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ROYAL ASIATIC fJOCfELY, LONDON, JPY

MUNSKT aAR'i MANOHAE LAL

» E *

ORIENTAL PUBtJSHERS AND BOOKSELLER?
NALSAR'^'k, DELm-- 6 .

First Indinn Edition : 1961

f) ISodI

Published by Munshi Ram Manohar Lai, Nai Sarak, DeIhi-6
and printed by Photo Offset Process at Jayyad Press, Delhi.

Cover Design byM.S Satkytj

Publisher’s Note

Yuan Chwang orHiiien Tsiang,'ffie^mous Chinese traveller,
commands such a high seat of eminence that he is styled as
‘one of the three mirrors that reflect Indian Buddhism’ in the
country of his birth To us in India too, he is no ordinary
mirror, for had it not been for the recordsVhich he so diligen-
tly maintained of his visit to India during a d 629 to 645, a
good part of our past, of our history, that too of one of the
golden^penods of this land, would have been lost in the limbo
of oblivion To Yuan Chwang goes the gratitude of all Indians
as well as Indian historians

The work^in'which the details of Yuang Chwang's travels in
India andfother countries is recorded is called Hsi-yu-shi in
the original Chinese Thomas Watters who was a distinguisli-
ed Chinese scholar had spent seveial years m studying and
researching into this great work, and here in one volume are
presented the results of his study, as edited by T W Rhys
Davids and S W Bushell The work also carries as an appendix
the graphic itinerary in two maps followed by Yuan Chwang.
arranged for the readers by Vincent A Smith

This work which had been published in two volumes in 1904-
05 by the Royal Asiatic Society, London and was for long out
of pnnt IS now made available in a single, handy volume We
are grateful to the Royal Asiatic Society London, who have
made this possible, by giving their generous permission for
repnntmg the work

CONTENTS

Preface . . v

Thomas Watters viii

Transliteration of the Pilgrim’s Name xl

Vol I

Chap 1 Title and Text 1

2 The Introduction 22

3 From Kao Chang to the Thousand Spnngs 44

4 Taras to Kapis 82

5 General Description of India 131

6. Lampa to Gandhara 180

7 Udyana to Kashmir 225

8 Kashmir to Rajapur . 258

9. Cheh-ka to Mathura .. 286

10 Sthanesvara to Kapitha 315

11. Kanyakubja to Vi^oka 340

12 Sravasti to Kusinara 377

Vol. II

Chap 13 Varapasi to Nepal 46

14. Magadha 86

15. Magadha Continued 140

16. I-Lan-Na-Po-Fa-To Country 178

J7 Ceylon • 233

18. Tsao-Ku-T’A . 264

Index of Abbreviations Used .. 307

Index of the Chinese Forms of the Names of

Indian Persons 311

Index of Indian Place-Names m Iheir Chinese
Form '• 319

Itinerary of Yuan Chwang 329

Index of Indian Names and Subjects 345

Maps 1. The Journey to and from India.

2 The Journey in India

PBBFACB.

\

As Toll bo seen fi’oni Dr. Bushell’s obituaiy notice of
Tbomas Watters, republished ixom the Journal of ike
JRoyal Asiatic Society for 190J at the end of those few
words of preface, Mr. Watters left behind him a work, ready
for the press, on the travels of ytlan-Chwang in India m
the 7*^ Centuiy a. d. The only translation into Dnghsh
of the Travels and the Life of Ytlan-ChwBng, the one
made by the late Mr. Beal, contains many mistakes. As
Mr. Watters probably knew more about Chmese Buddhist
Literature than any other European scholar, and had, at
the same time', a very fair knowledge both of ’Pah and
Sanslcrit, he was the very person most qualified to correct ^
those mistakes, and to write an authoritative work on the
interpretaticn of Than - ChwSng’s most interesting and
valuable records. The news that he had left such a work
was therefore received with eager pleasure by all those
interested m the history of India. And Mr. F. F. Ar-
buthnot , who had so generously revived our Oriental
Translation Fund, was kind enough to undertake to pay
for the cost of pubhshing the work in that series I was
asked by the Council to be the editor, and was fortunate
enough to be able to receive tho cooperation of Dr. S.
W. Busheil C. M G-., late medical officer attached to our
embassy at Pelong.

We have thought it best to leave Mr. Watters’s Ms.
untouched , and to print the ' work as it stands The

vr

PHEFACr.

reader is requested therefore never to lose sight of the
fact that, as printed, it has not had the advantage of
any such corrections or improvements as the author might
have made, had it passed througli the press under his
supervision.

As a rule the author gives the Indian equivalents
for the Chinese names of persons and places in their
Sanskrit form. But occasionally he uses the Pali form,
and there are cases where we find both Pali and San-
skrit forms used even on tlie same page. I gathered
from many conversations with the author, that this ap-
parent inconsistency was intentional At the time when
YUan-GhwSng travelled m India, not only all the most
famous Buddhist teachers, but all the teachers of the
school of thought especially favoured by the famous pil-
grim, the school of Vasuhandhu, wrote in Sansknt. But
Pall was still understood, and the names of places that
the pilgrim heard in conversation were heard m local
dialects In his transcription the pilgrim would naturally
therefore reproduce, as a rule, the Sanskrit forms, hut he
knew the Pali forms of ancient names, and the local forms
of modem ones. It is not therefore improper, in an English
work on YUan-Chwang, to use occasionally the Pali or
vernacular forms of Indian names.

As regards the author’s method of transhterating the
name of the pilgrim I annex the copy of a letter by myself
in the Journal of our society. Ytlan-Chwang is the correct
presentation of the present Pekinese pronunciation. What
would be the correct presentation, in English letters, of
the way in which the pilgrim himself pronounced it, is
not known.

Full indices, by the author and ourselves, and two
maps which Mr. Ymeeut Smith has been kind enough to
undertake, will be included m the second volume, which
is in the press, and which we hope to bring out in the
course of next year

With chese few remarks I venture ro ask for a generous
and sympathetic reception of this posthumous work by an

PREI'ACE.

YH

author whose untimely death was an ureparahle loss to
historical science, whose rare qualities ot mind and the
breadth of whose knowledge earned the admiration of
those most qualified to judge, and whose personal quahties
endeared him to all who knew hun.

T. W . Ehts Davids

Nalanda, May 1904

Tm

THOMAS WATTEES.

THOMAS WATTERS,

1840—1901.

With very nmch regret lor the loss of an old friend,
I have to notice the death of Mr. Watters, at Ealing, on
January 10th. He Tvas a member of the Council of the
Society from 1897 to 1900, and a valued contributor to
the Journal. The loss of a scholar vrho had such a -wide
knowledge of the vast literature of Chinese Buddhism will
be deeply felt by those mterested in the subject, as was
amply acknowledged by Professor Rhys Davids in a few
well-chosen, appreciative words addressed to the last
meeting of the Society.

He was bom on the 9th of Eebruary, 1840, the eldest
son of the Rev. Thomas Watters, Presbyterian Mmister
of Hewtownards, co. Down, His father died some ten years
ago, after having ministered to the same congregation for
fifty-six years ; his mother is still hving at Hewtownards.
It was from his father that he mherited hiE great love of
books, and he was educated by hiiYi at home imtil he entered
Queen’s College, Belfast, in J867. His college career was
most distinguished, and he gained many prizes and scholar-,
ships during the three years. In 1861 he graduated B. A.
m the Queen’s IJmversity of Ireland, with first-class
honours in Logic English Literature , and Metaphysics ;
and in 1662 took his M. A. degree , with first - class
honours, again, m the samd subjects and second-class in
Classics.

