels the land might be three or four English acres. {| Some obsolete words not understood precede the word “ spade.” * Planks are much used in land prepared for irrigation, to preserve the ridges which retain the water. + The word for plough is obsolete, but I am informed is still known in some parts of upper Burmah, {£ The spelling of the word for rakes differs from that of the present day. § Here the stone begins to be broken, ‘‘ blood become corrupt,” the words of the original are doubtful. || “‘ Overtake tnem.’ The words are inserted from the context where the stone is broken. 4] After “ giddiness” words broken away. * After ‘shivering’ words broken away. é ae er cee meen fhe 1863. | Memorandum on some medals and coins. 271 Memorandum on some medals and coins in the Museum of the Asiatic Society, found near Mergui on the Tenasserun Coast.—By Lneut.- Col. A. P. Puarre, C. B., Bengal Staff Corps. The coins or medals found near Mergui and presented to the So- ciety by Professor Oldham, have nothing to indicate the year when they were cast. Their metal appears to be a mixture of tin and lead. Tin is found in plenty in that part of the country. Possibly some of them may have been made for circulation as money, but that is doubtful. It has never as a general rule been usual to coin money in the Burmese empire for currency. When Arakan was conquered in 1784 A. D. the Burmese Governors issued a coin in imitation of the custom observed by the Kings of Arakan, who again had learnt the practice from the Mahomedan Kings and Governors of Bengal.* It is possible that on the Tenasserim coast within the present dis- tricts of Tavoy and Mergui, where tin is found, coins may have been made for general use, more especially as those districts have occasion- ally belonged to the Siamese, who have copper coins and formerly even stamped glass. It appears to be the opinion of the people of the coast also, that these coins were formerly used as money and as weights. As, however, the large medals, numbers one to six of the plate, contain religious symbols, the fact of their common circulation is doubted by many inhabitants of the northern portion of Burmah whom I have consulted regarding them. It is more probable that they were made for the purpose of being deposited in Pagodas. There are sixteen large coins in good preservation, which contain only three different varieties. Of the smaller coins only six are sufficiently preserved to be described. None of them contain any date nor any king’s name. ‘They are probably recent, that is coined within the last hundred years. I shall now proceed to describe those coins of the collection which are figured on the accompanying plates the exact size of the originals :— No. 1.—Obverse.—The figure of a fabulous animal in the Burmese mythology called 082 T6 or pO0ds naya a compound of flying horse and deer. teverse.—An inscription in the Pali language, Burmese character as follows : * See Journal of Asiatic Society, Vol. XV. p. 232. 2M 2 272 Memorandum on some medals and coins. [ No. 3, QU09098 092004 Translation. “ Land of great happiness,” or “great happiness for people of (the) land.” The letters all read backwards from the die having been stupidly prepared without reference to the stamped or cast surface from it, coming out reversed. The inscription surrounds a wheel or circle, the symbol of Budha, “ emblematic,” says Col. Cunningham, “ of the passage of the soul through the circle of the various forms of exist- ence,” and here typifying as shown by the inscription the attain- ment of the great object, nirvana, rest in the happy land. No. 2.—This coin is from a different die to No. 1, but the device is generally the same. There is no difference in the inscription which is shown reversed. No. 3.—In this medal the animal intended to be represented is the same as in the others; the inscription is also the same; but this time is written correctly. The wheel here has only six compartments there being eight in the others. Hach compartment also has a small circle within it. No. 4.—No material difference. Underneath the animal on the obverse, is a six-rayed star; on the reverse, is the same inscription as before, and the central wheel or circle with eight compartments. The popular idea among the Burmese regarding these medals is, that they were cast by order of the king called Bau-dau-phra, who reigned from 1782 to 1819 A. D.; that he feared losing the remote maritime province of Tenasserim and trusted to some supernatural power by means of these medals to preserve his province from foreign invasion, and thus secure “great happiness for the people of the country.” This is a very far-fetched and unlikely interpretation. I think it much more probable that the medals are the work of a provincial Governor for a local purpose. They appear indeed to be quite unknown to people of good education from upper Burmah, to whom I have shown them. No. 5 is of a different type from the preceding. The obverse is a bird of no earthly form. The reverse bears what appear to be Burmese characters, but of which no meaning can be made. No. 6 is a medal which I am not prepared to explain, but the reverse with the square symbol in the centre is apparently a rude Plade XE. Plate. XML. ont! LORI LMLAWU NSE ADA, ie Oe ere WZ v Plate, EEA MO i q oe ri - 7 é Py J ‘i cS 2 P La i { j ty; i fy, i Bs i Se Lt ates . Peg ake ie a us — an - - 4 i i any ( ay 22) i Eh on om . ei > Plate. X VET. 1863. | Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. 273 representation of the chaitya of ancient Budhist coins with central relic chambers. The obverse may possibly represent a lotus bud. Of the numerous small coins in the collection only six can be in any way deciphered. These are figured in the plate and marked Nos. 7 to 12 inclusive. The obverse in these coins appears generally to contain a figure meant to represent a lion. In one instance, No. 8, the figure is evidently a humped cow. At first sight the reverse of these coins appears to bear traces of Burmese letters. Indeed some of the marks do make veritable letters of the Burmese alphabet. But no meaning can be extracted from them, and I incline to look on these six small coins, as copies of ancient Buddhist coins made by ignorant workmen, who, in copying the common chaitya symbols, have made random marks like Burmese characters. But the symbols in the coins marked 8 and 11, evidently differ from the rest. Iam unable to offer any probable explanation of them. Two Ancient Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India ; teats, trans- lations and comments.—By BABu RAJENDRALALA Mirra. In my papers on Toramana and the kings of Gwalior I have noticed nearly all of Major General Cunningham’s collection of Inscriptions from Central India of which any sense could be made out. Of the few which remained to be decyphered, most were full of lacune and otherwise imperfect, and I have therefore returned them to their owner, for such use as he may deem fit to make of them in his forth- coming essay on the history of the celebrated stronghold of the | Kachvahas. There were two, however, which were sufficiently legible to admit of trustworthy interpretations ; and transcripts and trans- lations of these I now offer to the readers of the Journal. The first is from a small Jain temple at Kajraha, nine coss from Chhatterpur, which is on the high road from Saugor to Hamirpur, It is incised on a small slab nine inches square, the lines, eleven in number, being, with one exception, just eight inches long. Its language is pure Sanskrita, but the metre of its poetical portion is defective, and the spelling throughout incorrect, the dental sibilant being every where used instead of the palatal and the cere- bral, and the cerebral being in one place used in the place of a kh as in the modern Hindvi. 274 Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. [ No. 3, The subject of the record is the donation, by one Bhabya Pahila, of six small plots of garden land and a house for the use of a temple ; it is dated, Monday the 7th of the waxing moon in the month of Vais’‘kha, Samvat 1011 = A. D. 954. When I first read the inscription I took the cypher in the date to be a 7, as I felt it difficult readily to believe, that the modern Deva- nagari, the character used, could be associated with the Samvat date 1011, but finding the figure 7 differently given at the foot of the record, I had no alternative but to take it for a dot. The idea of 7 was suggested by a twisted tail at the right hand of the eypher which in modern Nagari cannot be expected in any other figure. Its presence, however, has been accounted for by General Cunningham, who says, “ I have satisfied myself by personal examination that the figure one was first engraved and afterwards changed to 0.’* The inconsistency regarding the association of so early a date as the tenth century, with very modern characters, General Cunningham explains by assuming the record to be a recent transcript of an ancient document. In a private letter (dated 10th November, 1860) to Mr. A. Grote, commenting on my translation of the inscription, he observes: “ Of the short inscription from Kajraha (or Khajuraha) I have little to say. The date has puzzled Rajendra on account of the modern style of the letters ; but the date can only be one of two, either 1011 or 111], (better 1711). I believe that the inscription may have been engraved any time during the last 300 years, from a more ancient copy. My reasons I will give in detail when giving my note on the Khajuraha kings. I may mention, however, for Rajendra’s satisfac- tion, that I copied in the same Jain temple an inscription, but without date, which is word for word the same as the other down to the enumeration of the gifts. I say word for word, but not letter for letter, as this other shorter inscription has no mistakes in it of one s for the other, and is besides in comparatively old characters, on the pedestal of a Jain figure.” The donor, a Jain, calls himself the respected of Raja Dhanga, and gives away, among several parcels of garden land, a house and pre- mises of the name of “ Dhdnga badi.” This would imply him to have been either a near and elder relative of Dhanga, or a priest. The latter is not likely, as a Pahilla, according to General Cunningham, * Ante XXIX. p. 396. 1863.] Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. 275 was the founder of the Dhanga dynasty, and it is therefore likely that ‘the donor with the same name was a member of this family, though there is of course nothing to prevent his being a priest. Any how, as he is neither a royal nor a historical personage, the knowledge of his identity is of little interest to the antiquarian. The fact, however, of his having been a contemporary of Dhanga in 1011 Samvat, set- tles the chronology of a long line of princes who exercised supremacy in Bundelkhand eight hundred years ago. The first mention of Dhénga occurs in a record published by the late Lieut. W. Pierce in the 12th Vol. of the Asiatic Researches (p. 357). The document was found inscribed on a large stone in the vicinity of the town of Mhow about ten miles distant from Chatter- pur, i. e., very near the same place whence the monument now under notice has been brought. It was mutilated at its beginning and end, owing to the stone having been used for grinding the knives and axes of the neighbouring peasants. Enough, however, was left, to afford a pretty connected account of nine chieftains and their minis- ters. The first chief of the roll was Dhanga Deva, who, after a long and prosperous reign, destroyed himself by drowning at the holy junction of the Ganges and Jumna opposite Allahabad. The last of his line was Madanavarma, who was, according to his historiocrast, ‘a conqueror of the glories of Chedi, Kas’i and Malava.” The docu- ment gives no date, but judging from the circumstance of its having been from the same locality whence our Kajraha stone has been obtained, and from the age of the ruins where they were found, it would not be, for Indian history, too presumptuous, to assume the identity of the Dhangas named in the two records.* But we have more than a presumption to establish their identity. In a large inscription found at Kajraha by Capt. Burt and decyphered by the late Mr. J. C. C. Sutherland,} we have the genealogy of a Kajraha chief named Banga, who, in the Samvat era 1019 = A. D. 962, “ consigned his mortal coil to the confluence of the Ganges and Yamuna” at Prayaga. Now this Banga can be no other than the Dhanga of our inscription, and I have the authority of General Cunningham, who has examined the original stone, to state that the reading of Mr. Sutherland, owing of course to the imperfection of the facsimiles he * The credit of discovering the identity is due to General Cunningham, vide Ante, vol. XXIX. p. 394, + Ante vol, VIII. p. 159. 276 Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. [No. 3, lad before him, is defective in many respects, and that his Banga is a mislection of Dhanga. Thus then we have the era of Dhanga established by two inscriptions to be 1011 to 1019 Samvat, in the last year of which he committed suicide. How long before 1011 he had assumed the sovereignty of Kajraha, we have no means to ascer- tain. His panegyrist assigns him a long life of “109 autumns,” a good portion of which he must have spent in the exercise of his sovereign powers; it would not be too much, therefore, to assume that he reigned for at least fifty or sixty years, or Samvat 960 to 1019 = A. D. 902 to 962.* If we allow the usual average of eighteen years to each reign to six of his predecessors, the founder of his family would be placed 852 S. = 795 A. D., and the same average to eight of his successors would bring down the last of his race with whose name we are acquainted, Madanavarma, to S. 1173 = A. D. 1116. This would be, however, too early by two reigns, as the Kajraha inscription of Capt. Burt is dated “ Friday, the 3rd of the waxing moon in the month of Vais’akha S. 1173” = A. D. 1116 when Jayavarma, the grandfather of Madana, caused the eulogium of his ancestor Dhdanga to be transcribed from an old and ill-written document into the “ Kakuda” or, as correctly guessed by General C. “ Kumuda” characters. If allowance be made for this discrepancy, the average of the six reigns after Dhanga would come up to 254 years, which would be considerably more than the usual average of Indian reigns; but inasmuch as the chieftains of Kajraha were petty kings, or more probably vassals, enjoying from generation to generation the little principality, without being exposed to those vicissitudes which are incident to extensive sovereignty, their reigns should assimilate more to the average of human generation than to Indian reigns. And if this be admitted, thirty to thirty-three years should be assigned to each life rather than twenty-six. At the last named rate, which I accept to be on the safe side, Madana would be removed to the middle of the 12th century, and the chieftains of Kajraha for near four hundred years be thus arranged, the years being of course mere averages except in the cases of Dhanga and Jayavarma’s dates. * General Cunningham says that he has got a long inscription of Dhanga, dated 45 years before his death. The “109 autumns,” according to the same authority, is a mislection of “ upwards of a hundred autumns.” Satam samadhi- kam. Ante XXIX. p. 395. 1863. | Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. 277 T.—Nannuka, ......... 206-0 Beers ~ AD. 746-771 II.—Vagyati or Vakpati Ueerding if vaanoral C., 772—797 MD Ses Vijagragy (ceed) 8 Jocvetsss 4 798 —823 1V.—Vihala or Réhila a aking Ne Genetal ce 824—849 WR TNET CHIE Jon Bent He dee Becerra ieaiees SSR ne aE 850—875 VI.—Yasodharma Deva, son of Vv, Dili atm et 876—991 Mi Dltangareoniat Whe) 0262 Jeldesl.ccesdeawoes sce 902—962 VIII.—Ganda Deva, son of VIL., .....0...c2.000 008 962—988 IX.—Vidyddhara Deva, son of VIII., ............... 999-1014 Ne Vijavapealayson/of LK... cuss the ccdsanseeres, LOIS —104O X1.—Kirttivarma Deva, son of X., .............22.5. 1040-—1066 XII.— Varma Deva, son of XI., ............ 1066—1092 XIII.—Jayavarma* Deva, brother of XII., ...... 1092—1118 XIV.—Sallakshana Varma, son of XIII1., ......... 1118—1144 XV.—Madanavarma, son of XIV., .............. 1144,—1170 Of the history of these chieftains I shall here say nothing. General Cunningham has lately obtained a Hindvi poem, containing a chronicle of the principality of Kajraha, a summary of which, now under his pen, will, I have no doubt, throw much more light on the subject, than any thing that I can compile from the meagre inseriptions at my disposal. The second inscription is from Ratanpur in the province of Nagpur, It is inscribed on a temple of Mahadeva, and measures 2 feet 6 inches by 14 inches. The face of the stone on which it is recorded, is in a good state of preservation, and perfect facsimiles in intaglio may he taken off, by impressing on it moistened paper with the hand. Col. Cunningham’s facsimile has heen so prepared, and the depressions have been since filled up with ink, but the operation having been carelessly done, the ink-tracing, instead of proving a help to the reader, often misleads him. In deeyphering the record, I have, therefore, followed the relief side which, though reversed, is neverthe- less more trustworthy than the former, The character used for the inscription is intermediate between the Kutila and the modern Devanagari, with several letters which seem peculiar to the era of the document. The ¢ and the 62 have been written almost alike, the lower arm of the one being slightly rounded, * Mr. Sutherland had a notion that Jayayarma was the son of Dhénga, but ee inscriptions completely refute his idea. 2%. 278 Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. [No. 3, while in the other it is angular. The bh of this type, however, is not invariably used. The Kutila 62, resembling the modern 4, is promis- cuously used with the former. B, v and ch are written alike. At the end of the first line, which is about + shorter than the rest, several characters are scratched at the end, which cannot be made out; probably they. were of the same type as those of the rest of the inscription, but owing to partial obliteration they now look different. The second and third lines have several letters of the same kind. The last letter of every line, as also the initial letters of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th lines, are lost. In regard to style, the inscription offers little for comment. Sans- krita poetry of the later middle ages is noted for its unchaste ideas, silly conceits, and over-strained metaphors ; and the author of the record under notice, is in every way true to the age he livedin. An eager attempt to make up for the poverty of ideas by a pruriency of diction, pervades his composition,and the erotic tendency of his thoughts assails him even in his salutation to his gods. The language, however, is generally correct, and there is little to complain of against the engraver Sampula. The subject of the record is not of much interest. It is said that in the reign of Prithudeva son of Ratnapala, King of Chedi, modern Rewa and Mundla,* who was a prince of the lunar race, a Brahmana of great learning came from Chedi to the Turmana country, and one of his descendants, in the year 1150 A. D., dedicated a temple to S‘iva, in the village of Sambagrama. The locality of Turmana must be assumed, from the position of the temple, to be the district around Ratnapur, and for the origin of the name, we must look to the prince of the Gwalior inscription published in the last volume, whose dominion extended to the west as far as Bhopal and perhaps farther. By the testimony of the inscriptions and coins extant, it has been there shewn that Toramana was a prince of some renown, and the association of his name with the country, several centuries after his death, may be taken as an additional proof in support of that opinion. The name of the dedicator of the temple is indistinct, the syllables de, va and na are alone legible, with a hiatus after va barely sufficient for a single letter, which I suppose was a g. If this guess be correct, the name would be Devagana, probably an alias of the Devadasa * Vide Journal American Oriental Society, vol VI. p. 18. 