In 1863 he was appointed to a post m the Consular
Service of Chma, after a competitive examination, with
an honorary certificate. He proceeded at once to Peking,
and subsequently served in rotation at many responsible

THOMAS WATTEBS.

IX

spots in all parts of the Chinese empire. He Tms
Acting Consul Greneral in Corea 1887 — 1888, m Canton
1891 — 1893, and afterwards Consul m jlfoochow until
April, 1895, when impaired health compelled him to
retire finally from the Far East, after over thirty-two
years’ service.

But this IS hardly the place to refer to Mr. Watters’s
official work, or to the blue-books in which it is bound up.
In his private life he was al^vays courteous, unselfish, and
unassuming, a special favourite with his friends, to whose
service he would devote infinite pains, whether m small
matters or grave.

His early philosophical training fitted him for the study
of Oriental religions and metaphysics , which always
remamed his chief attraction. The character of his work
may be summarized in the words of an eminent French
critic , who says of Mr. Watters “A ses momdres notices
snr n’lmporte quoi, on sentait si bien qu’elles 6taient
puisSes en pleme source et sur cheque chose il disait
SI hicn juste ce qu’il voulait et ce qu’ii fallait dire”

Much of his best works is, unfortunately, huned in
the columns of periodicals of the Far East, such as the
Cht7ia Mevtew and the Chinese Becc/rdir, his first pubhshed
hook being a reprint of articles in the Chinese Recorder.
The list of his books is —

“liao-tzu A Study in Chinese Philosophy.” Hongkong,
Loudon, 1870

“A Guide to the Tablets in the Temple oi Confucius ”

Shanghai, 1879

“Essays on the Chinese Language,” Shanghai, 1889

“Stones of Everyday Life in Modem China Told m
Chinese and done into English by T "Watters ”

London, 1896

In our own .Journal two interesting articles weie con-
tributed by him m 1898, on **The Eighteen Bohan of
Chinese Buddhist Temples” and on “Kapilavastu in the
Buddhist Books.”

X

THOMAS WATTER&.

A far moie- impoitaut and extensive 'j\'ork remains in
niannscript, being a collection of critical notes on the
Tvell-known travels tliioughout India, m the seventh cen-
tuiy of our era, of the celebrated Buddhist pilgrim
Yilan-Chuang (Hiouen - Thsang). In this Mr. Watters
discusses and identifies all the Sanskrit names of places,
etc., tianshterated in the original Chinese text, and
adds an elaborate index of the peisons mentioned m
the course of the tiavels The work appeals to be quite
ready for publication. Should means be foitlicoming, its
appeal ance in print will be eageily looked for -b} all
interested in Buddhist lore and in the ancient geograijh}
of India.

Ivli. Watters has given Ins library of Chinese books, lam
informed, to his fiiend Mr. E. H. Eraser, CM.G, a Sino-
logue of light and learning and a Memhei of oui Society
who may be trusted, I am sure, to make good use of the
valuable bequest

S W. Bushell

YUAN GHWajtg OB HIOUEN THSANG

XI

YfjAN OEWANG ob HIOUEN THSANG?

The name of the celebrated Chinese pilgnm and trans-
lator 18 ^ spelt m Engbsh m the following ways (among
others) —

1 M Stanislas Julien . Bdouen Thsang

2. Mr Mayeisi. . ' Huan Chwang.

3 Mr. Wylie ... . . . Yuen Chwhng

4. Mr Beal Hiuen Tsiang

6 Prof Legge2. . . Hsiian Chwang

6. Prof. Bunyiu Nanjio ’ . . . Hhiien Kwan

Sir Thomas Wade has been kind enough to explain
this diveisity in the following note —

“The pilgrim’s lamily name was now pronounced
ch'ew, but more anciently ch^in. His ‘style’ (official or
honorary title) appears to have been both written

3^ 1 and % 2
% 1 %

In modem Pekinese these would read in my tians-
hteration (which is that here adopted by Dr Legge) —

1 hsiian chiiang

2 ylian chuang.

The Prench still wiite for these two chaiacters —

1 htouen thsang^

2 youan thsang^

following the orthography of the Eomish Missionaries,
Premare and others, which was the one adapted to Engbsh
usage by Hr Moriison I doubt, pace Hr Edkins, that
we are q^uite sure of the contemporary pronunciation, and
should prefer, therefore, myself, to adhere to the Erench

1 Readers Manual, p 290 ^ Ya Hien, p 8d, etc. a Catalogue, p 485

xn t(Jak CHvUfa oe Bioranr TE8iU?G.

Biooen, seeing that thi% has received the sanctificatiOE
of Julienne vrell-kiiov?!! tianslation of the pilgrim’s travolB.”

It is quite clear from the above that in the Chinese
pronunciation of the first pait of the name there is now
nothing approaching to an English H. And of course
Julien never intended to represent that sound by his
transliteration. Initial H being practically sileat in
French, his Hiouen is really equal to louen, t^iat is, to
tivhat would he eccpressed hy Yuan in' the scientific system
of transliteration now being adopted for all Oriental
languages But the vowel following the initial letter is
like the German u, or the French u, so that YUan would,
for Indianists, express the nght pronunciation of this form
of the word. It is particularly encouraging to the im-
portant cause of a generally intelligible system of trans-
literation to find that this is precisely the spelling adopted
hy Sir Thomas Wade.

This is, however, only one of two apparently equally
correct Chmese forms of wnting the first half of the
name. The initial sound in the other form of the word
is unknown m India and England. Sir Thomas Wade
was kind enough to pronounce it for me ; and it seems
to be nearly the German ch Cthe palaxal, not the guttural, —
as in M&dchen) or the Spanish x, only more sibilant. It
18 really first cousm to the y sound of the other form,
being pronounced by a very similar position of the month
and tongue. If it were represented by the symbol ES
(though there is neither a simple h sound nor a simple ,
s sound m it), then a lazy, careless, easy-going HS would
tend to fade away into a y.

The latter half of the name is quite simple for Iildia-
msts Using c for our Bugbsh ch and i} for our English
ng (n 01 m or mb it would be simply owSi}.

Part of the confusion has arisen from the fact that
some authors have taken one, and some the other, of the
two Chinese forms of the name. The first four of the
transliterations given above are based on Sir Thomas
Wade’s Eo. 2 . the other two on his Eo. 1 All, except

yDaN CHWANG OE mOUEN TH5ANQ

XDl

only that of Mr. Beal, appear to be in harmony -with
different complete systems of lepresenting Chinese charac*
teis in English letters, each of which is capable of defence.
The Eiench, not having the sound of our English CH, for
instance, have endeaYoured to reproduce it by THS. This
may no longer be used even by scholars ; but in Juhen’s
time reasons could be adduced in support of it.

It appears, therefore, that the apparently quite contra-
dictory, and in some parts unprononceable, tianshterations
of this name, so mterestmg to students of Indian history,
are capable of a complete and satisfactory explanation,
and that the njfiiie, or rather title, is now in Pekmese —
whatever it may have been elsewhere, and m the pilgrim’s
tune— lYtlAN Chwang.

T. W, Rhys Davids.

CHAPTER 1.

THE TITLE AND TEXT.