1863. | Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. 279 described in a preceding part of the record. Rayera Siiha, the sixth in* descent from Gobinda, the founder of the family from Chandail, was probably his father. But the family panegyrist, after naming Bhopa the daughter of Radyera, celebrates the intimacy of the two brothers Balha and Devadasa without saying a word as to their descent. A Devagana occurs as the composer of the record and he is said to be the son of Ratna Sifha, but whether that Ratna Sifha was the son of Mame or a different person, does not appear; probably he was different, as otherwise the recital of three generations after the composer would be scarcely called for; and it would be difficult to account for the poet being, in sad breach of Hindu manners, so very particular as to who was the most favourite wife of his own gon, and an octogenarian contemporary of his great-grandson writing erotic poetry. Kumarapala, son of Avanipéla is said to have written the eulogium but whether on paper at the dictation of Devagana, or on the stone for the engraver, the record makes no mention. Of the family described, nothing is known for certain. They were probably influential residents of Berar, (ancient Bidarbha,) which was once a large and flourishing kingdom, but of the rulers of which we have now no record. The panegyrist no where assigns to them any royal epithet, and their history therefore can be of no interest to the Indian antiquarian. The inscription, however, is of use as supplying three names in the annals of Chedi, and as suggesting the fact of Nagpur and the country around it, having been, in the year of Samvat 1207 = A. D. 1150 and for a time before it, subject to the princes of Chedi; for it is not likely that the writer of the inscription should select the chiefs of that principality for his eulogium, if he had any sovereign of Nagpur or Bidarbha at the time, to make the theme of his praise. The three princes of Chedi named, are Jajalla, Ratna Pala and Prithvi Deva, the last of whom was a contemporary of Govinda, the seventh ancestor of the dedicator of the temple, who lived in A. C. 1150... Transcript of an Inscription from Kajraha. Gay {one waa | faaqgauaat a feaatu: |ajs (1) aqu(Qearaqa: qaqa | @aasaifaqaawiaasa * Govinda ; 2, Mame ; 3, Ratna Sifha; 4,—? had two wives Jénha and Prathé : 5, Jagat Sifiha; 6, Rayara Siiha; 7, Balha and his brother Devadésa alias (?) Devagana. 2N 2 280 Sanskrita Inseriptions from Central India. [ No. 3, ara: suata fraatat a aautfesarar(3) ie | afes- atfeant e¢ agaticnt 2(4) waaatient 3 eacatfent(5) eug@maraicn(6) y siaatteat ¢ unaits(7) wifea- aa(8) gaa ae wucde9) a wife fasta ce eraa erate wa eraea(10) utaaq(11) | weratsiae ei(12) qeaqas Fae(13) efe © Safes 1 1. Ewe recte. 2. wa recte. 3. The measure is here broken; qifeeq should be qifea. 4. This ficure isnot legible in the mseription but there is space forit. 5. The sibilant should be a palatal w. 6. The m of Panchimra is doubtful ; it looks more like an 2. 7. J originally read this word dhagavatika, but the last syllable being smudgy, I prefer Major General Cunningham’s reading of Badi. The dhaga is clear, though evidently a miscript of Dhanga. 8. dw recte. 9. Read ayat for ae. 10. Read “i for @. 11. Read aTaag for wieag. 12. The sibilant should be a palatal. 13. ‘Gre recte. TRANSLATION. In the Samvat era JO71. Bhabya Pahila, the ornament of his race, the well-formed, the amiable, he who is possessed of entire controul over his senses and his passions, who is merciful to all created beings and has gratified all his kindred, he who has Jina for his lord, and is the respected of Raja Dhanga, offers salutations. Pahilavatika J, Chandravatika 2, Laghuchandravétiké 3, S’ankara- vatika 4, Panchamratalavatika 5, Amravatika 6, Dhangavadi, 7. I shall be a slave to the slave of him of any race, who will, on the decease of the Pahila family, preserve this gift of mine. Srivasavachandra preist of the Maharaja. In the month of Vaisikha, Monday the 7th of the waxing moon. Transcript of an Inscription from Ratanpur, Nagpur. [N. B.—Letters within brackets are corrections suggested by the transcriber, those within parentheses are suggestions to fill up blanks» 1863. | Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. 281 those that are doubtful have marks of interrogation after them, Stars indicate blanks. | aa: fara y arate aaayta: aaaar ay [Ss] wat HT Hacer WHAT 33 syllables missing. (2) 4 HoMarga AUT Bal TT TIGT 1 e Utaae- famagigque staqagaias: auetaeaafigatfeaaaitte- saeyrsy 17 syllables missing. (3) Hiawaerasaasce uaat vaumaraat: 12 | Sz: SI PCPS ECEESCE EST ICC RCCL CCIRenGiGeRicas syqnem[Wlmidia *: | ate * * * * * # (2) Be asain: quia: Srecarecafafeg- SAMaARAST | 2 AN waewawsacmafssal- aa faim: qoats [= areuedigeratieig fer: jae * (a) fafeqamaufaaat| a taza yas aaa aun fa sn seas aT aT, 1 8 ql qHeeataceawyaHaal- cifeaaiasrsaysiasaaa: Blcaeareu[y] * AC) atateraan gages aTA qiaaaeae LISCa- mMalaalSsarsal ASAWS | 4 | AUAU CUE MATT TA. quia vaadiacuatyacfa: aaauRaty: | at (aT) (9) ara fenaafefaaeantere fararate: Val ae ALT SU aaa: SaAV_IS ed TIA afar aTaita- afefa, atwaddasusaaefauttafa yoy aaa war (4) (<) wufaesfeawsra! adiaraaurer Suaqarwar. Te | < | VaR aara[q]emasfaajearrnpaar stata. fasaumcpaac aaa sTTAI TTT | at ulsitasar = fasit- wa (q) (c) TagTeeteual fawerafatcARTVCMAT a TEE ata en rat seraa sya HATAFTMAAL: | AMET Waa AAATATa TA qalutol Walaa: wae saa- cits (3) Qe) Bae a memagiaaltianfsrastealeea- 282 Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. [ No. 3, wy: | CHa Ueaieaeeaa Tslsee: fea: Wearscfa- qagufaar strates: ata: | 22 | watafsurfafesa(z) (Xx) aeratarstaa GHIA: | Bledt at aaah Ts Caifa ATH SHITA Vat |e aia lasitad aasa- qeaauewaqwaRrqRey: | TRAIT ICUTAE- Weqcin: vaee * (qx) * feanMTAT | (8 | Tage saaT facet fewtefureraaciatl aaa facia fafedt arorgadifa- a) aiitaeecaalacraseadiageeie aleafa ar- fcxifaaaat * (92) sIrfustasa: | 28 I W_aRaes feqaatad ees qatar facemuarewgyzacrieara tare | taara [a] acugiifesfasatatieamituai | wat aewsyera- aGcSIaia (a) ((8) aaa wy oufseae faincigateat agita ecatetiae: | afafafsagcigaiaat aq aryufcat ay Tat 2) seeraret fediara fastaqafe: fyar| siaayaaiseaite (al) (qu) % stmaiecy yon staMfoAeaTAeHTTA Sigs ATTA arrarta aaae yaa faq agiaat | a- aime ata: mamfuat gaat ai fa wees: vate (a) (q¢) ota: Uat faq( [alfa nes) Basesraeataata [ft gaitgarem: | safe tre aqag: tawag ts UIHG | RE ll aTeaAfCLaI RAGA AQILA Wa! | Tag ciaesw sya” TTL | Re I Qs) Bure ¢feat areal afearafaafea: | ASI eyes WaAAIUay | Re I USAT ATTATSNN aga. Gl ULUCA | HASAGaAl HIT Wwawmtsatae | Bz AT- atgia (fa) (as) SITaaLs aattae aittaa Ul BCIATALTT fasategtenainaa | Hesag (CAT ARI Re BART ATA TAT AGT HSASIVATSCHeIMIV Gad | Ra waea * 1863. | Sanskrita Inscriptions from Central India. 283 Qe) trae fawuiiatuatfaa: | atari qurcifafe [tz BTA ATT TA, Ve | aaa fafessaaaae- aratfeatet feratarmadtstacaaqgegaiog aarat (a) (ac) ateiqefacsar §«faafaaucadawiemcamaraai aad unantwacsau wala yea = famemaqg- Safe Aaya wat wuargfsaat wie (a) (22) St? > > b . gemma, B. 5 HOWE, JB, . notigena, B. OKC ASHE . prelustris, 3. . sarissa, B. . serutillus, B. Pupa bathyodon, B. P; 12 lee IP 1B, bicolor, Hutton.* brevicostis, B. diploos, B. planyunculus, B. seriola, B. [No. 4, 1863. ] Notes on the Indian terrestrial Gasteropoda. Pupa tutula, B. Boysia Bensoni, Pfr. Family Auriculide. Camptonyx Theobaldi, 3. Melampus fasciatus,* Desh. M, pulchellus,* Petit. Pythia plicata. Cassidula mustelina, Desh. C. auris-felis, Brug. Auricula Chinensis, Pfr. A. auris-mide, L.* A. Gangetica, B, A. fustis, B. Family Aciculide. Truncatella, sp. Family Cyclostomide. Otopoma clausum, B.*+ Cyclophorus indicus, Desh. C. involvulus Mull.* C. pyrotrema, B.* Pterocyclos rupestris, B. Cyclotus spurcus, Gra¢. C. semistriatus, Sow. C. subdiscoideus, Sow. Province [I1].—Tue SournHeErn. Family Helicide. Succinea rugosa, Pfr. Helix acuducta, B. . ampulla. . basileus, B. . Belangeri, Dh. . bidenticulata, B. . cacuminifera, 2, . crinigera, B. . cysis, B. . fastigiata, HZutton.* + See note ante p. 364,.—Hd. SSOP vi 372 Notes on the Indian terrestrial Gasteropoda. [No. 4, Helix Guerini, Pfr. . Indica, Pfr. . Nilagirica, Pfr. . Perrotteti, Pfr. . (Plectopylis) retifera, B. . ruginosa, Fer. . sordida, Pfr. . semifusca, Desh. Tee eee . semirugata, Beck. H. Shiplayi. H. solata, B. H. thyreus, B. H. Tranquebarica, Fabr.* H. vitellina, Pfr. Streptaxis Perrotteti, Petit. S. Watsoni, Blanford. Bulimus ceenopictus, Hutton.* B. gracilis, Hutton.* B. insularis, Hhr.* B. Nilagiricus, Pfr. B. physalis, B. B. punctatus, Anton.* Achatina Bensoniana, Pfr. A. botellus, B. A. Punctogallana, Pfr. A. facula, B. A. Jerdoni, B. A. oreas, B.* A. Perrotteti, Pfr. A. Shiplayi. Pupa (Ennea) bicolor, Hutton.* P. (Ennea) Pirriei, Pfr. Of the Auriculide of this Province I have no notes whatever. Kamily Diplommatinide. D. Kingiana, Blanford. D. Nilgirica, Blanford. Opisthostoma Nilgiricum, Llanford. 1863. ] Notes on the Indian terrestrial Gasteropoda. Family Cyclostomide. Cyclophorus cceloconus, SB. C. deplanatus, Pfr. C. Nilgiricus, B. C. ravidus, B. C. stenostomus, Sow. C. Shiplayi, Pfr. Pterocyclos Blandi, B. P. bilabiatus, B. P. nanus, B. Cyclotus montanus, Pfr. Cyathopoma filocinctum, B. C. malabaricum, Blanford. Alyceus expatriatus, Blanford. A. Footei, Blanford. Province [V.—Tur BrirMesn. Family Oncidiade. Vaginula Birmanorum, Zh. MSS. Family Limacide. Limax Peguensis, 7h. MSS. @ Family Helicide. Vitrina Birmanica, Phil. V. Christiane, 7h. MSS. Cryptosoma prestans, Gould. Succinea semiserica, Gould. Helix acerra, 2B. H. achatina, Gray. H. Akoutongensis, 7h. H. anceps, B. H. artificiosa, B. Helix arx., B. H. Atkinsoni, 7h. H. attegia, B. H. bifoveata, B. H. bolus, B. H. capessens, B. H. cassidula. 373 B74 Notes on the Indian terrestrial Gaste. opoda. [No. 4, castra, B.* caussia, B. choinix, B. consepta, B. convallata, B. eyclaspis, B. delibrata, B.* Gordoniz, B. galata, B. gratulans, Blanford. hariola, B. Haughtoni, &. Helferi, B. helicophora, Blanford. honesta. Hutton, B.* infrendens, #. levicula, B. (Plectopylis) letophis, B. Merguiensis, Phil. molecula, B. octoplax, B. Oldhami, B. pausa, B. pauxillula, B. Peguensis, B. perpaula, B. petasus, B. petila, B. Phayrei, Zh. pilidion, B. poongee, Th. pylaica, B. resplendens, Phil. refuga, Gould. retrorsa, Gould. rotatoria, Von d Busch.* sanis, B. BEER PEPPER eee eee 1863.] Notes on the Indiun terrestrial Gasteropoda. 375 . stephus, B. . Saturnia, B. . scalpturita, B. . similaris, Fer.* . textrina, B. . Theodori, Phil. . Tickelli, Th. . trochalia, 6. uter, Th. Sophina calias, B. S. forabilis, B. S. schistostelis, B. Hypselostoma tubiferum, B. H. Bensoni, Blanford. Streptaxis Andamanica, B. S. Petiti, Gould. S. exacuta, Gould. 8. Sankeyi, B. S. sp. Bulimus ccenopictus, Hutton.* Bulimus Haughton, B. . gracilis, Hutton.* . insularis, Hhr.* . putus, B. . Janus, Pfr. . moniliferus, Gould. . Sinensis, B. . Theobaldianus, B. Achatina Peguensis, B1. lee} ‘eel les} lee} tos} (es| leg) A. pertenuis, B1. A. tenuispira, B.* A. octona, Gould. Pupa bicolor, Hutton.* Clausilia insignis, Gould. C. Philippiana, Gould. Family Auriculide. Pythia plicata, Pfr.* Auricula dactylus, Pfr. A. auris-Mide, Z.* 3B 376 Notes on the Indian terrestrial Gasteropoda. Family Diplommatinide. Diplommatina sperata, Blanford. Family Cyclostomide. Hydrocena illex, B. H. frustrillum. H. pyxis, B. H. Rawesiana, B. Hyboceystis gravida, B. Clostophis Sankeyi, B. Cyclophorus affinis, 7’. . aurantiacus, Schwrn. . cucullatus, Gould. . calyx, B . cornu-venatorium, Sow. . eryptomphalus, B. . expansus, Pfr. . excellens, Pfr. C. Haughton, Th. C. balteatus, B. C. foliaceus, Chem. C. fulguratus, Pfr. C_ patens, Blanford. Cyclophorus flavilabris, B. AAQAAaQg © C. perdix, Sov. C. speciosus, Phil. C. scurra, B. C. Theobaldianus, B. Lagocheilus scissimargo, B. Leptopoma aspirans, B. L. Birmanum, Pfr. Megalomastoma sectilabrum, Gould. Pupina artata, B. P. arula, B. P. Peguensis, B. usps Pterocyclos cetra, B. P. pullatus, B. Rhiostoma Haughtoni, B. [ No. 4, 1863.] Notes on the Indian terrestrial Glasteropoda. Alyceus amphora, B. . armillatus, B. Andamanie, B. . graphicus, Blanford. . humilis, Blanford. Ingrami, Blanford. . nitidus, Blanford. . pyramidalis, B. polygonoma, Blanford. . Richtofeni, Blanford. . scepticus, Blanford. . sculptilis, B. . succineus, Blanford. . umbonalis, B. . vestitus, Blanford. Rhaphaulus chrysalis, Pfr. Helicina Andamanica, Bb. H. Merguiensis, Pfr. Province V.—THE CINGALESE. Family Oncidiade. bP>> >> b> b> > b> bb b> > b Vaginula maculata, Zempleton. Kamily Helicide. Vitrina Edgariana, B. V. irradians, Pfr. V. membranacea, B. Succinea Ceylanica, Pfr. Helix bistrialis, Bech.* H. Ceylanicea, Pfr. . biciliata, Pfr. . carneola, Pfr. . Cingalensis, B. . Chenui, Pfr. . Charpentieri, Pfr. . coriaria, Pfr. . ceraria, B. THT e eee . concavospira, Pfr. Helix clathratula, Pfr. 3B 2 377 3 lar 8 Yotes on the Indian terrestrial Gasteropoda. Helix convexiuscula, Pfr. . corylus, Heeve. cyix, B. . Emiliana, Pfr. . (Corilla). erronea, Pfr. . fallaciosa, Fer.* galerus, 3B. Ganoma, Pfr. Gardneri, Pfr. hemastoma, L. hyphasina, Pfr. Isabellina, Pfr. Juliana, Gray. Layardi, B. . lychnia, B.* miccyla, B. al Fl fe] Co Fol Fol fos) el al (fd melanotragus, Born. HI. superba, Pfr. . mononema, B. . marecida, B. . nepos, Pfr. . novella, Pfr. partita, Pfr. perfucata, Pfr. Phenix, Pfr. politissima. regulata, B. (Corilla) Rivolii, Desk. Rosomonda, B. Skinner1, Heeve. - semidecussata, P/r. . serrucula, Pfr. . subopaca, Pfr. - subconoidea, Pfr. . Taprobanensis, Dohrn. . Thwaitesi, P/r. . trifilosa, P/r. . umbrina, Leeve. sr eed cefiles|ifs=llsepils=lf==filce)fcefae(Moo)=cfilee)=efilsfise)l-mfils= =n [No. 4, 1863.] Notes on the Indian terrestrial Giasteropoda. Helix vittata, Zul. H. vilipensa, B. H. Waltoni, Reeve. H. Woodiana, Pfr. Streptaxis Cingalensis, B. 8. Layardiana, B. Bulimus albizonatus, Reeve. . adumbratus, P/r. . Ceylanicus, Pfr. . eenopictus, Hutton.* . fuscoventris, B. . gracilis, Hutton.* . intermedius, Pfr. . Mavortius, Reeve. . panos, B. . proletarius. . punctatus Anton.* . rufopictus, B. leeiuloeialesialeeeloe} aloe) los/mlosjmerinlorialesiace . trifasciatus, Brug. Achatina capillacea, Pfr. . inornata, Pfr. . nitens, Gray. . punctogallana, Pfr.* . pachycheila, B. . parabilis, B. . panetha, B. . serena, B. rrr PrP PPS PS . veruina, B. Pupa bicolor, Hutton.* P. ceylanica, Pfr. P. mimula, B. P. muscerda, B. Family Auriculide. Melampus Ceylonicus, Petit. M. Layardi, H. et A. ddams. Pythia Ceylanica, Pfr. P. ovata, Pfr. Truncatella Ceylanica, 379 380 Notes on the Indian terrestrial Gasteropoda. Family Cyclostomida. Cyclophorus alabastrinus, P/r. . annulatus, Zrosch. . Bairdi, Pfr. . Ceylanicus, Sow. cratera, B. eytopoma, B. . cadiscus, B. . involvulus, Mull.* loxostoma, Pfr. . punctatus, Grat. . parapsis, B. parva, B. . Thwaitesi, Pfr. Leptopoma apicatum, B. . conulus, Pfr. . elatum, Pfr. . flammeum, Pfr. . halophilum, B. . orophilum, P. . pecilum, Pfr. . semiclausum, Pfr. Cataulus Austenianus, Pfr. . aureus, Pfr. . Cuming, Pfr. . decorus, B, . duplicatus, Pfr. . eurytrema, Pfr. Layardi, Gray. OAAAAAQAAQAAA leat ell fel teal Jel [oh fe . marginatus, Pfr. . pyramidatus, Pfr. . Templemanni, P/r. . Thwaitesi, Pfr. ©. Blanfordi, Dohrn. Pterocyclos bifrons, Pfr. P. Cingalensis, B. P. Cumingi, Pfr. P. Troscheli, B. AGAPOAaaaae [No. 4, 1863.] Notes on the Indian terrestrial Gasteropoda. 38L Aulopoma grande, Pfr. A. helicinum, Chem. A. Itieri, Guer. A. spheroideum, Dohrn. Province VI.—THE GERMANIC. But little is known of the portion of this vast province which comes within the scope of my remarks, and I merely allude to it, as many of its well known species wander down to the confines of India and must clearly be arranged by themselves. Family Limacide. Parmacella etnilla, Hutton. Vitrina baccata, Hutton. Suecinea Pfeifferi, Ross. S. putris, ZL. Helix Candaharica, Pfr. H. costata, Mull. H. fulva, Drap. H. nitida, Beck. H. pulchella, Jul. Bulimus eremita, B. B. Grifftthu, B. B. lubricus. Pupa muscorum, L. P. lapidaria, Hutton. TasBuE I11.—Hevhibiting the numerical distribution of spectes in the Provinces. Some discrepancy may be remarked between this Table and Tables I. and II., as some species are included in them, whose exact habitat is not certainly known to me. Genera. Provinces. Fi os TE dpe aL Vie ave WGC UCL. Wee. cosciscessecseess, OF. 1 ) 0) 0 oO Mermna ACR epp es te. sceicecresee 0 0 0 1 1,0 AAI MR asso eos deestvace 2. 2 0 ] 0 Oo AEMACcUla Oates. os sseiccvcs) 0. | O 0) 0 Oo 1 OVE LCA MP Aes pecdedeodecs 2 0 0 0 0 O TOP aera cee ess enesas ace Of |. 0 2 aged PAD UOROTIALE 2, thes joo 2ieieos dadede cae.) ky 0 1 0 oO CCM OOD ie tects ivinntaesiier ses 1 6 1 i ne 382 Notes on the Indian terrestrial Gasteropoda. Genera. Provinces. Tent, eave Helix, Z... ba 1, 22) 150 oe Plectopy lis, 2. ‘@xduding Corila), Pye <0) ih 4 0 Sophina, pe on Oh ences UY 0) 3 0 Hypselostoma, iy Oo ) 2 0 Streptaxis, Gray. ... 1a) 2 5 2 Bulimus, Scop. Ahielt aaceeeea oils LO mules 6 Oi Hse MOMS JOINS eka oadseneresconnsen, LLG) 8 4 9 Popa Drop eerseseesctdstisascuasdcc) 1 Om nEh 2 il 4 IBovisia| Page ei eins: teuionh cr Oneal O 0) 0 Clausilia WOOD Posada ceeeets uOumey O 0 2 0 Camptonyscyarssoccsu neces eer snccu) ai) miley 0 O 0 MelampusseWonteecmercasetrrsncc, | Ont 2 0 2 IPythia, Olen et ceccacsse-cesccssceeten Ola w P 1 2 Wassidulax Heri dws aasetecci ce \esclyahOh | Mommas 0 0 Auricula, Tier oe socrponcee tu O) ftes a 2 0 Carychium, O. F Muller. wot arama ume Ha lBblbe! kya Stle— 0 0 Truncatella, Risso. . eine Oey 0 iL 104 71 42.794 09 89 Diplommatina, Benson............... 8 O 2 1 0 Romatias OLUden tee eeee esecseeoes te @) 0) 0 Hydrocena, Parreyss. $8056 1) 0 4 0 Omoynenne, (CA rigs 24 05- coo nsaseb oon" On 1 0) 0) 0 Elly DOCVStis | OCISOMs ecu oeeaecee ee OURO 0 1 0 Clostophis, Benson. .........-0+-s- Oe 0 1 0 Opisthostoma, Blanford. a I @ 1 Q 0 Cyclophorus, Montfort. .. LOM si 6>, Loy As Lagocheilus, Theobald MSS... LOO) 0) 1 0 Leptopoma, Pfeiffer. .. Lara, mittee) 0 2 8 Megalomastoma, Guilding. Sooroones a 0 1 0 Cataulus, Pfeiffer. ...... 