The Chinese tieatise known as the Hsi-yu-clii (or Si-yii-
ki) is one of the classical Buddhist books of China, Korea,
and Japan. It is preserved in the libraries attached to
many of the large monastenes of these countries and it is
occasionally found for sale in bookshops The copies offer-
ed for sale are repnnts of the work as it exists in some
inonasteiy, and they are generally made to the order of*
patrons of learning or Buddhism These reprints are more
or less inaccurate oi imperfect, and one of them gives as
the complete work only two of the twelve clmau which
constitute the treatise

The full title of the book is Ta-T‘ang-Hsi-yii-chi )Jt
IS, “Records of Western Lands of the
Great T'ang penod'’. By the use ol the quahfying term
“Great T‘ang” the dynasty within which the treatise w^as
composed is indicated and this particular work is distin-
guished from others bearmg the same genemi name. In
some native wntings we find the treatise quoted or designat-
ed by the title E^si-yU-cJimn which also means “Records

of Western Lands”. But it does net appear that the work
was ever published or circulated with this name. In its
original state and as it exists at present the treatise is
divided into twelve clmati, but we find mention of an edi-
tion brought out m the north of China m which there are
only ten chilan ^

1 JETMao-yneh-tMng-chih-chin ^ 4*

A

2

TITXiE AND TEXT.

On tbo title-page' of the Hsi-jh-chi it is represented as
having been “translated” by Yuan-chiiang and “redacted”
or “compiled” by Pkn-chi But we are not to take

the word for i? anslate here in its literal sense, and all that
it can be understood to convey is that the information
given in the book was obtained by Yuan-chuang from foreign
sources. One writer tells us that Yuan-chuang supplied tlie
materials to Pien-chi who wrought these up into a literary
treatise. Another states that Yuan-chuang communicated
at intervals the facts to be recorded to Pien-chi who •after-
wards wove these into a connected narrative.

Qihis Pien-chi was one of the learned Brethren appointed
by T‘ai Tsung to assist Yuan-chuang m the work of trans-
lating the Indian books which Yuan-chuang had brought
with him. It was the special duty of Pien-chi to give literary
form to the translations. He was a monk of the Hni-chang
Monastery and apparently lu favour at the court of the
Emperor. But he became mixed up m an intngue with one
of T‘ai Tseng’s daughters and we cannot imagine a man of his
had character being on very intimate terms with the pilgnm.
As to the Hsi-yU-chi we may doubt whether he really had
much to do with its formation, and perhaps the utmost
that can he claimed for him is that he may have strung
together Yuan-chuang’s descnptions into a connected narra-
tive. The hterary compositions of Yuan-chuang to he found in
other places seem to justify us in regarding him as fiilly compe-
tent to write the treatise before us without any help from
others Moreover in an old catalogue of books we find the com-
position of a “Ta-T‘ang-Hsi-yil-chi” ascribed to Yuan-chuang
and a “Hsi-yft-chi” ascribed to Pien-chi in similar terms. J
Further in Buddhist books of the T‘ang and Sung periods we
frequently find a statement to the effect that Yuan-chuang
composed the Hsi-ytt-chj, the word used being that which has
been here rendered for the moment “redacted” or “compiled”
(^).2 It is possible that the text as wc have it now

* T'ang-chih-Iiao, the Yi-vreu-IiBO, ch 4 ^ the ).

a K'ai-yuan-la (No 1485) ch 8* Su-kao-B^ng-chnan (No. 1493),
ch. 4u See also Y.’e Memorial to the Emperor in Ch. 6 of the lofe

TITLE Ain> TEXT.

3

is for at least nine out of the twelve chUan practically
that of the treatise drawn tip by Yuan-chuang and presented
to his sovereign* Some of the notes and comments may have
been added by Pien-chi but several ^re evidently by a
later hand In some of the early editions these notes seem
to have been incorporated in the text and there ia reason
for supposmg that a few passages now m the text should
he printed as interpolated comments.

The Efsi-yfi-chi exists in several editions which present
considerable variations both in the text and in the supple-
mentstry notes and explanations. Por the purposes of the
present Commentary copies of four editions have been used.
The first of ih^e editions i6 that known to scholars as the
San-^ati |lj) Ssi-yu-chi^ which was brooght out at
private expense. This is substantially a modem Soochow
reprint of the copy in one of the collections of Buddhist
books appointed and decreed for Buddhist monastenes
in the time of the Mmg dynasty. It agrees generally with
the copy in the Japanese collection of Buddhist books in
the Library of the India Office, and it or a similar Ming
copy seems to be the only edition of the work hitherto
known to western students. The second is the edition of
which a copy is preserved in the library of a large Buddhist
monastery ndhr Yoochow, This represents an older form
of the work, perhaps that of the- Sung collection made in
A- D. 1103, and it is in all respects superior to the common
Ming text. The third is an old Japanese edition which
Las many typographical and other errors and also presents
a text differing much from o&er editions It is apparently
a reprint of a Sung text, and is interestmg m" several
respects, but it seems to have many faults and it is badly
printed. The fourth is the edition given in the critical
reprint which was recently produced in the revised collec-
tion of Buddhist hooks brought out in Japan This edition

on the eomploiioii of -fiie Becordu which doe» not contsianny mintioti
or hint of suictA&ea. Instead of the Sjceoding ^ the other texts
iAre which is the correct form.

4

TCMiB Am> TEXT.

is based on the text recognized in Korea and it supplies
the Tarious readings of the Sung, Yuan, and Mmg editions.
Some of these vanations are merely different ways of writ-
ing a character hut many of them give valuable coiTections
for the Korean text which is often at fault

THE TRANSLATORS.

In 1867 M. Julien published his long promised trans-
lation of the “Ta-T‘ang-Hsi-yil-chi” iviiii the title “M6moires
sur les Contrees occidentales traduits du Sanscnt en Chinois,
en Tan 648, par Hiouen-Thsang, et du Chinois en Erangais.”
This work was regarded by the learned translatoi as supple-
mentary to his “Histoire de la Vie de Hiouen-Thsang et
de ses voyages dans I’Inde, depuis I’an 629 jusqu'en 646”
translated by him from the Chinese and published m 1853
He had already supplemented the latter treatise by an
interestmg senes of ‘Documents Geegraphiques” on the
countries of which the hook makes mention. Juhen^s
“Memoires sur les Conferees occidentales” is a work of
great merit, and it shows a wonderful knowledge of the-
Chinese language Much use has been made of it by
students of the history, geography, antiquities, and rehgionS
of India and Central Asia and on all these subjects it
has been regarded as an authorily. And ^although it is
not wise to accept with unquestioning faith all the render-
ings and identifications of the translator yet it is not with-
out diffidence that one dissents from or condemns his inter-
pretation of 3 , difficult phrase or passage either in the Life
or the Records

The only other translation of the “Hsi-yfi-cbi” into a
western language is the English version by the late Rev'^
S Beal. This was published in 1884 with the title “Buddhist
Records of the Western World, Translated from the Chinese
of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629)”. The title is characteristic
of the translator, and the reader may compare it with that
given by Julien to his translation. Beal’s work is a
translation partly “from the Chinese” and partly from the
French. In it many of the careless mistakes which dis-

TFE TEANSLATORS

5

figure Julien^s treatise are corrected and its notes supply
the student mth numerous references to old and recent
■western authonties.

"Within the last ' fe'w years the Preface to the Hsi-jui-
chi attributed to Chang yueh, to be noticed presently, has
attracted the attention of some •western students of cWese
In the “Museon” for November 1894 there appeared an
article by M A. Gueluy entitled “A propos d’une Preface.
Apercu critique sur le Bouddhisrae en Chine au 7® siecle ”
This article gives M. Gueluy’s criticism on Julien’s trans-
lation of the Preface and a ne'W' lendering by the ciitic.
One can scarcely treat M. Gueluy’s production seriously, it
IS so full of fancies and fictions and shows such a shght
acquaintance with Buddhism and the Chinese language.