200 One sO 0) Os a2 Pupina, Vignard....... seoemetnae wee O, 0 Ar Pierocyclos wb ensona ry. acndcscee.csee- te ed 3 2 4, Spimacwlumyee COrsOs creer ects souseonet 21 A) O (0) 0 Cyelobis\ Galdiige seren..).c a OS 1 0 0 Aulopoma, Proschel. ..........-....... O O 0 0 4 IRIMNMO SMO, SACS Ncocsossaoonesneon (WO) (0) 1 0) Cyathopoma, Blanford............... O O 2 0 0) PA WCr alias (ER CUE) Goaebmonscthbonnaeeapeey,.\eke) | nD Ai Maples 0 Streptaulus, Benson. ........ A 0) 0 0 0 Rhaphaulus, "Pfeiper.) so.0.. 0.0.2 2) Ov 0 0 i 0 Heliema, Lamarck cress soctiesece. 0% (OmmO 0 2 0) Adi 1 AeRS! 0) ONG «905 ie eae Total number of species per Province, 148 79 59 145 1380 LD OOOO [No. 4, P i | ° | SoocooOC oC OOO SOOO COCOSCSCCE| eoocooooonowoooon| = 14 1863. ] The hot srings of Pai in the Tavoy district. 383 Account of a visit to the hot springs of Pai in the Tavoy district. Ly Capt. J. F. Stevenson, Deputy Commissioner. (Communicated by T. OLDHAM, Esq., F. R. 8.) T have the pleasure of sending with this letter, a case containing four quart bottles of water and conferve, one soda water bottle of the same, and two packets of stones, which I collected a few daysago at the hot springs near Paz in this district. The four quart bottles ant the packet of stones not labelled, are all from the remarkable springs which I believe to be partially, (but I should say inaccurately,) described in Mason’s Tenasserim, page 18. He says that “ According to Phillips they are hotter than any on record out of volcanic regions, ‘with the questionable excep- tion of three springs in China, which probably exceeded the tempera- ture of the air from 70 to 120 degrees.’ The principal spring at Pai, —for there are several, is in alittle sandy* basin in the midst of granite rocks, on the margin} of a cold water stream, where it bubbles up from three or four vents, and on immersing the thermometer into one, the mercury rises to 198°, within fourteen degrees of boiling water. Its location is ratber peculiar, not being in a valley like the others I have seen, but on the side of a hill more than a thousandt feet above the level of the sea, and surrounded by large masses of coarse-grained granite recks, which seem to have been detached from. the summit above.” These springs are in a small mountain stream called by the people, the hot-water stream, (Ye boo Hkyoung,) and about 2 miles from the Pai river. The soda-water bottle and the second packet of stones are labelled. They are from a small spring on the bank of, and quite close to the Paz river. The Paz river is about 65 miles south from Tavoy town, near the Mergui boundary. It rises in the range of hills which intersects this district between the Tenasserim and the Tavoy river valleys, * No sand. + See page 386. { 300 feet. 384 The hot springs of Pat in the Tavoy district. [No. 4, and after a generally direct Hast and West course falls into the sea about 6 miles below the village of Kyaukhtsay. Pai Dap the nearest village to the springs, is about 5 miles East, and inland from Kyaukhtsay ; and thence to the great hot springs on the “ hot-water stream,” the distance is about 104 miles: the direction of the road is generally Hast for about 8 miles, and then Southerly, up the course of the hot stream for about 2 miles. I visited these streams about a week ago in company with the Rev. Charles Parish, Chaplain of Moulmein, and Lieutenant Harrison, Deputy Commissioner of Mergui. The following is a short and I fear unscientific account of the visit. On the 21st January we left Kyaukhtsay about 6 a. M. and reached Pai Dap a 7.30. This is a neat village of ten houses, pleasantly situated on the North bank of the Pai river, about N. EH. from Kyaukhtsay. Vt has a pretty good Zayat (rest house). The path hence runs about East ; and generally through thick jungle. A good deal of cutting down was necessary, to open it up in some places: ground generally smooth and level. We halted after a brisk walk of 2 hours and 5 minutes, at a shady spot on the Paz stream, about 74 miles from Pai Dap, and started again between 2 and 3 P.M. We were told that we were now about half way between Pai Dap and the stream : and before leaving Pai Dap we had been led to expect that we had a 20-mile march before us. The distance from this halting-place proved te be only about 3 miles. The path much the same as in the first part of the journey, with one or two bad bits : it was rather more up and down, and crossed the Pai river in one or two deep places. The latter part, perhaps half of it, was up the course of the hot-water stream :—and we came to hot water, (that is the water of the streare was hot), ¢ of a mile before we reached the springs. A heavy column of steam, which I at first mistook for the smoke of camp fires, or burning jungle, shewed us the whereabouts of the hot springs, some 100 yards off. The last part of the path was a steep ascent, but we estimated that we had not ascended altegether more than 300 feet trom Pat Dap. The total distance thence was about 104 miles. We found the springs in a narrow granite rock channel, through which a shallow stream falls in little cascades, divided by small pools. The most striking feature of the scene was the jet of 1863. ] The hot springs of Pai in the Tavoy district. 385 steam which seemed to give off the greater portion of the clouds of steam overhead. It rushes out of a hole nearly midway down a cas- cade some 6 feet high, with a noise precisely like that of a steam-jet, and with such force, that it drives the water of the cascade horizontally out 4 or 5 feet. The water which issues from this hole with the steam, or at least comes into contact with the steam, was hot enough te boil an egg well enough to eat, in 38 minutes. ‘There are several holes in the pools above this cascade, but all within 15 yards of it, from which hot water bubbles up. The stream above the pools containing these bubbling holes, is cold, and the water, close to and around the upper or higher holes of the stream, is also cold. The holes from which the hot water spouts up are all small: the water from them is so hot, that we boiled eggs in all of them, fit to eat in 3 minutes. No steam arose from these holes. Thestream itself there is a cold stream, until it reaches the hot water springs or holes: from these, jets of hot water spout up into it, and the water below them becomes warm at once: below the cascade it is hot and continues so, as we proved, for a quarter of a mile ; perhaps further on. You will observe that Mason records that the temperature of these springs is 198°. We all thought it that, if not higher. By an unfortuyate mischance we had not a thermometer with us. The water had no unpleasant taste or smell. There are other large and small jets of steam below the cascade ; one about 380 yards lower down is a remarkable one. It escapes in a broad column from under a rock with the loud sound of an engine blowing off. All the rocks (granite) about the hot water are hot: and the ground on which we slept, about 30 yards from the stream, and several feet higher than it, became very hot under our beds at night. We removed some stones and found the ground hot beneath them. We dug a hole near our beds, and steam began to rise from it at 8 or 9 inches from the surface of the ground. Two of our party heard a rumbling sound several times during the night, which may have been thunder, but which appeared to us to be subterranean. We walked only about two miles of the way back, and descended the rest of the distance in small bamboo rafts, (12 bamboos about 20 or 22 feet long), to Par Dap: water distance, about 12 miles: time occupied, nearly 4 hours. About half way down we collected the water in the Soda water bottle, and the labelled stones, on the left 3c 2 386 The hot springs of Pai m the Tavoy district. {No. 4, bank of the Pai river ; the water here was very shallow, without steam or bubbles. It contained much conferve ; and you will see that the stones from it are coated with a saline crust. Memorandwm.— By A. TwrEn, Esq. T have examined the water from the spring near Pai. The sub- stances present are Iron, Alumina, Lime, Potash, Soda, Silica, Hydro- chlorie Acid, Sulphuric Acid, Hydro-sulphuric Acid and Organic matter which is nitrogenous. Of the 4 bottles sent, 2 were empty, one but half full, through being imperfectly corked, and the fourth held, besides water, a considerable quantity of stones and water plants. i The siliceous deposit contains in addition to Silica, Iron, Alumina, Lime, Potash, Soda, a trace of Magnesia, Carbonic Acid, Sulphuric Acid, Hydrochloric Acid and Organic Matter. There is about 12 to 14 per cent. of soluble matter, of which the greater part is Carbonate of lime. The Soda water bottle which held water from the second. spring had nothing in it but stones and conferve. This had a fetid smell, was alkaline to test paper, and evolved Ammonia on being treated with Hydrate of lime. Some of the stones which accompanied the Soda water bottle are coated with deposit from the spring, but not in any quantity: this is calcareous. 1863. ] A visit ta Xiengmai. 387 A visit to Xiengmat, the principal City of the Laos or Shan States.— By Sir Rosert H. Scoompurer, At. #. k. S., Her Majesty's Consul ut Siam. It will be requisite before I read my remarks on Xiengmai to pre- face them by some observations. ‘The journey was undertaken to ac- quire some knowledge of the interior of Siam as far as the city of Xieng- mai,* called variously Changmai, Zimay, Zumay, and in the inflated language of the Asiatics, by the Burmese, “ the City of the Golden Palace,” although if such a splendid structure once existed, it must have been swept away, for nothing palatial did I observe in the struc- ture of any of the habitations in that city. From Xiengmai, I planned to turn eastward to Maulmain and by the Gulf of Bengal to Tavoy, and to return from thence by crossing the ereat mountain chain to Bangkok. His Majesty the first King had provided me with a royal letter, enjoining the authorities of the places through which we had to pass, to give us every assistance, and to provide us with provisions, where such were to be had, on the public account. ‘Two comfortable boats, the oarsmen dressed in the Royal livery, were placed at my disposal ; Mr. Clarke, one of the student interpreters of the Consulate, and two nephews of the King, sons of Prince Krom Lluang Wongsa, who were then residing with me in the Consulate, accompanied me. We left Bangkok on the 12th of December, 1859, rapidly progress- ing, but having passed the tidal waters, we found soon that we had started a fortnight too late for our heavy boats. The river was rapidly falling, and we had often to dig channels through the sandbanks to get along. On the 28th day after our departure from Bangkok, we reached Raheng the most southern of the Lao cities. Here we resolved at once to send the boats back to Bangkok, and to continue our journey over land on elephants. This mode ot travelling was certainly any thing but comfortable ; and although we had two ponies to vary it occasionally, the fourteen days which we reyuired to reach Lamboon were fatiguing and tedious * The late Bishop Palegoix explained to me that it was called Xiengmai, the new City, in contradistinction of the one which had been destroyed by the Baro- ma-zaxa-thirat in 1480, 388 A visit to Xiengmai. [No. 4, enough. We arrived at. Lamboon on the 11th of February and left it on the 14th, much to the regret of the Governor, who wished us to stay some time longer. I shall now take up my more detailed descrip- tion of our further progress to Xiengmai, which is only one day’s jour- ney from Lamboon. As already mentioned, we left Lamboon at half-past 9 o’clock A. M., of the 14th February, passed round the north gate and turned into the Xiengmai road. The suburb of the city extended for more than half a mile on our right. We traversed the canal which brings the water from the Méping to Lamboon, serving in its course to irrigate the whole adjacent country by numerous side canals. At the point where we forded it, branches as large as the main canal itself flow to the right and to the left. Indeed it was a perfect network of canalization, so that every cultivator might get his supply of water. Villages and habitations were on both sides of our road. It was a succession of them ; generally surrounded with trees, they formed bands extending N. and 8., between which, tor miles in breadth, the ground was cultivated with rice. Our road led us through the village of Luk—the Wat at its entrance is very neat; the roof is supported within by eight columns of scarlet colour, richly ornamented with gilt tracery. The other buildings which belong to the Wat were merely built of unbaked bricks. Having passed the groves of trees that surround the village, we saw before us on both sides of the canal, gardens planted with vegetables, tobacco, safflower, and here and there some indigo. A number of women and girls, some of the latter no more than five or six years of age, were employed to water the plants, while the men were sitting under the shade of a shelter, the frame prepared of bamboo and covered with large leaves, so constructed that it might be turned east or west accord- ing to the position of the sun, their only employment being to smoke and to see what the women and children were doing. To facilitate the method of irrigation a kind of huge shovel or ladle of basket-work, fixed to a pole, is used, which works upon a crinkle or fork, and dips in the canal; the water is taken up and transferred to a tank, from whence it flows by trenches to the different parts of the field. From Bang Pokok, a hamlet, the elephants had to wade for a con- siderable distance through water. The canal had been forced by a dam to throw its waters over the adjacent fields, to render them pro- 1863.] A visit to Xiengmai. 389 per for transplanting the yet tender rice-plants. What a multitude there were employed!—men, women and children, waded more than ankle deep,—every one so busy—a kind of basket slung over their shoulders which contained the young plants—a stick in their right hand, to thrust a hole in the soil below the water, the left ready to place there one of the seedlings, and to insure for it a hold by pressing the mud to its roots: the number of plants thus fixed into the soil in a given time, is very large. Our harvest gatherings, the fields speckled with people, can only convey an idea of the prospect before me—and nevertheless how ditter- ent the persons thus occupied, how difierent the scenery from that in my own home, which brought the comparison to my recollection ! Having passed the large village Tavong-tawng, we had to cross the river Ping to its right bank, (which, from its junction with the Wang forms the Me’nam). While fording it, I admired ‘the pretty view which the tower or Pagoda of Wat Hong offered to us, rising to a height of above 150 feet, the river scenery lovely, with high mountains in the back ground, and the banks lmed with numerous people, led by curiosity to see us pass, the fair sex dressed in Lao petticoats, which in consequence of their bright colours, added to the liveliness of the picture. Having crossed the river, we saw Xiengmai before us, distant about a mile, the intervening space consisting of rice-fields, only interrupted by Wat Papa-ow surrounded by a wall and shaded by large trees. On approaching the city, I saw a number of peculiarly shaped towers, evidently built of bricks, and so odd in appearance that it seemed they had been standing there for centuries, without any person caring whether they might fall down, or be taken possession of by a tropical vegetation, which had already covered them with twiners and creepers. These towerlets ace Phratshedees, the topes of Buddhist architecture. Our residence had been ezected outside the city walls, between the bridge which leads over the Méping and the east gate of Xiengmai. The principal house erected for our reception, was on a larger scale, and neater in execution, than any we had yet mhabited. Opposite stood the public Sala, a large wooden building ; near it a little tower- let likewise of wood, as a look-out, and the usual stand for mounting and dismounting the elephants ; the whole space, including the huts for our own servants, was surrounded by a fence constructed of bamboo. 390 A visit te Xiengmar. [No. 4, With the exception of the Sala and the look-out, the other structures had been all expressly prepared for us—moreover sheds had been built outside the fence for our escort. We found a large number of people assembled between the bridge and the city gate to witness our arrival ; some were standing ; others, sitting in groups or pressing near us. They were a medley crowd. The true Lao in turbaned kerchief, with his tartan-like Khatung, worn as the Scotch wear their plaid; the Thai or Siamese merely girdled round the loins ; the fat smiling Chinese in his blue vestments ; and to make the medley still more conspicuous, there were likewise inhabitants from Muang Teh in the Chinese Province of Yunnan, a caravan of which had arrived a day or two previous: all these people added to the peculiarity of the scene before us. Fatigued, I slept soundly, but what a stir there was on awakening, from the early morn- ing hours, in front of our residence. The bridge is the great pub- lic thorough-fare fos the population residing on the left bank of the Méping, not only in the suburb, but likewise for those in the adjacent country. A number of these persons come daily to town, to sell or purchase: the women entered in parties, consisting of twenty or thirty ; seldom accompanied by men, passing in single file towards the city gate. The Lao females, have long glossy hair of an mtense black, which, with tidy persons, is neatly plaited and gathered in a knot behix.d, the hair of the forehead bemg drawn up backwards in the manner of the Chinese women. They wear the Lao petticoat, more or less ornamented with gold thread, and embroidered with silk of bright colours. The married womer are moreover dressed in a jacket or spenser, closely fitting as far as the waist, and from thence expanding more amply until it reaches nearly to the knee. This vest- , ment resembles the polka spenser formerly so fashionable in England and on the Continent. Those who can atiord it, have rich necklaces, and rings in their ears and on their fingers ; their arms and ankles sur- rounded by circlets of gold or silver ; a silk shawl or scarf of red or rose colour is thrown loosely over their shoulders. The latter refers to the married women—young ladies, unmarried, do not dress above their waist. Black and shining as their hair is, the racemes of the white flowered Moringa or the fragrant Vateria, or if such be not in blossom, those of any other tree or plant similar in coiour, set it off much more by 1863. ] A visit to Xiengmat. 391 the great contrast, when these flowers are placed in their raven tresses. The mouth of the young girls is formed exquisitely. But few of the Lao women indulge in betel chewing, hence they do not render that organ, so fairly formed by nature, hideous by the prevailing custom of the Thai; and their teeth remain white as nature made them. Though much fairer in colour, in stature they, like the Indians of Guiana, very seldom veach a height above 4 feet 10 inches. The men wear generally the Khatung or Lao plaid, but a number are dressed in blue or white tunics, fitting closely and reaching like the spenser of the women to the knee. ‘The hair of the head is allow- ed to grow; only when it becomes too long, it is cut; some have whiskers, a custom not adopted by the Thai, where nature has yielded him hairs on his cheeks. I observed but few instances of the tuft of hair on the crown, as worn by the Siamese proper. They dress their children very neatly ; on the head, they place a cap consisting of seven pieces, in the shape of a cardinal’s cap, made of scarlet cloth with a band of black velvet below, embroidered with gold thread. Boys of six years and upwards, are dressed in the close fitting tunic, and, acvording to the wealth and standing of the parents they are made of velvet, or white cotton cloth. The Laos consist, it may be said, of two clans, namely such as who, if men, paint their bodies from the waist to the knee, and designate themselves as the Thong dam or “ black bellies,’ and the others who do not paiut, as Thong Khao or “ white bellies.” I saw more of the former than of the latter in and about Xiengmai. The tattooing represents figures of dragons, tigers, labyrinths, &e. The operation of producing these figures is upon the same principle as our sailors employ, to have anchors, crosses and other figures printed upon their arms. Several of our own men had the operation performed, without exhibiting their suffering great pain under the operation. There is little design in the tattooing ; sometimes patches of colour produced by Indigo, exhibit no figure whatever. The Guiana Indians show much more design in painting their bodies, and a belle of the Carib or Macusi tribe, will not consider it too tedious, when preparing for attendance at some great display, to sub- mit to the painter’s brush for 8 or 10 hours at a sitting. The generality of the men and women among the Lao, walk like the Indians of Guiana, one foot set before the other, without turning the 3 D 392 A visit to Xiengma. [No. 4, little toe outside. They have another fashion similar to the Guianese, namely the ear-lap is bored and a piece of bamboo is inserted, its two ends ornamented by a piece of looking-glass ; or in lieu of the bamboo merely a scroll of bark is placed in the ear-lap. This fashion belongs more particularly to the inhabitants of the eastern province, of which Muang Nan is the capital. A number of these people were in XMieng- mai on trading speculations, having brought cotton for sale to where but little is cultivated. They were staying en the other side of the river during their sojourn, and daily passed our place in going to the city: they could not fail attracting attention by their darker com- plexion and slighter stature than the Laos. Their dress is also very different : they have trowsers like the Chinese and a small jacket of cotton cloth, that once might have been white but now looks doubtful as regards colour. The hair is worr tied up in a knot at the back part of the head, hke that of the Lao females, with the diiference that they do not keep it in such gocd order. Their legs are pamted like those of the Lao Thong-dam, and the head is covered by a plaited hat with a most expansive rim, to protect the bronze features of its wearer against the effects of the sun. The Deputy Viceroy Chao Operat called on us shortly after noon. He was a man of an advanced age, dressed meanly without shirt or shoes, very different in appearance from any of the officials of a similar rank which I had previously met. He came on foot, observing that some disease from which he suifered, prevented him from riding on horseback. We of course used our ponies to carry us to his residence after our interview had ended, and he had proposed that we should accompany him there. The King’s letter was conveyed in the usual manner te the Deputy Viceroy’s residence. The latter was anything but palatial for so high a personage: the greatest ornaments in the hall were a large number of embroidered pillows—similar to the ene which I had received in Bangkok from his superior, the actual Viceroy Chao-kavi Rorot Suriwong, who was then there on a visit. We had some difficulty to get a person to read the letter written to him by the King’s order, which was in ths Siamese language and characters: the Lao differs in both points, and I am told that the dif- ference is more thar dialectical. The Officer who came with us from Raheng, read it ultimately to the prostrate multitude, the Chao Operat 1863. ] A visit to Xiengmai. 393 keeping his high backed chair, and we ours, for I made it always a pot to have carried to such audiences, two cane chairs for myself and Mr. Clarke, which I had brought with me froia Bangkok, (and IL may as well observe en parenthese, | brought them back thither on. my return). As soon as the ceremony was performed, we returned to our resi- dence ; I saw already that Chao Operat was not very favourably inclined to us. On our return from the Deputy Viceroy, we took a ride through the town. The bazar is held ip the principal street, extending east and west : the goods for sale are exposed in open stalls along the lines of the street. ‘They consist of English manufactured goods, such as cotton handkerchiefs, prints, cups and saucers, plates, needles and thread ; raw silk from China, lacquered boxes from Ava and a number of knick knacks from other countries. For the sake of opposition, I believe, speculating geniuses exhibit for sale in the next stall, pork, vegetables, and the indispensable betel-nut with all its accessories. There were, likewise short clay-pipes and tobacco finely cut, similar to the Turkish, for supplying them with the necessary ingredient. The stalls in the bazar are tenanted by women, who, when their attention is not claimed by purchasers, occupy themselves with making those pretty embellishments or embroideries worked with gold thread and all kinds of coloured silks, which adorn the Lao ladies’ petticoats. Others were occupied in embroidering upon black velvet, ornamental designs accord- ing to their conception, for the covering of head cushions, and here and there the mother would have her darling, of course the youngest, to nurse, notwithstanding that her fingers were busily employed in em- broidering. The silk for the manufacture of petticoats, &c., is import- ed from the Chinese territories. We extended our ride round the town “ proper” not including the suburb. It is surrounded by a double wall—each wall having a ditch in front. The entrance to the town is by double gates with bastions to protect them. The suburbs are stockaded, but the gates of that per- tion of the town, are also fortified. I regret that some differences which arose between myself and Chao Operat, regarding the jurisdiction over British subjects residing in Xiengmai, rendered every act I did, suspicious in the eyes of that individual, and I could not ascertain with precision the extent of the city. I believe, however, that it is no less 3D 2 304: A visit to Xiengmai. [No. 4 than two miles and a half in length, including the suburb to the south- west. ‘The number of inhabitants amounts probably to 50,000, of whom 5,000 are able to bear arms: such a contingent force was furnished to Prince Krom Lluang Wongsa in his late attack upon Chiangtung. The streets of the city have originally been laid out at right angles. Time it seems has worked changes with regard to their regularity ; nevertheless I have not seen any other Siamese city, laid out appar- ently so regularly at its foundation, as Xiengmai appears to have been. The habitations are seldom, if ever, placed so as to front the street ; they stand some distance back. In their structure they do not differ materially from such as I saw in the other Lao towns: however those of the high nobility are not surrounded with walls as in Lakong, to prevent any vulgar prying on what is going on within. There are numerous Wats in the city, but none can vie in extent or appearance with Wat Luang in Lamboon. At some of the Wats I noted the peculiar towerlets or Phratshedees. The number of these isolated towerleis is large; they not only surround the city, but extend for a mile or more beyond it, principally to the west. I have already remarked that they are the topes of Buddhist architecture, erected to commemorate some of the actions of the last Buddha, when wandering upon our globe, promulgating his doctrines. I doubt that they contain relics. ‘“‘ We pray to Gaudama on passing a Phratshedee,” an intelligent person told me, “ they are built in memory of him and his divine acts, and some of his doctrines are written there on tablets.” These remarkable towers are only cased with stone-work and filled up with the soil from near to the place where they stand. I judge so from two or three instances where the stone casing had given way so as to expose the interior mass. Half way up the height of the tower, seen from outside, is a belt or string course—sometimes the space is divided and there are two ; and at about 30 to 40 fest above the base, rises the dome, crowned by a fee with narrow blind windows, terminating in a spire consisting of from 5 to 7 umbrellas or disks, each decreasing in size until the spire ends in a sharp point, ornamented with small bells, that tinkle when they are moved by the wind. Only in a few instances the domes have retained their termination perfect: owing to neglect of the requisite repairs, they are mostly broken off. The nature and object of topes at Xiengmai, the only place where I have seen them in Siam, not connected with Wats or forming parts 1868. | A. visit to Xiengmai. 395 of the temple for worship, is no doubt the same as in Central India, in the Punjaub, Afghanistan and in Ceylon; either to contain relics of Buddha and his disciples, or to commemorate some of his acts dur- ing his pilgrimage upon earth. There are few persons at Bangkok who have not heard of the cele- brated image of Buddha, which, by those who follow his religion, is considered to be the acme of what can be adored in a visible shape. 1t is now in the Royal Wat. This image was discovered in 1486 in the city of Chiangrai or Xiengrai about forty miles N. N. E. from Xiengmai. A small pagoda which contained this precious image, over which a second building had been erected, was struck by lightning, and thus it was exposed to view. This precious image was removed to Xiengmai, (then as now the principal town of the Lao country,) which was being rebuilt after its destruction in 1480. Several other localities, amongst them Lamboon, were afterwards assigned to preserve it, until it was ultimate- ly transferred to Bangkok in 1779. It was formerly reported the image had been worked out of an emerald, it is however only green jasper. The bridge which leads over the Meping seems of considerable age : (the river is here 380 feet wide, as [ ascertained by measurement) and although men, horses and cattle pass over it, the elephants have to ford the river. These animals are too heavy for such a frail structure, ot which the greater number of planks that stretch across horizontally, are not even fixed by wooden pegs or iron nails. The clattering noise of these loose planks, when a drove of oxen is passing over the bridge, is almost stunning, and has repeatedly awaked me out of sleep at night, when sounds are so much more distinct than during day. There are many cocoa and betel-nut trees in and arouud Xiengmai. Oil is prepared from the first, and the betel-nut forms an article of commerce, being exported from Xiengmai, after setting aside what is used for home consumption. Indeed the produce of the. trees for export is far from sufficient for the more eastern and northern Lao states, where few or none of the palms that produce the nut grow; hence large quantities are brought from Pegu and the Tenasserim provinces. Both these kinds of palms, namely the cocoa and betel, seem to thrive very well at Xiengmai. While I was there, two dry cocoa- 396 A visit to Xiengmai. [No. 4, nuts were brought to me, grown at Xiengmai, the one measuring 2 feet 8 inches, the other 2 feet 6 inches in circumference. Shaddocks or pumplemose, oranges, citrons and limes, bananas, and plantains are likewise raised, but of the two first kinds of fruits I have scarcely found one of a good taste. The Viceroy whom I met at Bangkok, told me, that there was only a single mangosteen tree in Xiengmai, and that in consequence of the cold temperature, it was in a sickly state and seldom produced fruit. At the bazar a number of kitchen herbs, may, however, be found, such as cucumbers, onions, garlic, beans, and lettuce. The customs of the Lao people resemble in general those of the Siamese. Marriage contracts are made verbally, the parents of the girl receiving a compensation from the future husband, for the loss which they suffer by having no further assistance from their daughter in their daily labour. The amount of that compensation depends upon the bride’s beauty, youth and family connections. It seems the minimum is 40 Rupees (£4) They practise cremation for such as die of a natural death—that is, if the relations can pay the expenses connected with it—but the remains of such as lose life by accident, as by drowning, by a fall, or being killed by an animal, cannot be burned but must be interred. The smoking of cigars is very common amongst the women—they sometimes use pipes which are made of the rhizoma or rootstock of the bamboo, nicely carved. Little girls, no more than 6 or 7 years of age imitate their elders. It is quite amusing to see with what gravity these children enjoy their weed. On the other hand, I have not seen that the Lao females use the betel-nut to the same extent as the Siamese: hence, as I have already observed, they do not show those distorted mouths which disfigure the sex in Bangkok, and render their teeth black and corroded. On the north-eastern angle of the town is an extensive marshy ground. During the rainy season it forms a large expanse of water which has given rise to the accounts that prevailed in the 17th and 18th century, that it was a large lake, something like the fabled lake of Parince of the western continent, a kind of Caspian, and that the Menam flowed out of it. This famous lake which owes its existence to the low level of ground and its waters to the accumulation of rain or the overflowing 1863. | A. visit to Xiengmai. 397 of the Méping which flows at a short distance, is frequented by a large number of wading birds, namely waterfowls, ducks, teal, egrets, and a kind of swan-goose. Nor is the Nock Bua wanting; and occa- sionally a Karen bird, the flesh of its breast yielding excellent steaks, may be shot there. Amongst the articles which I saw carried for sale to the bazar, are large rolls of paper of the usual Siamese kind. It is prepared from the bark of two different kinds of trees, (one of which is the Ton Kain of the Siamese). Each roll of the manufactured paper consists of 3 sheets, 5 feet long and 2 feet 7 inches broad. Such a roll is sold at the rate of the eighth of a rupee or about three pence. They give it sometimes a greenish or bluish tint, but in general it is of a dusky white. Chao Operat had expressed a wish to present some gifts, according to Lao custom to the young princes Ong Teng and Ong Sawa who were with me. ‘The ceremony took place in the large Sala adjacent to our residence. The Deputy Viceroy did not come himself, but sent one of his high nobles accompanied by some other officers of rank. Two pyramids of flowers, consisting of three rows, one above the other, but each smaller than the preceding and the whole about 5 feet high, were carried before the procession—then came two smaller ones, of more intrinsic value, each of the branchlets of the pyramids ending in a kind of network with a rupee in it. ‘There were 50 of these on one tree, and 49 on the other, the missing one having probably found its way to the fob of one of the attendants, or rather to the corner of his girdle. The pyramids having been placed in the middle of the Sala, a num- ber of dishes with legs of pork, fowls, fish, eggs, fruits, vegetables, &c., were placed around them. Ong Teng and Ong Sawa squatted on the ground near the pyramids; one of the noblemen then stept forward, and having seated himself near the young princes, he made his salaam and took a book out of his girdle, and read a homily or prayer of ten tedious pages, addressed to Buddha, invoking him to protect the young princes during their journey, and to vouchsafe their safe return to their parents and friends. The prayer finished, he tore down one of the long cotton threads which were hanging from the branches of the larger pyramids, and taking the end part, about four inches in length, in his hands, he passed the rest from the wrist of Ong Teng to the end of the boy’s forefinger, murmuring all the time some sentence or incanta- tion—he then tore off the short end which he had kept in his hand, 398 A visit to Xiengma. [No. 4, and threw it away, for in it according to their superstition all the evi] was embodied, winding, as already mentioned, the long part of the thread around the wrist as a talisman. The same operation was gone through with the left hand. Some of the noblemen who were present followed his example, and the second prince Ong Sawa having been performed upon in a gimilar manner, the ceremony was over. Not the slightest decorum was observed during it, the people present talking, smoking, and making jokes while the exhortation was being read. I had observed at a short distance between our residence and the city wall, two monuments or resting-places of the dead, surrounded by a railing and kept in good order. It was entirely an accident that I addressed the Chao Ratcheput who was close to me in the Sala when the ceremony took place, asking him whose graves they were. “ They are those of my parents,” he said, “ their ashes after cremation had taken place, were interred here. Twice a year I come to put flowers over their graves, and have the railing restored.” I thought that this care bestowed upon the resting-place of his parents showed as deep an affection as the temples erected by the high nobility and the opulent in Bangkok, over the graves of their nearest relations. Our delay at Xiengmai became irksome. Chao Operat put all pos- sible difficulties in the way of our departure. In consequence of his detaining some British subjects against their will in Xiengmai, I had some differences with him and from that time none of the persons who had been previously so friendly with us, ventured to come near us ° —nay, we even found difficulties in purchasing provisions, the people being afraid to seli to us. After repeated delays we got under way at last on the 27th of February, having been detained thirteen days in Xiengmai. The number of elephants at starting was not complete and Chao Operat refused obstinately to let us have any horses, although :t was expressly mentioned in the king’s letter. It was then that Chao- puri-eatenah, seeing our disappointment, presented to Mr. Clarke and myself, each a pony of his own stud, so that we might occasionally relieve the monotony and hardship of elephant riding. [I felt grateful to the donor, and brought the pony safely with me to Bangkok. I shall now hurry on to the conclusion. The number of elephants was ultimately increased to 89—our escort consisted of 55 soldiers and 85 1863. | A visit to Xiengmai. 