Professoi Schlegel, however, took the “A ])iopos d’une
Preface” seriously and has given us a ciiticism of it to-
gether with a new translation of this Preface to the Hsi-
yu-chi The Professoi ’s treatise, -vi’hjch shows much in-
dustry and ingenuity, is entitled ,.La Loi du Paiallelisme
en style Chmois demontiee par la Preface du Si-yil-Jci”
In this he defends some of Julien's translations against the
cnticism of M Gueluy and shows how absurdly -wrong is
the latter’s version M Schlegel brings numeious quora-
tions from Chinese books to support his own lendenngs
of the difficult passages in the Preface. Many of these
renderings aie apparently conect and an impro\ement on
those by Juheii but m seveial instances tlie learned Piofessor
seems to have missed the authoi’s meamng His criticisms
on M Gueluy’s “A propos d’une Pieface’ dreiv from M
Gueluy a reply -which is not convincing it is entitled
“L’Insuffisance du Paiallelisme prouv^e sur la Pieface du
Si iu-ki contre la ti aduction de M G Schlegel ”

THE PILGRIM.

The life of Yuan-chuang is narrated at length m the book
entitled “Ta T'ang Ta Tzu-en-ssti Sau-tsang-fa-shih-chu^n”,
that IS “Recoid of the Tnpitafca Master of the Great Com-
passion Monastery”. It is this work of which J ulien’s “Histoire

6

Otf THE AITTH03a.

de la Vie de Biouen Thsang^’ is an abstraot, and of which
M' Beal has given ns a similar absk^act in English. It
is also the work usually cited in the following pages by
the short title “the Life”. Erom this and a few other
Chmsse treatises the following short summary of the an-
cesti^ and life of the pilgrim has been compiled.

The surname of the family to which he belonged was
(®) and his personal name was I (^).2 But he
seems never to have been known in history, literature, or
rehgion, or among his coatemporaxies by any other name
than that written (or %) ^ and read MsUan (or
Yu<iYt)~cku&ng (or tsang). In modem literature the cha-
racter for Yuan is commonly used in writing the pilgrim's
name, and this is said to be due to the character for
Ksilan enieriug into the personal name of the Emperor
Kanghsi. But we find Yuan in the pilgrim^s name before
the reign of Kanghsi and we find Hstlan in it during that
reign and since. This interchange of the two characters
IS very common and is recognized. The personal name of the
Ohmese envoy Wang who went to India in Yuan-chuaug’s
time is given as Ssiian (and Yuan)-tse (5£ ^ or
and the name of another great contemporary of the pilgrim
is written Bang Hstian-ling and Eang Yuan-ling (]^ ^ or
X ^)* characters at the T‘ang period may

have had the same sound, something like Yun, and our
pilgrim’s name was probably then pronounced Yun-t^artg."^
This was hi8 hui (^) or “appellation”, called in the
Life also his ieii (!^). This word hui is often used to
denote the Fa*hao or “name in religion” of a Buddhist
monk, and it is sometimes replaced by tu{^)^ui or “ordi-
nation name”. It commonly means simply “the name of
the deceased” that is, the name given to him v/hen eapped,

1 Su-kao-E^ng-chufiJi, L C Shln-seng-chuan (No. 1620) ch 0.

2 The Japanese write the name Mslian-ts'anff hot call the pilgnm
Gen-jo coneeponding to the OhineBe YtiCin-ts^anff. In TiBotan hooks
the name la given as T‘ang Ssen-tsang or T'eng Sm (or Sang), and
Seen-ta'ang ib, I think, for HfiUGn-tB'ang and not for San-tsang.

me FAMiLr.

7

and I do not know of any authonty for Julien’s rende-
ring “nom d’enfance”.

The family from which Ynan-chuang jsprang is said to have
been descended from the semi-mythical Huang-Ti through
the great Emperor Shun, and to have ongmally borne the
territorial designation of Shun, m. Kuei (^). lu very
early times the seat of the family was in the district now
bearmg the name Knei-t6(^ ^)-foo in the east of
Honan, and it was afterwards removed for a time to the
neighbourhood of the present T8‘ao-chou in Shantung. At
the time of Wu Wang, the first king of the Chow dynasty,
a man known as Hu-lcung-lmei-man ^

regarded as the lineal representative of the Shun family

This man was the son of 0-fu of Tit (2^) who

had serred Wu Wang as hia T*ao-cheng JH), an
officer vaiiously explained as Director of Potteries and as
Superintendent of Schools. The office was apparently
hereditary and Wu-Wang i awarded Man by giving him
his eldest daughter m maniage while at the same time
he ennobled him as How or Marquis, and endowed him
with the fief of Ch'en (^) that he might be able to
continue the services of worship to his ^ancestor Shun.
These honours made Mian one of the San-k'e (H or
‘•Three Severends”, that is, three who were faithfully
diligent in the discharge of their public duties. The other
jST'gs were according to some accounts the representatives
of the ancient emperors Huang Ti and Yao, and accoid-
ing to other accounts the representatives of the founders
of the Hsin and Yin dynasties i Man’s fief comprised
the modern prefecture of Ch*en-chow in Honan together
with the adjacent territory It existed as a separate
principality down to B. 0 478 when it was extmguished
The members of the reigning family were then dispersed
but they rotamed Ch en as then surname.

» Tung-chih-hao, Ibe Li (^-liao, ch. 3 These circumstances
about Yuaa-chttang's reputed ancestors are mentioned here because
they are alluded to in the Preface

8

ON THE ATJTHOE.

"We have to come down to the end of the third century
B. C. before we find a Ch'en of historical celebrity. We
then meet with the famous Gh'en P‘ing a native

of Yang-vra |^) in the present Prefecture of K‘ai-

feng of Honan In the time of the Han dynasty

this Prefecture bore the name ChԤn-liu and this

explains why Yuan-chuang is sometimes described as a Ch‘en-
liu man. EDis ancestor Phng was an eccentiic genius who,
rising from extreme poverty to wealth and power, founded
a great family and made himself immortal in history
Hjs success in life and his posthumous fame were mamly
due to his ready wit which never left him without an
answer, and to his ingenuity in devising expedients in
desperate circumstances Of these expedients six were
counted extraordinary and successful above the others, and
hence came the saying m his time liu-cliHt-ch^i-chi ( 7 ^ |f{
^ pj) that is, “six times he brought out extraordinary
plans”. These were all employed on behalf of Liu Pang,
the Han Kao Tsu of history. They were stratagems or
expedients devised to meet special occasions, they were
kept very secret and were all successful.

In the second century of our era we have another great
man claimed as an ancestor of Yuan-chuang This is Ch‘en
Shih better known by liis other name Chung-Kung

(# a native of Hsu (^) a district coi responding to
the present Hsh-chow-foo m Honan At the time of the
Han dynasty Hsti was m the political division called Ying-
chhian JI|) and hence we find Yuan-chuang often descri-
bed as a Ying-ch‘uan man. This man Gh‘en-Shih was called
to office and served in the reign of Han Huan Ti (A. D.
14:7 to 167). As an official Shih was pure and upright,
attentive to business and zealous for tlie welfare of his
people. Gentle but firm and kind but strict he won the
affection, confidence and esteem of the people. His fame
is chiefly associated with his administration of T‘ai-Ch‘iu
(-); 5 ), now the Yung-ch‘eng District m the Kuei-

te Prefecture of Honan. Here his personal influence was
great and he made the people ashamed to do wrong. The

ms ANCEST0E8.