399 persons to attend to the elephants, carriers, &c., indeed ourselves included and the boatmen from Bangkok, we mustered 150 men. We had to traverse the regions infested by the Red Karens, a wild and predatory Indian tribe, who had recently been very troublesome ; hence so numerous an escort was requisite. Although we had not received much courtesy and attention from the Operat while in Xiengmai, he had by all means exercised his authority under the King’s letter, and as long as we travelled in the Siamese territory, we found comfortable night quarters erected, when arriving at our halting-place, a party having been always sent in advance for that purpose. The journey from Xiengmai to Maulmain occupied us twenty-four days ; from thence we went by steamer to Tavoy, and again resorting to elephants for our transport, we crossed the great Central mountain ridge, which being a spur of the great Himalaya, traverses the Malay Peninsula, and ends at Cape Romania. We had a journey of eight days from Tavoy to the mouth of the Menam noi where that rivulet falls into the Canbari river near Chai-Yoke. Our journey from Tavoy to Chai-Yoke occupied eight days, the report that it is only a distance of a couple of days is erroneous. At last we arrived safely at Bankok. We had been absent from it 185 days, 86 of which found us under way. We felt very grateful that our journey had been accomplished with- out any further drawback than the loss of nearly all that i had col- lected in illustration of Natural History. Five days of almost inces- sant rains during our journey from Tavoy to the central mountain ridge, was sufficient to defy the precautions which had been taken to secure my gatherings: moreover in lieu of the nice howdees which we had in our journey from Xiengmai, here we had miserable structures, only to be compared to the crates in which earthenware is packed, and open to the whole influence of the weather. During the period that we had to undergo this ordeal, the order of the day was, that every one of us, previous to the morning’s cup of cofiee being served, had to take two grains of quinine in a wine-glass full of water—and to this remedy next to God’s will, I ascribe it, that all of us escaped the pernicious jungle fever, more fatal to Huropeans and Americans ati the setting in of the rainy season than at any other time. 3 400 Notes on the Tribes of the Eastern Frontier. [No. 4 * Notes on the Tribes of the Eastern Frontier, No. I—By J. H. O’DoneEL, Esq., Revenue Surveyor of Arracan. (Conmunicated by A. Grote, Esq.) The Survey of the northern portion of the Akyab district and the remaining portion of the frontier bordering on Chittagong was finished in March last. A high range of hills, called Modooting, Mraneedong and Yandong forms a natural boundary between the two districts. Op- posite Tulukmee the altitude is about 2,500 feet, farther north the altitude increases to 5,000 feet at Yandong. ‘To the eastward of this boundary range the Koladyne river flows at a distance of 10 to 16 miles. From Tulukmee northwards and within 12 miles along the banks of the river, there are 6 villages on the right bank and four on the left bank: no other villages are met with higher up for 60 miles, the intermediate country being totally uninhabited. The Loosai Kookees reside on the west of the boundary range. The independent Shendoos occupy the tract of country to the east of the Koladyne river, from the mouth of the Sulla Kheong northwards. Further north, to the 28rd parallel of north latitude, the country is occupied by the indepen- dent tribes of Muneepoor, Arracan and Ava; there is no recognised frontier in that direction and it will be necessary to fix a frontier line after the survey towards the Yeomadoung range is finished. In 1851 Captain Tickell proceeded as far as Tulukmee and tried to induce the Khoomee Chiefs to come in. From his published Journal, it appears that 4 or 5 subordinate chiefs attended, but the heads of the most powerful clans made excuses. It was not however till the last cold season that the first attempt was made to explore the country on the Upper Koladyne, oceupied by fierce wild tribes, who have for years committed periodical aggressions on the inhabitants of the lower hills and lowland border villages both in the Akyab and Chittagong districts. In April and May 1859, several dacoities were committed on the Myo river and within the northern lowland circles on the Koladyne ; many persons were killed, and their wives and chil- dren carried away as slaves and sold. In Dec. 1859 a dacoity was committed 5 miles from my camp at Ralla. The coolies were so alarmed, that a few days after, most of them deserted. * Extract from a letter to the Commissioner of Arrakan. 1863. | Notes on the Tribes of the Eastern Frontier. 401 The Koladyne circle includes within its limits an area of 2,652 square miles. The population consists of Kheongthas, Mroos, Khoomees and Shendoos, all distinguished from the people of the plains by peculiar usages. The Kheongthas live in 9 villages, intermixed with the Khoomees far apart from each other: they number 713 souls. Of these, 189 are cultivators who pay 5 Rs. each annually, 1 Rupee land rent and 4 Rupees capitation tax. The Mroos occupy 12 villages on the Mee Kheong all within 8 miles of Koladyne Thannah; they number 839 souls ; of these 1386 are cultivators who pay 3 Rupees each annually. Both Kheougthas and Mroos are in general quiet, inoffensive people, similar to the Joomeea Mughs. Tulukmee is a Kheongtha village with thirty houses ; during the day the people live on land, but at night they occupy large substantial floating huts moved into the middle of the stream, being afraid of the secret and sudden attacks made by their wild neighbours. The Khoomees, the largest and most important of the hill tribes in Ayracan, occupy the country on both banks of the Koladyne river, from the thannah to the mouth of the Sulla Kheong. Their chief occupation apparently is agricultural industry and they manufacture cloths, spears and gunpowder. All or nearly all practise dacoity. They do not acknowledge the authority of any Rajah or paramount chief, and although they respect and obey their own village chiets and heads of elans, each chieftain is in some measure under the control of the confederate chiefs. They are divided into 27 clans, who occupy 104 villages, and the estimated number of inhabitants is about 12,000 souls, over whom our authority has never been practically established. The spear and shield are sometimes used, but all adult males are armed with muskets kept clean and ready for use. 'The most powerful clans, Khoongchoo, Khoong, Anoo, and Yeasing are called Shendoos, they reside on the higher ranges distant from the river, and pay no revenue ; those living towards Tulukmee speak a different language from the southern Khoomees. The Keok collects annually about 608 Rs. as land rent, &., from the Khoomees. The total amount annually col- lected from Kheongthas, Mroos, and Khoomees is 2,165 Rupees. The independent Shendoos, cailed Poehs by the Muneepoorees, occupy the lofty and distant ranges on the eastern bank of the Koladyne, northwards from the mouth of the Sulla Kheong. They are held in great diead both by the Khoomees and other hil! people living lower dE 2 402 Notes en the Tribes of the Kastern Frontier. [No. 4, down. They speak a different language, understood only by a few of the nearest Khoomees with whom they barter cloths and other articles. Several Shendoos were slain in an attempt to levy black mail, and within the last 2 years there has been little or no intercourse between them. Being at feud with each other, no accurate information could be obtained of the population or the precise limits of the Shendoo country. My best endeavours have been directed to carry out the instruc- tions contained in your letter No, 348 of the 12th October, 1859. I was always of opinion that without kindness and conciliatory measures, there was not the slightest chance of my being able to complete the duties entrusted to me in a satisfactory manner. I availed myself of every*opportunity to reconcile the people of one village with another with whom they are at feud. Rangkreegree and Kaffa, village chiefs of the same clan, are the only two Khoomees now at feud with each other ; this is a blood-feud, and it is not likely it will ever be adjusted till both become better men. There are no other internal feuds among the different clans of Khoomees. For the first two months of my stay in the hills, my proceedings were viewed with apprehensive jealousy by the chiefs Moungkhine, chief of the clan Yeasing who had committed dacoities near the thannah a few years ago, at first objected to my parties surveying near his village, but some months after, finding that all the most influential chiefs had paid their respects to me, he offered no further resistance. You are well aware that the Khoomees have always avoided any intercourse with the local authorities. Military expeditions had failed in effectually putting down their mroads, for the troops seldom penetrated beyond a short distance from the thannah, the country being most difficult of access. Before the troops reached the villages to be attacked, the robbers received timely notice, and deserted their villages, taking away their families with them, ‘There are no paths, and the hills being covered with lofty forest, no guides would venture to assist in making a search for fear of their lives. We knew nothing de- finitely of the most distant clanswho are separated by language, manners, prejudices of race, and a most difficult hilly country, from the neigh- bouring population. One of the leading points therefore, to which my attention was directed, was to induce the chiefs to meet me, so as to ascertain from them, how they propose that the system of dacoity and 1863. | Notes on the Tribes of the Kastern Frontier. 403 marauding, which they all practise to a great extent, might be put down. I found it at first most difficult to induce the most powerful chiefs to meet me,and to remove the general dread and distrust that prevailed. At the first conference, to quiet their fears, I fully explained that my intentions were peaceable, and that my object was to survey and make a map of the country. I also explained to them that dacoity would in future be promptly and severely punished, and asked them how they proposed to put a stop to the same, appealing to the oldest chiefs, who seemed to possess considerable influence over the others. Many of them indignantly denied that they were robber chiefs ; others were noisy, and put thew hands to their sides, to feel they had daggers to defend themselves in case of treachery. After urging all the arguments I could think of, I broke up the conference, advising them to reconsi- der the subject more at leisure, and to let me know the result here- after. Some weeks after, Thambway, a chief of one of the largest clans, offered to serve as Frontier Police Sirdar. Considering that our Police stationed at the thannah, is perfectly useless.in preventing dacoities or apprehending offenders, unless supported by a large Military force, I brought the subject to your notice, and recommended the chief for employment. The chief object in the plundering expeditions is to obtain slaves. The village attacked is surrounded at night, and gener- ally set on fire, or a volley of muskets is fired into it. The inhabitants, as they leave their burning houses, are seized, the males are speared, and the women and children carried away into slavery. In the dis- tribution of plunder and slaves, they are guided by their own recognised rules. The leader of the expedition receives a double share, the petty leaders a share each, and their followers generally the plunder secured by each individual. Adult males are difficult to manage, and are inva- riably killed. The captive women and children are employed as domestic servants, and considered valuable property : 200 Rupees is generally demanded as ransom for each captive. During the period of my stay in the Hills, for 4 months, with one exception, the most perfect harmony prevailed between my party and the surrounding chiefs of banditti. For several months previous, the Police had at- tempted to recover several captives and were unsuccessful; when J was about leaving Tulukmee, at the earnest intercession of their relatives, I obtained all the 12 captives, valued at 2,400 Rupees, through the clan influence of the chiefs, four of whom were, on my re- 404A Notes on the Tribes of the Eastern Frontier. No. 4, commendation, rewarded for their good services. I trust the manner in which [ have carried out your instructions to restore confidence amongst the lowland people, whose lives and property were exposed to attack, will meet with your approval. The work of the current season will include the unfinished portion of the distzict, from the Bay of Bengal and Lemroo river on the west, to the Yeomadoung range of [ills on the Ava frontier. The Keoks of the two frontier circles, Tandan and Lemroo, have in- formed me, that in addition to the wild Khengs, there are several vil- lages of Burmese dacoits, (living within their circles paying no revenue, and saying they are subjects of Ava,) who, it is likely, will oppose my proceedings on the frontier, ‘ eee *Notes on the Tribes of the Kastern Frontier, No. II—By J. H. O’DoneEL, Esq., Revenue Surveyor of Arracan. (Communicated by A. Grore, Hsq.) The Eastern portion of the district from the Yeomadoung to the Lemroo river is mountainous and hilly. The lowlands are situated chiefly on the west of the Lemroo river, and oa the east of the same river there is a narrow belt of lowland, 50 miles in length, and from 1 to 4 miles in breadth. The hill tribes living on our eastern frontier are Khyens, Mrookhyens, and Koos. Kuyens.—The Khyensdiffer from the Burmese in dress, language and habits : they occupy both banks of the Lemroe river from the Wah Khe- ong to the Khee Kheong and the low hills west of the Jegaendong range visible from the plains, the valley of the Taroce Kheong and the low hills and plains within the Tandan, Gnacharain, Prwanrhay and Dain- boong circles. They are a quiet inoffensive people and number 3,304 souls who pay land revenue and capitation tax to the amount of Rs. 3,883. Several Khyens have settled down as permanent lowland cultivators, where they have been driven to the necessity of cultivating the fields, to avoid the violence and periodical aggressions of the neigh- bouring wild people; those living en the west of the Lemroo river, consider that broad river as a sufficient protection. The males fre- cuently go almost naked, having a rag fastened by a string in front * Extract from a letter to the Commissioner of Arrakan. 1863. | Notes on the Tribes of the Eastern Frontier. 405 of the lower part of the body: occasionally they wear a chang as a cloak to cover the body. ‘The dress of the females consists of a dark blue cotton gown, fastened at the neck and descending to the knees. The faces of the women are all tattooed, and it gives them asingularly hideous appearance: the tattooing commences with a circle in the forehead and a straight line bisects it, extending to the nose: curved lines are made along each cheek, converging towards the chin, where they end in a circle: the outer line forms a curious edging asif the face was covered with amask. Figures of animals are sometimes tattooed as ornaments; these marks and figures are made by pressizg sharp points into the flesh, and filling the punctures with a liquid, prepared from the juice of a tree fourd in the forests. The operation is so painiul, that young girls of 8 or 10 years are obliged to be tied down, their faces remaim swollen for a fortnight afterwards. From 5 to 30 Rs. is generally paid for disfiguring the faces of young females. Mroo Kuyerns.—The most northern village, occupied by the Mroo Khyens paying revenue, is Sikcharoa, situated 14 miles north of the junction of the Saeng Kheong with the Lemroo river. The Mroo Khyens occupy the valleys of the Wah Kheong, Saeng Kheong, Mau Kheong and that part of the valley of the Lemroo between Peng Kheong and Saeng Kheong. They number 4,020 souls, of whom 387 cultivators pay an aunual revenue of Rs. 111. This small revenue is chiefly derived from the sale of bamboos, which are floated down in rafts of 10,000 or more, and sold in the plains at 1 Rupee the hundred. The village of Anoongroa is a refuge for deformed, maimed, and all sick persons labouring under palsy, ulcers, leprosy and other incurable diseases. Some who recover, cultivate for themselves, but in general they are supported by their relatives, who consider them outcasts: they are not allowed to beg, and would on no account receive shelter in any other villages. The inhabitants of Hytweegree and the villages on the heights near the Mau Kheong pass,* situated several miles within our frontier, would not render me any assistance or receive presents, being afraid of the barbarous and czuel punishments inflicted by the Burmese. A Burmese official resides at Loong-shai-mroo, 2 days’ journey on the Ava side of the boundary range. He collects annually from each of these villages, one male or female slave valued from 50 to 100 Rs. and * Kangto, Thonoo, Atareepoong, Okreepoong. 406 Notes on the Tribes of the Eastern Frontier. [No. 4, a chang cr covering from each house, valued at 1 Rupee. Although they pay readily whatever is demanded from them by the Burmese, they do not hesitate to levy black mail from the few travellers who attempt to pass by this route over the Yeomadoung at Kooeelandong; (5924 feet high,) to purchase cattle from Burmah proper. They did not however offer any opposition to the survey parties employed in this direction. The high central ridge of the Yeomadoung is a dis- tinct natural boundary, and there is no doubt that the villages named above are situated within the limits of the Akyab district. Koos.—The Koos occupy the mountainous country neax the sources of the Lemroo river and its principal feeder the Peng Kheong, within the 22nd parallel of north latitude, westward of the Yeomadoung range; they have never paid ary revenue and it is only after entering the hills for 8 or 10 days, that the first villages of these wild people are met with. The approximate number of houses is 2897, and allowing 5 persons for each house, the number of inhabitants may be estimated at about 14,485. Those living on the Peng Kheong have intercourse with the neighbouring Khoomees of the Koladyne circle, from whom they differ but little in their habits. On occasions of rejoicing, the latter amuse themselves by dancing round a bull or gayal tied down toa stake. As they dance round and round the animal is slowly despatched by numberless spear wounds, aimed at every part of its body. Bamboo cups are apphed to the wounds; men, women and children drink the blood. Beyond vague information that the Koos exceeded the Khcomees in their barbarous practices, by torturing human creatures in the same manner, nothing was known of them. Revenge may occasionally be gratified in this cruel manner, but the practice is not common, nor could I ebtain any information on the subject. The Koos living on the Lemroo river are perfectly wild and at feud with each other. Interpreters and guides from the nearest Mroo Khyen villages could not be obtained; they would not accept of presents, stating that it was as much as their lives were worth, to attempt proceeding higher up the river. Three attempts were however made to proceed a few miles beyond Khopatong hill station ; twice the Khyen coolies deserted, and the third time they resolutely refused to proceed, and said they would again desert, if another attempt was made. The direction of the Hill statious was changed more to the westward, and the tri- angulation was carried on along the heights bordering on the Peng 1863. ] Notes on the Tribes of the Eastern Frontier. 