9

effects of his just decisions and benevolent government
spread over all the country, and people flocked lo lum
from surrounding districts. Resigning office, however, after
a few years he retired to his native place. He was happy
and successful also in his family, and sons and grandsons
grew up before him to virtue and honour. ELs family was
recognized to be a cluster of Te-slnng ((g Stars of
virtuous merit, and Heaven took notice of the tact and
visibly responded. In later life Chnng-kung refused to
return to office and died at borne in the year A. I) 187
in the 84**’ year of his age.*

The next one that we have to notice in the line of
descent is Ch'en Ta (^) the sixth from Shih. Ta lived
in the 4*** centuiy A. D. in the time of the Chm (f )
dynasty. He also v/as a learned man and an official of
some distinction. Being appointed Magistrate of Ch'ang-
ch‘eng in the present Hu-chow j-j^) Boo of

Chekiang he prophesied that his posterity would sit on the
throne. This prediction was fulfilled in the year 666 when
the tenth from Ta che illustrious Ch'en Pa-hsien (||
estabhshed'the Ch‘en dynasty. This branch of the family
was settled m Hu-chow for more than 200 yeais, and it
was not from it, apparently, that the immediate ancestors
of our pilgnm were derived

We now come to Yuan-chuang’s great-grandfather whose
name was Ch’in (^). He was an official of the After Wei
dynasty and served as Prefect of Shang-t'ang ( j; m

Shansi. The grand-father of oui* pilgnm, by name K'ang
(J^), being a man of distinguished learning m the Ch‘i
dynasty obtained the envied appointment of Professor in
the National College at the capital To this post were
attached the revenues of the city of Chou-nan correspond-
ing to the modern Lo-yang-hsien in Honan. The father
of our pilgnm, by name Hui (^), was a man of high
character. He was a liandsome tall man of stately manners,
learned and mtelhgent, and a Confucianist of the strict

* 5ou Han-shu, ch 65?.

10

ON THE AUTHOR*

old-fashioned kind. True to his principles he took office
at the pioper time, and still true to them he gave up
office and mthdrew into seclusion -when anaichy supplant-
ed order. He then retired to the village Ch‘en-pao-ku
mmw at a short distance south-east from the toTra of
Kou-shih J^). This town was in the Lo-chow, now
Ho-nan, Prefectuie of Honan, and not far fiom the site
of the modern Yen-shih Hsien. Yiian-chuang is

sometimes called a Kou-shih man and it was probably in his
father’s home near this town that he was born in the year 600.

The family of ChԤn Hui was apparently a large one and
Yuan-chuang was the youngest of four sons Together with
his brothers he received his early education from his father*
not, of course, without the help of other teachers. We find
Yuan-chuang described as a rather jirecocious child shewing
cleverness and wisdom m liis very early years. He became
a boy of qiuck wit and good memory, a lovei of learmug
with mtelligence to make a practical use of his learmug.
It was noted that he cared httle for the sports and
gaieties w’hich had over-powenng charms for other lads
and that he liked to dwell much apart. As a Coufuciamst
he learned the Glassical woik on Filial Piety and the
othei canonical treatises of the orthodox system

But the second son of the family entered the Buddhist
church and Yuan-chuang, smitten ivith the love of the strange
religion, followed his brother to the vaiious monasteries at
which the latter sojourned. Then he resolved also to become
a Buddhist monk, and proceeded to study the sacred books
of the rehgion with all the fervour of a youthful proselyte.
When he arrived at the age of twenty he was ordained,
hut he continued to wander about visiting various monas-
Jteries in difierent parts of the country. Under the guidance
of the learned Doctors in Buddhism m these establishments
he studied some of the great works of their leligion, and
soon became famous lu China as a very leaimed and elo-
quent young monk. But he could not lemain m China
for he longed vehemently to \isit the holy land of his
religion, to see its fai -famed shrmes, and all the visible

HIS RETUEN HOME

11

evidences of tlie Buddha^'s ministrations. He had learned,
moreover, to be dissatisfied -with the Chinese translations
of the sacred books, and he was desiroas to procure these
books in their ongmal language, and to learn the true
meaning of their abstruse doctrines from orthodox pundits
in India, After making enquiries and preparations he left
the capital Ch‘ang-an ^), the modern Hsi-an (|| ^)-
foo, in the year 629, and set out secretly on his long
pilgrimage. The course of his wanderings and what he
saw and heard and did are set forth in the Life and
Records. -

After sixteen year’s absence Yuan-chuang returned to
Chma and arrived at Ch‘ang-an in the begmnmg of 645, the
nineteenth year of the reign of T'ang T‘ai Tsung And never
in the histoiy of Chma did Buddhist monk receive such
a joyous ovation as that with which our pilgiim was wel-
comed The Emperor and his Couit. the officials and
merchants and all the people made hohday. The slieets
weie crowded with eager men and women who expiessed
their joy by gay banners and festive music Natuie. too,
at least so it was fondly deemed, sjTupathised with her
children that day and bade the pilgrim welcome Not
with thunders and hghtnmgs did she greet him, but a
solemn gladness filled the air and a happy flush was on
the lace of the sky. The pilgiim’s old pme tree also by
nods and waves whispered its glad recogmtion. This tree,
on which Yuan-chuaug patted a sad adieu when setting out,
had, obedient to his request, bent its head westwaid and
kept it so while the pilgiim travelled m that direction But
when his face was turned to the east and the homeward
journey was begun the old pine true to its friend also
turned and bowed with all its weight of leaves and blanches
towaids the east^ This was at once the first sign of wel-
come and the first intimation of the pilgrim having set
out on his journey home. Now he had armed whole and
well, and had become a many days’ wonder. He had been

1 Fo-tflu-t'ung-chi (No. 1661), c/i. 29.

12

ON TEDE ATJTHOB.

where no other had ever been; he had seen and heard
what no orher had ever seen and heard. Alone he had
crossed trackless wastes tenanted only by fierce ghost-
demons. Bravely he had climbed fabled mountams high
beyond conjecture, rugged and barren, over chilled by icy
wind and cold with eternal snow. He had been to the
edge of the world and had seen where all things end.
How he was safely back to his native land, and with so great
a quantity of precious treasures. There were 667 sacred
books of Buddhism, some of which were full of mystical
charms able to put to flight the invisible powers of mischief.
All these books were in strange Indian language and
writing, and were made of trimmed leaves of palm or of
bircb-bark strung together m layers Then there were
lovely images of the Buddha and his saints m gold, and
silver, and crystal, and sandalwood. There were also many
curious pictures and, above all, IbO rehcs, true relics of
the Buddha. All these rehcs were borne on twenty horses
and escoited into the city with great pomp and ceremony.

The Empeior T‘ai Tsung forgave the pilgiim for going
abroad without permission, made his acquaintance and became
his intimate friend. He received Yuan-chuang in an inner
chamber of the ^palace, and there listened with unweaned
interest from day to day to his stone-s about unknown lands
and the wondeis Buddha and his great disciples had wrought
m them The Emperor tried to persuade Yuan-chuang that
it was his duty to give up the religious life and to take
office. But the heart of the pilgiim was fixed, and as soon
as he could he withdreiv to a monasteiy and addressed
himself to the work of translating into Chmese his Indian
books. On his petition the Emperor appointed several
distinguished lay scholais and several learned monks to
assist in the labour of translating, editing, and copying. In
the meantime at the request of his Sovereign Yuan-chuang
compiled the Records of his travels, theHsi-yti-clii. The first
draft of this work was presented to the Emperor in 646,
but the book as^ we ha\e it now was not actually com-
pleted until 648. It was apparently copied and circulated

EIS WOEK AND CHAEACTSH.

13

in Ms m Its early form during the author’s life and for some
time after When the Hsi*yu--chi was fimshed Yuan-chuang
gave himself up to the task of translating, a task which
was to him one of love and duty combined. In his inter-
vals of leisure he gave advice and instruction to the young
brethren and did various lands of acts of merit, leadmg
a life calm and peaceful but far from idle In the year
664 on the day of the second month he underwent the
great change. He had known that the change was coming,
and had made ready foi his departure He had no fears
and no regrets: content with the work of his life and
joyous m the hope of hereafter he passed hence mto
Paradise There he waits with Maitreya until m the full-
ness of time the latter comes into this world With him
Yuan-chuang lioped to come hack to a new life here and
to do again the Buddha’s work for the good of others.

In peisonal appearance Yuan-chuang, like his fathei, w^as
a tadl handsome man with beautiful eyes and a good com-
plexion. He had a seiious but benevolent expression and a
sedate and latber stately manner. His chaiacter as revealed
to us m his Life and other books is interesting and atfrac-
tive. He had a raie combination of moral and intellectual
quahties and traits common to Chinese set off by a strong-
ly maiked indinduahty. We find him tender and affectio-
nate to hi8 paients and bi others, chnging to them m his
youth and lovingly mindful of them in his old age He
was zealous and enthusiastic, painstaking and persevering,
but without any sense of humour and without any mveu-
tive gemus. Hjs capacity for work was very great and
his craving for knovvledge and love of learning were an
absorbing passion. Too prone at times to follow authority
and accept leady-made conclusions he was yet s^frpossessed
and independent A Coniuciamst by inheritance and early
tiainmg, fai seen in native lore and possessing good abi-
lities, he became an uncomiiromising Buddhist Yet he
never broke wholly with the native system which he learn-
ed from his father and early teachers The splendours
of India and the glories of its rehgion did not weaken

14

ON THE AUTHOE.

or stake his love for China and his admiration for its
old ways of domestic, social, and pohtical life. “When he
was more than sixty years of age he wished to pay the
duty of filial piety at his parents’ tomhs. Unable to dis-
cover these he sought out his married sister M” Chang,
and by her help he found them. Then, distressed at the
bad state in which the tombs were at the time, he ob-
tained leave from the Emperor to have the remains of
his parents transferred to a happy ground and reinterred
mth honourable burial. Though the man had long ago
become a devoted sou of Sskyamuni he still owned a
loving duty to his earthly parents.

As a Buddhist monk Fuan-chnang was very rigorous in
keeping the rules of his order and stnct m all the observan-
ces of his religion. But his creed was broad, his piety never’
became ascetic, and he was by nature tolerant There
were lengths however, to which he could not go, and
even his powerful fnend the Emperor T‘ai Tsung could
not induce him to translate Lao-tzu’s “Tao-Te-Ching”
into Sanskrit or recognize Lao-tzii as in rank above the
Buddha. Modest and self-denying for himself Yuan-chuang
was always zealous for the dignity of his order and hold
for the honour of its founder. He was brave to a marvel,
and faced without fear the unknown penis of the visible
world and the unimagined terrors of unseen beings. Strong
of will and resolute of purpose, confident in himself and '
the mission on which he was engaged, he also owned de-
pendence on other and higher hemgs. He bowed in
prayer and adoration to these and sued to them for help
and protection in all times of despair and distress. Hjs
faith was simple and almost unquestioning, and he had
an aptitude for belief which has been called credulity.
But his was not that creduhty which hghtly believes the
impossible and accepts any statement merely because
it is on record and suits the convictions or prejudices of
the individual. Yuan-chuang always wanted to have his
ovm personal testimony, the witness of his own senses or
at least ins personal experience. It is true his faith helped

HIS FAITH.

16

his unbelief, and it "was too easy to convince him where
a Buddhist miracle was concerned. A hole m the ground
without any natural history, a stain on a rock without
any explanation apparent, any object held sacred bj the
old rebgion of the fathers, and any marvel professing to
be substantiated by the narrator, was generally sufficient
to drive away his doubts and bnng comforting belief
But partly because our pilgnm was thus too ready to
beheve, though partly also for other reasons, be did not
make the best use of his opportunities. He was not a
good observer, a careful investigator, or a satisfactory
recorder, and consequently he left very much untold whicii
he would have done well to tell.

We must remember, however, that Yuan-chuang in his tra-
vels cared bttle for other things and wanted to know only
Buddha and Buddhism His perfect faith m these, bis
devotion to them and lus enthusiasm for them were re-
markable to bis contemporaries, but to us they are still
more extraordmary. For theBuddhism to whichTuau-chuang
adhered, the system which he studied, revered, and propa-
gated, differed very much from the religion taught by
Gautama Buddha. That knew little or nothing of Yoga
and powerful magical formulae used with solemn invocations.
It was not on Prajhaparamita and the abstract subtleties
of a vague and fruitless philosophy, nor on dream-lands
of delight beyond the tomb, nor on P'usas like Kuan-shi-
ym who supplant the Buddhas, that the great founder of
the rehgion preached and discoursed to his disciples But
Ynan-chuaug apparently saw no inconsistency in believing
in these while holding to the simple original system. Y et he re-
garded those monks who adhered entirely to the “Small
Vehicle” as wrong m doctrine and practice and he tried
to convert such to his own belief wherever he met them
or came into correspondence with them

After Yuan-chuang’s death great and marvellous things
were said of him His body, it was believed, did, not see cor-
ruption and he appeared to some of his disciples in visions
of the night. In his lifetime he had been called a “Present

16

ON THE PREFACES

Sakyairjiim”, and when he was gone his followers raised
him to the rank of a founder of Schools or Sects in
Buddhism. In one treatise we find the establishment of
three of these schools ascribed to him. and in anothei
work he is given as the foundei in China of a fouith
school This last is said to have been originated in India
at Nalanda by Silabhadia one of the great Buddhist monks
there with whom Yuan-chuang studied *

In some Buddhist temples we find images of our pil-
grim to which a minor degree of worship is occasionally
offered. These images usually lepresenl the pilgnm seated
clothed m his monk’s robes and capped, with his right
hand raised and holding his alms-bowl m his left

THE PREFACES TO THE HSI-YU-CHI.

There is only one Preface m the A, B, and C editions
of the “Hsi-jil-chi”, but the D edition gives two Prefaces.
The second of these is common to all, while the first is
apparently only in D and the Corean edition This latter
was apparently unknoivm to native editors and it was un-
known to the foreign translators. This Preface is the
work of Ching Po (^^), a scholar, author, and official
of the reigns of T‘ang Kao Tsu and T‘ai Tsung. Ching
Po was well read in the history of his country and was
in his hfetime an authority on subjects connected there-
with. He was the chief compiler and redactor of the
“Chin Shu ^), an important treatise which bears on
its title-page the name of T‘ang T‘ai Tsung as author.
Ching Po’s name is also associated with other historical
works, and notably with tivo which give an official account
of the rise of the T‘ang dynasty and of the great events
which marked the early years of T‘ai Tsung. It is plain
fiom this Preface that its author was an mtimate friend

‘ ChSn-iJfimg-mu-t'a (ja @ last page* ro-tsu-t‘ang-chi, 1 c.
where Yuan-chuang is the founder of the Tzu-en-tsung
China, and this is the Fa-hsiang/"^ ;^g)-t8ung of the San-kuo-fa-cbaau
'(^-19 ^ other works; See ^o M* Bunyiu Nanjio’s “Short

History of the Twelve Buddhist Sects” p 33.