407 Kheong. The Koos being unacquainted with the use of salt, their food is extremely insipid and the smallness of their appetite was noticed. Their chief food is Indian corn. Like the Khyens and Mroo Khyens, they wear but little clothing. Canes slit in two and painted red are wrapped round the stomach about 20 times, as a protection from poisonous arrow wounds. Muskets are common amongst the Koos of the Peng Kheong. Spears, bows and arrows, manufactured by themselves, are the other weapons used. The Khyens made no complaints about any of their villages being attacked by Hall robbers or of any of their number being carried away as slaves. Cattles are, however, frequently stolen. The only route by which the Hills can be entered, is the bed of the Lemroo river, which, in the upper part of its course, is a mountain torrent, and admits only of canoes of the smallest size. There is a waterfall 4 miles above the village of Goonguen or Lemroo, and after the first day’s journey, falls and rapids are met with almost at every mile and sometimes oftener. The principal feeders of the Lemroo are the Peng Kheong, Saeng Kheong, Wap Kheong, Mau Kheong and Saroee Kheong. Canoes are used on these streams for short distances from their junctions with the main stream. OPI PII ON rn, Notes on the Tribes of the Eastern Frontier, No. III.—By H. J. Reyno.ps, sq. (Communicated by A. Grote, Esq.) I have alluded in my 8th para.* to the existence of several Kookie villages near the boundary line. I was told that there are 18 such villages, and I have myself visited 7 of them, all cf which are within the British territory. As these hills have perhaps never before been traversed by an Officer of Government, a few remarks respecting these hill people may not be out of place. I have above spoken of them as Kookies; but the name is not properly applicable to these people, who are an entirely different race from the Kookies of the Chittagong jungles. The name by which they are commonly known is “ Tipperahs.” In physiognomy some of them are like the Muri- poorees, but the greater part bear more resemblance to the Khasiah * In a foregoing portion of the letter from which the above is extracted. 3 FE 408 Notes on the Tribes of the Eastern Frontier. [No. 4, tribes, having strongly marked Calmuck, or Mongolian features, with flat faces and thick lips. Those whom I saw were not in general shorter in stature than Bengalis, and were far more muscular and strongly made. I was struck, with the fair complexions of many of them, scarcely darker than a swarthy Huropean. The villages which I visited contained perhaps from 100 to 200 inhabitants each, and each house is raised on bamboo piles 4 or 5 feet from the ground. This is done, as I was told, partly as a protection against wild beasts, and partly to keep the houses out cf the reach of floods after a heavy rain ; (1 may remark, that though I heard a good deal of wild animals being numerous upon these hills, yet I saw none whatever; indeed the hills appeared to be remarkably bare of life, even birds being very scarce.) The “'Tipperahs” understand and speak Bengali, the better class of them correctly enough and the lower class imperfectly : but they conversed with each cther in a dialect of their own, which none of my party understocd. They appear tc maintain no caste restrictions, and eat any kind of food; even taking with perfect readiness some which I offered them. They keep pigs, fowls and pigeons, but they do not seem toe have any bullocks, nor did I see any ploughs in their villages. 'They cultivate cotton and rice upon patches of the hills which they clear of jungle. They pay no rent, I was informed, for the lands they occupy; but they pay a nuzzer of cne rupee to the Rajah of Tipperah upon every occasion of a marriage among them, 1863. | Aornos. 409 Aornos.—By Lt.-Col. J. ABBorr. In the Asiatic Society’s Journal No. 1 of 1863 I have lately perused an interesting paper by the Rev. I. Loewenthal upon the antiquities of the Peshawur district, of which I hope to see many more numbers. My object in noticing it at present, is less to support my own theory regarding the site of Aornos, which does not appear to me to be shaken, than to invite attention generally to the subject and others connected with the footsteps of the Greeks ; whose coins and sculpture abound in all old sites of the Peshawur district and in a large number of those between the Jelum and Atuk. Not only is this ground classi- cal to us Huropeans ; it is also the classical soil of the Hindoo—the Kusufzye and the valley of Sohaut containing many of the old sites spoken of in the heroic poems of that race. At page 13 of Mr. Loewenthal’s essay he calls in question the loca- lity I have assigned for Aornos, upon the verdict of some great Mili- tary authority (unknown) because “‘ the Mahabunn commands nothing, and is so much out of the way, that it could hardly ever have been a place of refuge for the people of the plains, and if it had been, a general like Alexander would not have wasted his time on the reduc- tion of an isolated hill which was by no means impeding his passage to the Indus.” Now at first sight all this may appear to be sound argument. It is only when we find that not a single position agrees with fact, that we regret the rashness of great Military authorities, in deciding, without investigation, questions so perplexing as this. First, it is stated, that the Mahabunn commands nothing. I answer, that it commands the liberties of the most warlike of the tribes in the Peshawur valley ; the Aspasioi, or Asupzye, as they still term themselves. So long as Aornos was free, the Aspasioi could not be conquered. And as long as the Mahabunn is free, the Asupzye can never be subdued. Their villages may be occupied at great expense by armed garrisons: but sooner or later those garrisons will be cut off, and the people will reassert their freedom. It was this certainty, (in all probability,) which led Hercules four thousand years ago to assail Aornos. And it was possibly the same assurance, that, (after an interval of 2000 years,) conspiring with his emulation of the herves of antiquity, prompted Alexander to the same undertaking with better success. 3.F 2 410 Aornos. [No. 4, Secondly, it is asserted that the Mahabunn “is too far out of the way to have been a refuge to the people of the plains.” But this is contrary to fact; for the Mahabunn, which includes a vast tract of forest-belted mountain, ever has been, as it still is, and always must be, the retreat to which the Aspasioi (Asupzye) when invaded, drive their flocks and herds and carry their women and children : its very distance, (to an invader, for it is not very distant for them) forming one of the especial reasons tor its selection. Not only did Hercules and Alexander Gf the Mahabunn be Aornos) find it necessary to assail this stupend- ous mountain, but Nadir Shah himself could not reduce the Kusufzye to submission, until he had crowned the summit with his army. Her- cules (we learn from Curtius and Diodoros) made earthquakes and heavenly portents his plea for abandoning the siege. His real reason, probably, was that, less provident than the son of Philip, he found his supplies cut off and the prosecution of the siege impossible. It is because the Mahabunn is the immemorial retreat of the Aspasioi of the plains when overmatched, that I was first led to enquire whether it might not be Aornos. Thirdly, it is objected, that “had the Mahabunn been the refuge of the people of the plains, a General like Alexander would not have wasted his time on the reduction of an isolated hill, which was by no means impeding his passage to the Indus.” Had it been said “a General like Napoleon or Wellington or Mar!l- borough,” the rashness of this remark had been less obvious. But Alexander differed from all other great generals in this, that his love of conquest was rivalled by his ambition to excel the heroes and demi- gods of antiquity. Neither Napoleon nor Marlborough nor Welling- ton, probably, would have headed the forlorn hope in storming like a common grenadier a mud-walled town, which any of his Captains could have reduced in a week. Yet we are obliged to believe that Alexander did this ; nor can we well believe that he attacked Aornos, without crediting what all his biographers assign as his reason, that it had resisted three assaults of Hercules. We must, moreover, remember that Alexander was already in possession of the Ferry of the Indus. Ee awaited the construction of boats, of which the timber* must be _* ?Eel 5& Kad bAn epyucinw evérvxe Tapa Tov ToTapoy, Kal GuTn exdmn aITa br) THS OTparias Kal vads emolnoay. Arrian iy. 30. 1863. | Aornos. 411 felled in the Mahapunn, ere he could cross. He was not, therefore (as our great Military authority supposed,) in any hurry to approach the Indus ; but was steadily conquering the country of the Asufzye and the valley of Swat, conquering in order to retain possession, not merely to ravage and destroy. So that although it might have flat- tered his pride to dispute with Hercules the prize of valour, it was quite reconcileable with his prudence to reduce that stronghold, with- out which the Asupzye could never be effectually subdued. Unless greatly mistaken, we have fully answered all the objections of the unknown Military authority. We now come to Mr. Loewenthal’s reasons for thinking that the castle of Hodi near Atuk on the farther brink of the Indus is the veritable Aornos. The unknown authority already quoted goes on to say, “The hill above Khyrabad is not only a most conspicuous point for friend and foe, but also one that must be taken before a passage of the Indus at Atuk would be attempted by an invading force.” The castle of Hodi is conspicuous enough ; it occupies the summit of a hill about 600 feet high, standing on the river’s brink about a mile below the crossing. But as, according to Mr. Loewenthal’s account, it could be entered only from the river side, a very small force would have sufficed to keep its garrison prisoners to their castle. And I must deny that any garrison, armed with spear, sword, shield, bow and arrow, could have impeded the crossing of such an army as Alexander’s from Hodi’s castle. Supposing, however, that this castle was then in existence, (of which there is not the slightest probability,) and that the Asupzye had fled thither from Bazira, Ora and the rest of the cities of the plains, Alexander might probably have deputed Ptolemy or one of his other Captains to reduce it. But we can see nothing in the castle itself, nor in the paltry hill on which it stands, to justify either the repulse of Hercules or the ambition of Alexander to be its captor. The next supposed point of resemblance is itsname. Its veritable name is Raja Hodi ki killa, the castle of Raja Hodi, and it has no other. But as Atuk is often called Benares Atuk, just as Chuch is called Chuch Benares, Mr. Loewenthal assumes that Raja Hodi’s castle may have been called Benares, in order that it may be reduced, first to Varanas and from thence to Aornos. We think that such a chain of suppositions will scarcely answer to identify the contemptible hill 412 Aornos. [No. 4, in question with the magnificent mountain described as Aornos. That the ancient name of the purgunna or tract on which Atuk rests was Benares is probable enough; but it seems to me that this Benares (whether city or tract) must have been on the same side of the river as Chuch, which to this day is called Chuch Benares. For the breadth of the Indus there, (upwards of two miles,) completely severs Chuch from the Eusufzye, and when Alexander visited them, he found them subject to two distinct sovereigns. The name is variously pronounced as Bunnarr, Bunares, Bunass, the latter signifying “ destruction.” We think it may serve an important end in the elucidation of this knotty question to record all the different accounts now extant of Aornos. Persons who do not possess the ancient authors treating upon the subject, may then visit the various possible sites and judge for themselves which was the tremendous rock that repulsed three attacks of Hercules, the greatest General of his age. To begin with Arrian, who, in spite of Mr. Loewenthal’s disparaging remarks, has left us one of the most succinct and detailed accounts ever penned, of this campaign, Aornos was a table mountain 14: miles in circuit at base, 4125 feet in height, extremely steep, having abun- dant water at the summit and numerous welling springs, plenty of wood, and soil for 1000 ploughs (should it be tilled). It was the refuge of all the cities of the plains, but especially of Bazira (Bajra) and Ora, (perhaps Ooud or Owra). The ascent to 1t was from Umb, Balima, (sites retaining this name at the foot of the Mahabunn). Although so steep, Alexander led up it a squadron of the companion horse, 20 mount- ed archers and his engines of war. Though the rock held by the enemy was so lofty, yet the mountain had still higher ground, which Ptolemy cot possession of by the aid of a spy, attacking thence the enemy im rear. Alexander met none but natural obstacles, until he had ascended the mountain after 6 days’ toil and incessant hand-to-hand combat. He then apparently reached a table summit, having soil, in which he dug his trench and raised his parapet of approach. Near the rock was a mound of equal height, which the Macedonians carried by assault. After which the garrison lost heart, and when Alexander withdrew his pickets, vacated the place by night. The rock on the table summit must of course have had parapets, or the enemy could not have held it an hour after Alexander’s attainment of the table summit. But it was 1863. ] Aornos. 413 not in itself very formidable, for Alexander and his companions scrambled up it without waiting for ladders. This is the account of Arrian, generally the most faithful of historians. It has all the appearance of having been copied from the journal of an eye-witness : perhaps Ptolemy, perhaps Beton, Alexander’s quar. ter-master, whose journal was published. According to him the dif- fieulty of the enterprize was the exceeding courage of the defenders opposing Alexander on a very steep acclivity, which he was 6 days in surmounting. But walls or ditches are no where mentioned. The fidelity of the people in concealing from him the path by which such a wilderness of mountain might be safely entered, was amongst the fore- most difficulties. A foreigner who had long resided there was his guide, bribed by a large sum* of money. This is Arrian’s account, and should any one have to attack the Mahabunn, Arrian would serve him as a guide step by step. We next come to Strabo’s very meagre notice of Aornos. “ Alexan- der had taken, in the first assault, a certain rock called Aornos, whose roots the Indus, not far from its springs, washes.” Next follows Curtius, whose account is so diametrically opposite to that of Arrian, that it is necessary to choose the one and reject the other. I am not singular in siding with Arrian, whose detailed narra. tive is as sober as Curtius’ is wild and inflated. Curtius describes the rock Aornos as having the figure of a goal, terminating above in a sharp pinnacle, its roots bemg entered by the river Indus, scarped on both sides by lofty rocks. On the other hand were interposed gulfs and quagmires, which Alexander filled, by felling and casting in a forest ; a work of 7 days. ‘The assailants who were repulsed, fell into the Indus, as the garrison rolled down upon them rocky fragments. The repulse was signal, but as Alexander showed no symptom of aban- doning the siege, the Indians after a while evacuated the rock. This rock was near Ora and one march from Ek-bolima, beyond which was a defile : after which he reached the Indus in 16 marches, and found all prepared for crossing. - No mention is made of walls to this Fort. In fact, supposing it to have had the figure of a Roman goal as above described, walls had been utterly superfluous, and its name of Aornos had been well deserved. * 80 Talents, 414 Aornos. [No. 4, Diodoros’ account is as follows. Aornos was the refuge of the people of the plas. (The loss of a portion of the narrative prevents our knowing the names of the cities from which the garrison had fled.) It was excessively steep; and Hercules had desisted from the siege, owing to earthquakes and heavenly portents. This rock had a circuit of 84 miles, an elevation of 10,560 feet and its surface was every where smooth and taper; being washed at the South by the river Indus. Elsewhere it was girt with deep ravines and was diffi- cult with precipices. A foreigner of destitute circumstances led him to a post which gave him the upper hand of the garrison, and com- manded its only outlet. Alexander therefore, having blockaded the rock, filled with earth its chasm and roots and pressed the siege inces- santly 7 days and 7 nights: when, conjecturing that the garrison had lost heart, he withdrew his guard from the outlet, and the barbarians evacuated the rock by night. Several points in this account agree with that of Curtius, who pro- bably took much of his narrative from Diodoros. All three agree in one fact, however they may differ in others; viz. that Aornos was fortified by nature alone and not by human art. Whatever therefore the site to be considered, it must be one, almost impregnable by nature if well defended, and destitute of artificial defences, except- ing of course that rude parapet of loose stones or earth, which barbarous nations from the earliest days have employed. Diodoros makes no mention of the assailants being hurled into the Indus. This appears to be a pure invention of Curtius, deduced from the fact that the Indus washes the roots of the mountain. Arrian’s and Diodoros’s accounts do not differ very materially, if we consider the six days’ ascent of the mountain (so circumstantially described by Arrian,) and the ambush of Ptolemy to be embraced by Diodoros in his brief statement, that a foreigner for reward led Alexander where he commanded the only access to the rock. To Curtius, generalship was nothing: courage and dash every thing. The mountain up which Alexander, with con- summate skill, fought step by step for six days, was far too prosaic for his page. He makes it rise out of the river ike a Roman goal and then he makes Alexander fell forests to build a ramp up to the summit. All of a sudden we stumble upon Diodoros, who estimates its perpendi- cular height at 10,000 feet or 2 miles; and then we wonder whence forests could be had sufficient for the work, or hands to fell and pile them up in six days. 1863. ] Aornos. 