THE PREFACES.

17

of Yuan-cliuang wBose name ho does not think it necessary
to mention. He seems to have knovm or regarded Ynan-
chuang as the sole author of the “Hsi-ytt-chi". writing of him
thus — “he thought it no toil to reduce to order the notes
which he had written do-wn”. Ching Po must have written
this Preface before 649, as in that year he was sent away
from the capital to a provincial appomtment and died on
the way. The praises which he gives Yuan-chuang and their
common master, the Emperor, are very liberal, and be knew
them both well.

The second Preface, which is in all editions except the
Corean, is generally represented as having been written
by one Chang Yileh |g). It has been translated fairly
well by Juben, who has added numerous notes to explain the
text and justify his rendenngs. He must have studied
the Preface with great caie and spent very many honrs
m his attempt to elucidate its obscurities. Yet it does
not seem to have occurred to bun to learn who Chang
Yiieh was and when he bved.

Now the Chang Tueh who bore the titles found at the
head of the Preface above the name was bom m 667 and

died in 730, thus hving in the reigns of Kao Tsung, Chung
Tsung, Jm Tsung, and Hsuan Tsung. He is known in
Chinese bterature and history as a scholar author, and
official of good character -and abihties. His Poems and
Essays, especially the latter, have always been regarded
as models of style, but they ere not well known at present.
In 689 Chang Ytieh became quahfied for the public ser-
vice, and soon afterwards he obtained an appointment at
the court of the Empiess Wu Hon. But he did not prove
acceptable to that ambitious, cruel and vindictive sovereign,
and m 703 he was sent away to the Ling-nan Tao (the
modem Kuangtung). Soon afterwards, however, he was
recalled and again appointed to office at the capital. He
served Bbtian Huang (Mmg Huang) with acceptance, rising
to high position and being ennobled as Yen kuo ^mng

Now if, bearing in mind the facts of Chang Ytteh’s

B

18

THE PREFACES.

Ijirth and career, we read witli attention the Preface
which hears his name we cannot fail to see that it could
not have been composed by that official Passing by
other arguments, let ns take the following statement m
the Preface — “the reigmng sovereign when heir-apparent
composed the “Shu-sheng-chi” ^ iE), or Memoir on the
transmission of Buddhism, m 579 words.” Now the so\er-
eign who wrote the “Shu-sheng-chi” was, as we know from
the Seventh Book of the Life and other sources, Kao
Tsnng. That Emperor died in 683 when Chang Yiieh
was only sixteen years of age and the Preface must have
been written before that date. So, according to the Chi-
nese authorities and their translators Juhen and Professor
G-. Schlegel, it was a schoolboy who composed this wonder-
ful Preface, this “morcean qui offire un specimen bien
caract6ns6 de ces Sloges pompeux et vides, et presente,
par consequent les plus grandes difficiilt6s, non-seoiement
k un traducteur de I’Occident, mais encore k tout lettrC*
Ghinoia qui ne connaitrait que les idees et la langue de
r^cole de Oonfncius.” We may pronounce this impossible
as the mo', ceau is evidently the work of a' npe scholar
well read not only in Confucianism but also- in Buddhism.
Moreover the writer was apparently not only a contempo-
rary but also a very intimate friend of Yuan-chuang.
Who then was the author^

In the A and C editions and in the old texts Chang
Yileh’s name does not appear on the title-page to this
Preface. It is said to have been added by the editors
of the Ming period when revising the Canon. Formerly
there stood at the head of the Preface only the titles and
rank of its author. We must now find a man who bore
these titles ih the Kao Tsung penod, 660 to 683, and
who was at the same time a scholar and author of dis-
tinction and a friend of the pilgrim. And precisely such
a man we find in Yft Chih-ning (-^ j|t), one of the

brilliant scholars and statesmen who shed a glory on the
reigns of the early T‘ang sovereigns. Yii was a good and
faithful servant to T‘ai Tsung who held him in high esteem

THE PREFACES

19

and took his counsel even when it was not very palatable.
On the death of T‘ai Tsung his son and successor Kao
Tsung retained Yti in favour at Court and rewarded him
with weU-eamed honours In 666 the Emperor appomted
Yd along with some other high officials to help in the
redaction of the translations which Yuan-chuang was then
making from the Sanskrit books. Now about this time Yii,
as we know from a letter addressed to him by Hui-h and
from other sources, bore the titles which appear at the
head of the Preface. He was also an Immortal of the
Academy, a Wen-kuan Hsuo-shT ^ i). He was

one of the scholars who had been appointed to compile
"the “Sui Shu” or Records of the Sm dynasty and his
miscellaneous writings from forty chuan. Yh was probably
a fellow-labourer with Yuan-chuang until the year 660. At
that date the concubine of many charms had become all-
powerful in the palace and she was the unscrupulous foe
of all who even seemed to block her progress. Among
these was Yti, who, accordmgly, was this year sent away
into official exile and apparently nevei returned.

We need have httle hesitation then m setting down
Ya Chih-ning as the author of this Preface It was un-
doubtedly written while Yuan-chuang was ahve, and no one
except an mtimate friend of Yuan-chuang could have learned
aU the circumstances about him, his genealogy and his inti-
macy with the soveieign mentioned or alluded to in the Pre-
lace. We need not suppose that this elegant composition was
designed by its author to serve as a Preface to the Hsi-
yh-chi It was probably written as an mdependent eulogy
of Yuan-chuang setting forth his praises as a man of old
family, a record-beating traveller, a zealous Buddhist monk
of great learning and extraordinary abihties, and a propa-
gator of Buddhism by translations from the Sanskrit. ^

This PrefacOj accordmg to all the translators, tells us

1 Life, ch, 8 Ku-clim-i-ching-t'u-clu (No 1487) last page Post-
aonpt to Y ’s “Ch'eng-wei-chih-lun” (No. 1197) where Yu Chih-ning
u styled ss lu the heading to the Preface

20

that the pilgrim acting under Imperial orders translated
657 Sanskrit books, that is, all the Sanskrit books which
he had brought home with him from the 'W’estem Lands.
No one seems to have pointed out that this was an utterly
impossible feat, and that Yuan-chuang did not attempt to
do anything of the kind. The number of Sansknt tests
which he translated was seventy four, and these seventy four
treatises (pu) made m all 1335 chuan. To accomplish
this within seventeen years was a very great work for a
delicate man with various calls on his time.^

The translations made by Yuan-chuang are generally re-
presented on the title-page as having been made by imperial
order and the title-page of the Hsi-yil-chi has the same intima-
tion. We know also from the Life that it was at the special
request of the Emperor T‘ai Tsung that Yuan-chuang com-
posed the latter treatise. So we should probably under-
stand the passage in the Preface with which we are now
concerned as mtended to convey the following information.
The pilgrim received Imperial orders to translate the 667
Sanskrit treatises, and to make the Ta-T‘ang-Hsi-yii-chi
in twelve chuan, giving his personal observation of the
strange manners and customs of remote and isolated re-
gions, their products and social arrangements, and the
places to which the Chinese Calendar and the civilising
influences of Chma reached.^

Then the number 657 given here and in other places
as the total of the Sanskrit treatises (pu) does not agree
with the items detailed m the vanous editions of the
Life and the A, B, and D texts of the Records. In the
0 text of the Records, however the items make up tibis
total They are as follows: —

See Life ch 10. Jaken's traoBlstioii of this pasiage cannot be
n!jed. B- Nanjio’s Catalogue p 435 MS' Fanjxo m^eo the total 76,
bat he counts the Chtn-hanff-dtin^ tmee

2 See Life ch 6 The term here rendered “civilizing influences
of Cuina” is shetig-clnao This terra is often need bv

Buddhist vrriters as a synonym for “Buddhist religion”.