4415 We know of no other ancient accounts of Aornos beside those just now quoted. When Plutarch wrote, there were 16 different histories of Alexander’s exploits, every one of which has perished. Plutarch himself offers no account of this siege, excepting the words of encourage- ment which Alexander offered to a leader of one of the storming parties of his own name. We have therefore, I believe, collated together all that is authentic relating to Aornos. From these it appears that in our search for Aornos the following particulars must absolutely be borne in mind ; two of the three authori- ties agreeing together in all. That Aornos was on the right bank of the Indus, near the cities Masaga, Oora, Bazira and Em-bolima. That it was the place of refuge of the dense population of the plains, including that of the cities aforesaid. That its defences were not artificial but natural. That its perpendicular height was very considerable, being rated by one historian at 10,000 feet, by the other at 4,000, That it abounded in forest. That, high as stood the rock itself, the mountain which it crowned had yet higher ground. That when the mountain summit had been won, and the rock con- fronted, the extraordinary danger to the besiegers was past. Now, in considering Hodis hill—if it be the Aornos we are seek- ing, all the fortifications which now render it formidable must have been built since Alexander’s day ; and therefore we must imagine the hill stript of them before asking whether this be Aornos. Would Mr. Loewenthal really believe that one born and nurtured amongst the wild mountains of Macedonia, who had stormed Tyre, carried some tremendous natural strongholds in Bactria and in the Buktari moun- tains, and had just crossed twice the Hindu Koosh, with all his engines of war, would have felt much piqued by the fame of a hill some six or seven hundred feet high, little differing from thousands around him,—a hill, too, which fron: the river side at least (for I have a faithful sketch of it from Attok) is perfectly accessible from base to summit. If this hill be Aornos, we have also to discover south of the Loondi or Cabul river, sites answering to the cities Bazira, Oora, Masaga and Embolima. or fugitives from the Eusufzye could not have fled to 3 416 Aornos. [Wo. 4, the hill of Hodi’s castle ; being intercepted by the strong column under Craterus, marching from Peshawur direct to Atuk, to prepare boats for the transit across the Indus. This column, on its way, took and fortified the city Orobatis on the Northern side of the Loondi. This city I discovered in ruins, under the name Arabutt. The sites Bajra, Ooria, Moosagurh, Umb-balimah near the roots of Mahabunn answer well to the sites that must be found near Aornos, but I have heard of none such being discovered* near Atuk. Thus then stands the case, Raja Hodi’s hill is recommended as being near the main ferry of the Indus, and on the river’s brink where scarped with abrupt rocks, although no man struck down in ascending it, could possibly fall into the Indus as Curtius supposes they fell from Aornos. It is liable to objection, as not being near Embolima, Oora, Bazira, or Massaga. As not being suited to shelter the people of the plains or their cattle, having no grass and little water, and being within an hour’s march of the main road. Its only known name cannot by any ingenuity be converted into Aornos. It does not in the slightest degree resemble a Roman goal, being perfectly accessible from base to sum- mit on the river face. Its height is not a fourth of that reckoned by Arrian, nor a tenth of the height assigned to Aornos by Diodoros. Being visible from base to summit from Atuk, Alexander could never have required a guide at an expenditure of 80 talents, to show him the road up. It has at summit no ground on which the 220 Horse which accompanied Alexander up Aorncs could act. Nor can we ima- gine any reason why it should be called the Rock, bemg no more formidable, no less accessible than thousands of scrubby hills of like figure scattered all over Asia. When (according to Arrian,) the fortified hill city Bazira had been evacuated by its defenders, who fled with others of the plains for refuge to Aornos, and when Alexander, fired with emulation of his great ancestor Hercules, had determined upon attacking that rock ; he established garrisons in the cities Ora and Massaga, and secured with a wall the city Bazira. Meanwhile Hephaistioon and Perdikkas, whom he had despatched from Nikaia, (Jullalabad,) direct to Peshawur and the river indus, walled and garrisoned Orobatis (Arabutt on north bank of Loondi) and reached the Indus to prepare boats for * There is a Bazaar, not very far from the Loondi river, but it is on a flat and Bajira was built on a hill, &e. 1863. ] Aornos. 417 the passage across. Alexander, who had come through the country of the Aspasioi (Issupzye) and Gouraioi and Assakanoi,* (people of Punjgour and Swaut,) to Bazira, leaving this town, and subduing some others on the Indus, came to Embolima at the foot of Aornos. Had Alexander marched towards Atuk where Hodi’s hill is sited, he had not sent half his army} with Hephaistioon and Perdikkas, as he would have been himself close in rear to support them. But he had gone through the countries of the Punjgour, the Assazye and Asup or Issupzye, and rejoined Hephaistioon after the siege of Aornos by a march off 16 stages: proving manifestly that Aornos was no where near the crossing of the Indus. Were Raja Hodi’s hill, when divested of its fortifications, a strong- hold calculated to have thrice foiled the greatest General of his age, and to be regarded as the greatest capture of Alexander ; it would be time enough J think, to enquire whether its name had ever been Benares or any thing else convertible by etymologists into Aornos. Mountains guite worthy of Hercules and of Alexander overshadow the Indus above the plain of the Aspasioi. Whether Mount Wunj (Aon}) the most difficult of these, and which, according to tradition, was not violated even by Alexander, be Aornos, or whether it be the Mahabunn, which more exactly suits Arrian’s description, I must leave to be determined by after research. In the case of the Mahabunn the name alone differs. Its title of “The Rock” it well deserves, as seen from the river side, being scarped by tremendous precipices at summit: and its name of “ Mahabunn” or the mighty forest, may very possibly be a corruption of “ Mahabutt,” the mighty rock ; even as we know from Jehangir’s autobiography, the neighbouring moun- tain of Gundgurh, to have been called in his day§ Gurrjgurh or “ the house of Thunder,’ and Huzara to have been called “ Abisara.”’ Persons who first visit Atuk, look up at once to Hodi’s castle and if they have not Arrian beside them, naturally ask, may not that be Aornos? But after considering the contemptible nature of the hill, * Assakanoi are no doubt the Assazye or sons of Assa who inhabit Swaut. + exovTas thy Te Topyiov takiw kat KaAe:rov kat Medcaypou kat twy ETOLpwy IMTEWY TOUS NMLGEAS, KaL TOUS LoVOPopous imTEas GuMmavTas. Arrian iv. 22. { Inde processit EHkbolima, &c. Hine ad flumen Indum sextis decimis cas- tris pervenit. Curtius VIII. 12, i. e., to the crossing of the Indus. For he had just descended Aornos which is on the Indus. § From the thunderous sound which seems at times to proceed from its summit, but is probably the reflection of a sound generated high up in the river channel. 3G 2 418 Aornos. [No. 4, and comparing it with the stupendous mountains overshadowing the Indus, forty miles higher, they wonder that they should ever have en- tertained the idea. Those who would wish to see the subject discussed at length, I beg to refer to my paper in the XXIII Vol. of the Asiatic Society’s Jour- nal, entitled ‘“‘ Gradus ad Aornon.” * I beg to take this opportunity of correcting the following note which occurs in the paper aforesaid. It relates to my rendering of a passage of Curtius. “ Note. This passage ‘ Hane (7. e. petram) ab Hercule frustra obses- sam esse, terreque motu coactum absistere fama vulgaverat’ is ob- scure: the word coactum agreeing neither with Hercule, nor with petram. I would suggest its being read ‘ coactam, which reconciles the difficulty: and after consideration I have adopted this reading. Our respect for Hercules would not improve, could we thmk him one to have been terrified by an earthquake.” When the above was written I had not consulted Diodoros, which now hes before me. He repeats the tradition in better grammar. Reyetar yop tov Tahowv ‘Hpaxdca tavryv tyv mérpav émiaddojuevov moNopKely GmooTHval Oud TWas émLyevoevovs reyahous GELopoUsS Kal dvoonpetas. Lib. XVII. ze. Now Hercules might have been a very stout fellow and have knocked out other men’s brains without boasting any of his own. But he could not have been the great conqueror which his deeds attest, had not his wit been in proportion to his strength and courage. We think he was far too shrewd a fellow to be outwitted or bullied by an earth- quake. And therefore, if he made this his plea for raising the siege of Aornos, it was, in all probability, because his supplies had been cut off, (an easy matter in the Mahabunn,) and he was ashamed to own his imprevidence. Alexander, (see Arrian,) did not attempt the siege until he had appointed Krateros to collect corn for the army into the town Embolima. Of the name Aornos, I do not think it certain, as does Mr. Loewenthal, that it is Sanscrit. It was the second rock of that name and description which Alexander had taken: the first being in Bactria beyond the Hindoo Koosh and out of reach of the San- serit tongue. Its meaning in Greek is *‘ unwinged” as if challeng- [* The map there given will be found useful for the present article.—ED. | 1863.] Aornos. 419 ing all unwinged things. If, however, it be not Greek, it is not necessarily Sanscrit, for we have undoubted proof that the Pushtoo language was in use at that time in that region, and that the Afghan race held the region to which Aornos appertains. It might therefore be either a, Pushtoo, or a Sanserit, or an Aboriginal, or a Persian word. There are several Hindi names of Forts which would have been rendered by the Greeks Aornos,—Urniya cr the unapproachable, Woorna, Awur, Aon} or Wunj. The first of these, (now called Kotta,) stands at Umb Balimah (Hmbolimah,) and so overhangs the Indus on its eastern face, that water is ordinarily drawn up from the Indus by the garrison. But this rock, like Hodi’s hill, is too con- temptible to be the Aornos of history. When first L approached the Indus at Torbaila, I felt that I was in presence of the veritable Aornos. And on discovering that the mountain rising like a green wall to the height of 3000 feet above the water, bore the name of Wunj or Aonj which the Greeks would have written Aornos, I deemed it almost certain that this particular rock was the stronghold in request. It was only when I learnt that Mount Aonj has no arable land and little water, so that although quite inaccessible against sudden invasion, it cannot hold out long ; and that the Mahabunn, which has abundance of water, grass, firewood and arable land, is the ordinary refuge of the Husufzyes of the plains with their families and cattie, that I was obliged to prefer the Maha- bunn, a spur of which falls sheer into the Indus. The Mahabunn itself, however, is invisible from the western brink of the Indus, bemg concealed behind Mount Aonj. The Greeks there- fore might easily have confounded the two and have thought they were ascending the mountain pomted out to them as Aonj or Aornos. From the junction of the Burrendor torrent (flowing out of Boo- nair) with the Indus, down to Atuk, the river margin has been most earefully searched, but although it seems improbable that Aornog should be below Atuk, this should not be left in doubt. The river’s bank should be explored, as opportunity offers, down to Neeldb at least, bearing in mind that it is not a castle we must seek for, but a stupendous rock or mountain to which the people of the plains flee for refuge. It is difficult to understand why Mr. Loewenthal supposes the author of the “ Gradus ad Aornon” to have followed Curtius rather 4.20 Aornos. [No. 4, than Arrian, in spite of the contrary assurance, given at the outset of that paper and carefully maintained throughout. Although ourselves satisfied that the Mahabunn is the Aornos of history, we think the question quite open to discussion. We believe that the epithet of “rock” given to what Arrian’s account clearly defines to have been an immense table mountain, has been the great difficulty hitherto in the search. Curtius’ imagination immediately depicted 1t, as an obelisk of rock rising out of the Indus: and being more popular than Arrian, he has led many astray. But Arrian’s ac- count so distinctly lays down which part of the river to search for Aornos, viz., the neighbourhood of Umb Balimah, Bajra, Oora and Moosagurh, that the mountain in their neighbourhood forming the ordinary refuge of the Eusufzye, abounding in springs, grass, wood, and arable land, must needs be Aornos. And excepting the Mahabunn, which can turn out 12,000 matchlockmen, there is no such mountain on the right bank of the Indus. Hitherto no British traveller has passed up the Indus higher than Umb, and to search higher for Aornos would be to no purpose, because no mountain higher up could have been the refuge of the Asupzye. But in cross-questioning native travellers, I discovered that there exists a white rock, (perhaps of milky quartz) on the right bank of the Indus, in the river basin, about fifty miles above Umb, called to this day “ Tchitta Butt Kephale Bous.” The first two words in the Punjaub dialect signifying “the white rock” and the two latter bemg manifestly Greek, signifying the “ Bull’s Head,” which was also the name of Alexander’s celebrated charger. So far as I can learn, there is no longer any carving on the rock; but it seems not umprobable that there may have been a basso-relievo of Boukephalon in former days. The bigotry of the Muhummadans causes them to deface all sculptured figures of men or animals. It is the only instance I have discovered of a Greek name in a country abounding in coins bearing Greek Inscriptions. JI mention this not as connected with Aornos but in order that it may be borne in mind by persons making enqui- ries in that corner of the Punjaub. During the eight years I was employed in Huzara, I was too much overworked to take even one week’s leave of absence for the purpose of exploring. PPP DIP PSS PAPI PDAS PIED ee 1863. | Remarks on the Taxila Inscription. 421 Remarks on the Taxila Inscription—By Professor J. Dowson, Sandhurst College. [The following is a letter addressed to H. Thomas, Esq., the Society’s Honorary Agent in London, and by him communicated to the Society. | Sandhurst, 15th September, 1863. My pear S1r,—I am much indebted to you for so promptly send- ing to me General Cunningham’s paper on the Taxila Inscription, and I very willingly adopt your suggestion of sending the few remarks I have to make upon it for insertion in the Journal of the Asiatic So- ciety of Bengal. The discussion upon it will thus be greatly facilitat- ed and more speedily brought to a conclusion. The call which you sent to India, before my translation was pub- lished, for a separate independent version of this important record, was at once responded to by General Cunningham. Both translations are now before the world, and although there are many points of difference between them, there is quite sufficient of agreement, to satis- fy even the most sceptical, that we are working upon a sure foundation. I perceive that General Cunningham has discovered the two slightly varying forms of the prefixed r, he has also made out the diverging form of the letter y as it appears in the Wardak Urn Inscription, with a rounded instead of the usual pointed head. We have thus simul- taneously arrived at these decipherments, and I am happy to have my name associated with his as their godfather. Other identifications which I proposed will I hope recommend themselves to his approval, such as the ft, the compounds han, mam, yan, s’wa, &c. Your announcement of my discovery of the true values of the Bactrian numerals has at once been adopted, and General Cunningham has gone through the various Bactrian dates, with results entirely in ac- . cordance with my own. In one instance, that of the Ohind Inscrip- tion, he has amended the old reading of the date, by changing the unintelligible word vaomite into attamitt. I proposed this emendation, but having only the lithograph before me, I did not venture upon making it. He has doubtless consulted the original document or in- dependent copies. We thus get another confirmation of the value of the two crosses forming the number 8. I have gone most attentively through General Cunningham’s trans- literation, and after duly considering all the points of difference between A22 Remarks on the Taxila Inseription. [No. 4, his reading and my own, I in every instance prefer my own translitera- tion. In his laudable desire to prepare an entirely independent version, he was necessarily hurried, and was unable to bestow upon the Inscrip- tion the same amount of attention and study as it received from me. I am sanguine therefore as to the probability of his acquiescing in most if not in all of my readings, and that eventually our differences both of transliteration and interpretation will be reduced to a mini- mum. It is not my intention to minutely compare our readings, or to comment upon all the differences. Any passages in my version which may be impugned, I shall be ready to defend, or frankly surrender when the time comes; but there are a few points of difference which are of some importance, and deserve notice, one especially in which General Cunningham’s version enables me to improve my own translation. First as to the transliteration. The compound character which I have rendered ft, General Cunningham has made to be ¢h in the date and in the Ohind date. ‘The same character really appears again in the third line, in the word which I have read aprattitavita, but the copy published in this Journal is defective in this instance, having v instead of ff. This blemish in the copy renders necessary a revision of Gener- al Cunningham’s reading, and I doubt not that he will accept my ver- sion. General Cunningham corrects the word prachu (east) mto pa- cham (west), because Hussun Abdal, the place where the plate was found, is N. W. not N. E. of Taxila. I cannot, however, assent to this alteration. The letters of this word are as perfect and distinct as any in the whole Inscription, and they form most unequivocally the word prachu. ‘This may be a blunder, but it is just as possible that it may admit of explanation. The plate was “found” at Hussun Ab- dal but we are not sufficiently acquaimted with the facts of its disco- very, to justify us in a positive assumption of its having been originally deposited there. However this may be, it is surely better to trans- eribe the word as it stands, and if it be an error, to prove it so. The one course decides the matter, whether rightly or wrongly; the other leaves it open to discussion and to the light of future discoveries. ‘The next point of difference which requires notice, is the words which I read “sangharamam cha,” but in which General Cunningham finds “Sangha Rachile (na)” and understands them as forming the name of the person who deposited the relic. We agree in the word “ Sangha” 1863. ] R:mirks on the Taxila Inscription. 423 but I unhesitatingly reject the reading “ Rachite (na)”. The first letter is certainly 7, but it is completely curled round at the point in a way that I have supposed to represent the vowel 7 in the word Chhatrapast. There is this difference, however, between the two words; both occur twice, but while the curled point is distinctly re- peated in the s it is not 60 in the 7. In the short line at the foot, the word is clearly written “ sangharame.” ‘This leads me to believe that the curl of the r in this passage is simply an exaggeration. ‘The next character is “mam. General Cunningham has failed to recognize the anuswara here, like as he has failed to observe it as subjoined to the & in the word mahantasa. For these reasons I hold to the reading “ san- gharam cha,” taking the final syllable of the first word to represent a Gen. pl. I may also add, that it seems clear to my mind, that Liako Kusuluko himself, and no other person, performed the deed which the Inscription commemorates. There are other minor points of difference in the transliteration which may be passed over at present, TI will only remark that the final letters of the body of the Inscrip- tion which General Cunningham has passed over as illegible, and which I have read as weajae, are perhaps better brought out in the copy seat to India than in the lithograph published at home. They are at best only doubtful, and my reading can only be looked upon as plausible. Babu Rajendra Lal has already suggested some emendations of General Cunningham’s translation which bring it more into conformity with my own. Thus, he proposes pijd, instead of puiiya, as the equi- valent of puyaye ; and he is disposed to reject the idea of ayu-bala- vardhia* being a name. With the analogies of raya for rdjé and Kuyula for Kujula it is needless to argue in favour of pijd being the night word. It may, however, be observed that puiiia not puya is the Prakrit and Pali form of pujiya. This emendation will require that the rendering of sarva-buddhana should be changed from “all Bud- dhists” into “all the Buddhas” as I translated it, and which seems in every way preferable. IT will now proceed to notice that portion of General Cunningham’s rendering which I consider more accurate than my own. It is the beginning of the Inscription, where he refers the phrase “ etaye * The final of this word is clearly a not ka. The lithograph of this Journal is inferior to the home one in this spot. 3 ADA Remarks on the Taxila Inscription. [No. 4, purvaye’ to the date, and not, as I did, to the general context. This leaves the words “ Chhahara and Chukhsa” free to represent the names of those districts of which Liako Kusuluko was Satrap. In the first instance I was inclined to look upon this phrase as the equivalent of the Sans. etat-purve “ before this,’ and could this rendering have been made consistent with grammar, it might have been worked in; for the Inscription speaks of the erection of the buildiny in the past, and the deposit of the relic in the present. I had no knowledge of the same or similar phrases having been met with in other Inscriptions, and not seeing how to connect the words with the date, I very dubi- ously rendered them as signifying “in the presence.” General Cun- ningham says he has found the same words in an Inscription which he has lately discovered at Sravasti,* and that a similar phrase occurs in the Mathura Inscription. These, however, remain unpublished, and the enly other records in which the phrase is used, are the Grants of King Hastin and the Inscriptions of Krikaina, which were published in this Journal in 1861 by Professor Fitz-EKdward Hall, and which unfortunately had not come under my notice when I made my transla- tion. The interpretation which Professor Hall put forth, in his very careful reproduction and translation of these Inscriptions, has been adopted by General Cunningham, and he accordingly translates the expression etaye purvaye as “ on this aforesaid date.” The true mean- Ing of purva is “ first, prior,’ and if two dates were given it would refer to the first of them. The word might possibly have the sense of purvokta, “ aforesaid,” but I cannot admit this to be its meaning in the Inscription before us. It is not credible that a document of such remarkable conciseness and brevity, should, immediately after the date and without the intervention of a single word, employ the need- less tautology “on this aforesaid date.’”’ The same observation is applicable to the equivalent phrase in Professor Hall’s Inscriptions. In every instance it is used in immediate connection with the date— never in the middle or towards the end of the record, where such a form of words as “ on the aforesaid date” might be required to obviate ambiguity. A careful consideration of all the passages in which the * He also reads it immediately after the date in the Manikyala Inscription. The word purva is most probably there, as I have pointed out; but we are hardly justified in reading “ etaye pwrvaye.” The first and last letters are dis- tinct in my tracings—they are certainly different from the e of which we have an example at the end of the first line. 1863. ] Remarks on the Taxila Inscription. 425 expression occurs fully confirms the justice of this general criticism, and convinces me that the true signification has yet to be discovered. The following are the passages in which the words are found :— ot of King Hastin—No. 1. yaqgrmrmisara THEITIAHAT aeanediaat aifaaas VaTdedtaaae}t fearon ] 2 fauepatsrwta UASTUAAT FCIGITI ATE Sana warts: aaa: feqeg 4 ata | Hrikaina Inseriptions—No. 1. wa waryyiaa aarut yaa q quay WMSHINAS Gta dgcw afeelanes ravi areata VHT AAAI aeregtaqaawata quay 4 Bul waqrtara- feraysiai ' 2. a4 944 Bfadt seala Taga ASICS CIST AAT CATT sraratet area ieae ana Nea tar Ci i ue L*, Ayaye Kudrangiye danam, that is, “Gift of the venerable Kudrangi.” There are altogether 33 of these pillars still remaining, of which 5 or 6 bear the above inscription. As the pillars are all sculptured, the value of the gift made by the venerable lady Kudrangi could not have been less than 1,000 Rupees. Some of the sculptured bas-reliefs on these pulars are highly interesting. They show the Buddhistic belief of the donor in the veneration for solid towers and trees ; they show the style of architecture in the representations of temples, houses, gates, and city walls; and the costumes of the people in the dresses of the king, and of other worshippers of each sex. 24. Ofthe 33 ancient pillars above described, there are 10 of sandstone from some distant quarry, and 23 of granite from the neighbouring hills. ‘They are all of the same dimensions and of the same age, as they were the gifts of the same venerable lady Kud- rangi. But as the two sets of pillars were found in different localities, although not far apart, I believe that they originally formed different enclosures. ‘The sandstone pillars are said to have been found at the southern side of the Great Temple, and close to the holy Pipal tree. I believe therefore that they originally formed an enclosure round the Bodhi tree. The granite pillars are said to have been discovered about 50 yards to the east of the Great Temple ; and I think it probable that they once formed an enclosure either round the Vajrdsan or “ Diamond throne,” or round the Buddha-pad, or temple of “ Buddha’s feet.” A square of six pillars on each side, with one entrance, would require exactly 23 pillars. 25. ‘To the south-east of the Great Temple there is a small tank, called Budhokar-Tdl, which exactly answers the description given by the Chinese pilgrim of the tank of the dragon Muchalinda. This agreement is so striking that it was seen at once by the members of the Burmese embassy. 26. ‘There are two small ruined temples to the east of the Great Temple, the nearer one being called Zara Devi, and the further one Vagiswart Devi. But the former temple contains only astanding male c 2 xil Archeological Survey Report. figure, with a short inscription over the right shoulder in characters of about A. D. 1000, Sri Buddha- Dasasya, “ (the gift) of the fortunate slave of Buddha.” The goddess Tara belongs to the later days of Buddhism, after the introduction of Tantrika doctrines. The other temple contains a seated male figure, holding a lotus in his left hand, and a sword in his uplifted right hand, with a Buddhist tope or solid tower on each side of him. 27. To the north ofthe Bodhi tree there is a ruined fortress of earth 1,500 feet long by 1,000 feet broad, attributed to Raja Amara Sinha, Suvira. This is possibly the same person as the Amara Deva who built the Great Temple, as the arched passage leading to the temple is said to have been built for the convenience of Amara Sinh’s Rani when returning from her morning bath in the Nilajan river to pay her devotions at the shrine. The preservation of the title of Sinha down to the present day would seem to strengthen the suppo- sition of Amara Deva’s identity with the author of the Amara Kosh. 28. The remaining antiquities of Buddha Gaya consist of numerous Buddhist statues of all sizes, some placed in small temples, and others scattered about the ruins; but the greatest number of them, and by far the finest, are fixed in the walls of the Mahant’s residence. 29. ‘The existing inscriptions at Buddha Gaya are few in number, and, with one exception, they are of little importance. Two valuable inscriptions translated by Wilkins and James Prinsep are no longer to be found ; nor does the Mahant know anything about them. This is the more to be regretted as the former was the record already quoted of Amara Deva and the other hada doubtful date which might have been re-examined. In searching for these, however, I found a new inscription in the pavement of the gateway of the Mahant’s residence. The tenon hinge of the gate works in a socket formed in the very middle of the inscription. There are two socket holes, the second one having belonged to an older gate, or having been cut in the wrong position. This inscription opens with an invocation to Buddha. I1I.—Baxror. 30. To the eastward of Buddha Gaya, on the opposite bank of the Phalgu or Lilajan River, and immediately to the north of the village of Bakror, there are the ruins of a large brick tope, with a stump of a sand-stone pillar at a short distance to the northward. The Archeological Survey Report. xiii ruined mound, which is called Katani, is 150 feet in diameter at base, and 50 feet high. Itis built of the usual large bricks, 153 ~% 102 Xx 3%. Several excavations have been made in it in search of bricks and treasure. About 70 years ago numerous lac seals impressed with a figure of Buddha were found in excavating this tope. These are engraved in Moor’s Hindu Pantheon, Plate LXX, figures 6, 7, and 8, where they are said to have been dug up at Buddha Gaya. My information was, however, derived from the Mahant himself, and as Bakyror is only half a mile to the eastward, it would have been more correct to have described the locality as near, instead of at, Buddha Gaya. The stump of the pillar, which is still in situ, is 3/ 03// in diameter, and there is another fragment near a well to the north-west that measures 3/ 02/’ in diameter. Both of these pieces belong to the rough bottom portion of the pillar, which must have been imbedded in masonry. The shaft of this pillar is said to have been taken to Gaya by a former Magistrate. Accordingly in Sahebgunj, or the new city of Gaya, there is a sand-stone pillar 2’ 43’/ in diameter, and upwards of 16 feet in height, which was set up as a central point in Sahebeunj, as recorded in a Persian inscription by Charles Badam Saheb (Bodham) in A. D. 1789. 31. The tope and pillar of Bakror were visited by Hwen Thsang, who relates a story regarding the capture by a certain king of an “ Elephant of perfume,” (gandha-hasti). Ina former existence, as a Bodhisatwa, Buddha was said to have been the son of this Elephant, and a stupa and pillar had accordingly been erected in commemoration of the tradition. There was also a sacred tank, which is perhaps represented by a small walled tank generally called Mérttand Pokhar, or Suraj Kund, that is, the “tank of the Sun.” It is also called Buddhakund ; but this name was applied by some to a large unwalled tank, about 800 feet square, immediately to the north of the small tank. An annual fair is held at the Suraj Kund, when thousands of pilgrims assemble to bathe in its holy waters. They sit in the water in rows, and repeat, after their attendant Brahmans, the names of all the holy places around Gaya. ‘The ancient name of Bakror is said to have been Ajayapura. IV.—Punawa. 32. The village of Pundwa is situated 14 miles to the eastward of Gaya, between two hills of grey granite, To the north there is xiv Archeological Survey Report. a fine old square tank called Budhokar Tdl, and to the east another tank called Karamdr Tdl. The principal object is a pillared temple of TDrilokndth. As it stands at present, this temple is a modern work made up of different sized pillars of various patterns, some with and others without capitals, so as to bring them to the required height. Half pillars have even been made use of as whole pillars, with the old rough engaged backs left exposed. One of the door- ways of hard blue stone is richly sculptured. In the centre is a figure of the ascetic Buddha, with a three-pointed crown over his head, and on each side of him nine figures with joined hands kneeling towards him. The other doorways are of granite, and, though very plain, are evidently of the same age as the more highly or- namented one. 38. Several statues and granite pillars of different sizes are scattered about the foot of the hills. Portions of the usual Buddhist formula, “ Ve Dharmma,” &c., are found upon some of the statues. There are no dates in any of these inscriptions, but the style of their letters fixes their date at about A. D. 1000. To the north- west, on a mound 60 feet square, there are five broken pillars and a broken statue of the three-headed goddess Vajra-Varadhi, one of the principal objects of worship amongst the later Buddhists. Two of her heads are human, but the third is that of a hog, and on the pedestal there are seven hogs. The ruined temple on this mound is called Narting. V.—KURKINAR. 34. About three miles to the north-east of Pundwa is the large village of Kurkihar. It is not to be found in any of our maps, not even in No. 103 sheet of the Indian Atlas, although it is perhaps the largest place between the cities of Gaya and Bihar. The remains at Kurkihar consist of several ruined mounds, in which numerous sta- tues and small votive topes of dark blue stone have been found. The principal mass of ruin, about 600 feet square, lies immediately to the south of the village. A second less extensive mound lies to the south-west ; and there is a small mound, only 120 feet square, to the north of the village. The last mound is called Sugatgarh, or the one of the well known titles of Buddha. In the principai mass of ruin the late Major Kittoe dug up a great number ee) “house of Sugata, of statues and votive topes; and a recent excavation on the west side Archeological Survey Report. KV showed the solid brick-work of a Buddhist stupa. In the north-west corner of this excavation the relic chamber had been reached, and I was privately informed that a small figure and some other remains had been discovered inside. But the head man of the village stoutly denied that anything had been found, and all the villagers then deni- ed the discovery also, 35. The principal statue is a squatted figure of the ascetic Buddha under the holy Pipal tree, or dodhi-drum. Over head there is a repre- sentation of the Mivdna, or death of Buddha, and on the pedestal there is an inscription in three lines, which is incomplete owing to the loss of a projecting corner of the base. To the right and left there are smaller figures of M/dyd standing under the Sal tree at the birth of Buddha, and of Buddha himself teaching the law at Bena- res after his first attaimment of Buddhahood. On the mound to the east there is a standing figure of Buddha, with a small attendant figure holding an umbrella over him. As this attendant has three heads, I believe that it represents the Hindu Triad in the humble position of a servitor of Buddha. 36. At the north-east corner of the village there is a small rude Hindu temple of brick, in and about which a large number of statues have been collected. The temple is didicated to Bagheswari Devi (Vyaghreswari), but the principal figure inside is a life-size statue of the eight-armed Durgd conquering the Mahishasur or Buffalo demon. The figure pointed out to me as that of Bagheswari was a four-arm- ed female seated on a lion with a child in her lap; but I believe that this figure represents either Indrdni with her son the infant Jayanta, or Shashti, the goddess of fecundity, a form of Durga. The princi- pal figure outside the temple is a life-size statue of Akshobya, who is represented squatted under the Bodhi tree, in the same manner as the ascetic Buddha, with the left hand in the lap, and the right hand hanging over the knee. There is a halo round the head inscribed with the usual Buddhist formula, Ye Dharmma, &c.; and near the head there is a short inscription giving the name of the figure “ Tun Akshobya-vajra, hun.” 37. I procured several short but interesting inscriptions at Kur- kihar. The name of Sdkala is mentioned in several of them, and also Kerala in Dakshinades. "The age of these inscriptions, judging from the shapes of the letters, must be about A. D. 800 to 1,000. I am now employed in making reduced copies of them. XV1 Archeological Survey Report. 38. The true name of Kurkihar is said to be Kurak-vihar, which I believe to. be only a contracted form of Kukkuta-pada Vihdra or “temple of the cock’s foot,” which is described by Hwen Thsang. The Sanskrit Kukkuta is the same word as the Hindi Kukkar or Kurak a cock, so that Kurak-vihar is clearly the same appellation as Kukkuta-pada Vihira. There was a monastery also of the same name. These buildings were situated near a three-peaked hill called Kukkutta-pada-giri or “ cock’s foot hill,” which was celebrated as the abode of the great Kdsyapa, as well as the scene of his death. On this account the hill was also called Guru-pada parvata, or “'Teach- er’s foot hill.” The situation of Kurkthar corresponds exactly with Fa-Hian’s account, excepting that there is no three-peaked hill in its neighbourhood. ‘There are, however, three bare and rugged hills which rise boldly out of the plain about half a mile te the north of the village. As these three hills touch one another at their bases, I _ thi