WOBKS TEANSLATBD BY YUAK OHUAHG.

21

Mahayanist sutras
Mahayamst ^astras

StliaTira sutras, Sastras and Vmaya
Mahasangika „ „ „

Malil^aka „ „ „

Sammitiya „ „ „

Ka^apiya „ „ „

Bkarmagupta sutras, Yinaya, ^Estras
Sar?astivadin ^ „ „

Ym-iiui (Treatises on the science of Inference)
Sheng-lun (Etymological treatises)

224 pu

192

14

15
22

16

»

V

5J

»

57

5 )

42

67

36

13

«

667 pw

CHAPTER n. -

THE INTRODUCTION.

At the beginning of Chilan I of the Records we have a
long passage which, following Jnlien, we may call the latro-
dnction. In a note Juhen tells us that “suivant les 6diteurs
dn Pien-i-Uen^ cette Introduction a ete compose par Tschang-
choue (i. e. Chang Yue), auteur de la preface du St-yur

Another native wnter ascribes the composition of
this Introduction to Pien-chi. But a careiul reading of the
text shews us that it could not have been written by
either of these and that it must be regarded as the work
of the pilgrim himself This Introduction may possibly be
the missing Preface written by Yuan-chuang according to
a native authority.

The Introducbon begma — “By going back over the measures
of the [Three] Suang and examining ftnm this distance of time
the records of the [Five] Tv vre learn the beginnings of the
reigns of Pao-hsi (Fu-hsi) and Hsien-Tuan (Huang Ti) by whom
the people were brought under civil government and the country
was marked off into natural divisions. And [we learn how] Tao
■of T'ang receiving astronomical knowledge (ht. “Uelestial ’revo-
lutions”) his hght spread everywhere, and how Shun of Yu being
entrusted with the earthly arrangements his excellent influences
extended to all the empire From these down only the archives
of recorded events have been transmitted. To hear of the vir-
tuous in a far off past, to merely learn from word-recording
historians — what are these compared with the seasonable meeting
with a time of ideal government and the good fortuna living
under a sovereign who reigns without ruling?”

The origiual of the last two sentences of this passage
is rendered by Julien thus. “Depuis cette §po(iue {i. e., the

YUAN CHUANG'S INTEODUCTION.

23

tune of Yao and Shun) jusqu’S, nos jours c’est en vain
qu’on cousulte les annales oh sonfc consignes les evene-
ments, que Ton 6 coute les opinions eman^es des anciens
sages, que I’on inteiroge les histonens qui recueillaient les
paroles memorables. jQ en est bien autrement lorsqu'on
vit sous une dynastie vertueuse et qu’on est soumis a un
prince qui pratique le non-agir'^ The text is here given,

and it will be seen that
Julien’s translation is hasty and inaccurate and that it does
an injustice to the author. No Chinese scholar, Buddhist
or Confiicianist, would ever niite m this disparaging way
of the books of national histoiy including the “Spnngs
and Autumns” of Confucius, the commentaries on that
treatise, and later works. What our author heie states to
his reader is to this effect. In the records of the very
early times we find the institution of government officials
to guide and teach the people %)> ^be first mapp-

mg out of the empire into natural divisions with cor-
responding star-clusteis ^ M •?)» *be adaptation

of astionomical leammg to practical uses, and the first
systematic reclamation of land and distribution of the
country into pohtical divisions. These great and bene-
ficial achievraents of the early sovereigns are mentioned
only with the view of comparing the Emperor on the
throne with these glorified remote predecessors. From
the time of Ya») and Shun down, according to our author,
the annals of the empire contamed only dry records of
ordmary events

All this 19 only the prelude to the generous panegyric
which our author proceeds to lavish on the T‘ang dynasty or
rather on the sovereign reigning at the time, viz. T‘ai Tsung.
A rough and tentative translation of this eulogy is now given
and the reader can compare it with JuUen’s version.

“As to oar great Tang dynasty, it aaromed empire* m accor-

1 The term here rendered “assomed empire” ib yii-cht g)
which J. translates by “gouveme”. Bat the context seems to show

24

YUAN CHUAKG’s INTBODTJCTION.

dence •with Heaven, and taking advantage of the times it con-
centrated power to itself [His Majesty] has made the six units
of countries into one empire and this his glory fills, he is a
fourth to the Three Suang and his hght illumines the world.
His subtle influence permeates widely and his auspicious example
has a far-reaching stimulus. Combining Heaven’s covenng with
Earth’s containing powers he nmtes in himself the rousing
force of wind and the refreshing action of rain. As to Eastern
barbarians bnng^g tribute and “WeBtem barbarians submitting
themselves” 1 in founding an imperial inheritance for his
postenty,2 in bringing order out of chaos and restormg settled
government, 3 he certainly surpasses former kings and sums up in
himself all that previous dynasties had attained. That there is
a niuformity of culture* over all the empire is the marveUous

that the term is to be taken here, as commonly, in the sense of
“begin to reign”, “accede to empire” Thus the phrase shtng-txm-
tzu-yvrchi-yi-Uii means “since His Majesty ascended the throne”

1 This 18 a quotation from the Yu-Kung of the Shu-Cbing where,
it is used of the western tribes submitting to the regulations of the
emperor Yu. The Hsi Jung or “western barbarians” of this passage
are desenfaed as Tibetan tnbes hving in the neighbourhood of the
Koko Nor.

2 The text is Chuang-ye-ch‘ui-t‘ung (J|J ^ ^ This is a

stock jihrase of Chinese literature and occurs, for example, in the
17*^ ch of the Shih-Ghi as a popular quotation It or a part of it
is often used of T'ang Kao Tsu and his successor although properly
it applies only to the former One "writer amplifies the meaning of
the expression thus — “Kao Tsu laid the foundation (^|J and
estabhshed the patrimony and T ai Tsung enlarg^ and gave

peace to the empire”, T'ang-nei-tien-lu ch -b Bun. No 1485)

3 The original is poh-lxum-favrchSng ^ JX 1^) ^6

word poh, we arc told, is to be taken in the sense of regulate or
reduce to order, and cheng denotes settled government. The phi-ase
is applied to the Ch‘un-Ch‘iu of Confucius by Kung-yang at the end
of hi® commentary on that classic. It occurs also in the Han-Shu
(cA. 22) where the commentator explains it as meaning “to extermi-
nate disorder and restore a right state of affairs”. One of T^ai
Tsung’s Ministers is represented as applying the phrase to that
emperor m a conversation -with him, saying to His Majesty that “in
bringing order out of anarchy and restoring good government (poh-
luan-fan-cheng) and in raising men from mud and ashes” he had far
transcended the achieiments of the founders of the Chow and Han
dynasties

* The Chinese is t-ung-icen-kung-kuet (pf ^ which meani
to “have the same •writing and go in the same rut”. There is

YUAN CEUAKG’8 IKTBODUCTION,

25

result of hiB perfect government. If I did not mention tbem in
these Eecordfl I should not have v?herewith to praise his great
institutions apd if I did not publish them abroad I could not
•bed light on his abundant merits.

In any mention of the natural cbaractensticfi of the people m
any place -which I visited though I did not investigate local
peouhanties of custom jet 1 am to be believed. Beyond the
Five [Tt] and the Three [Suanff] (or, according to another inter-
pretation, “In more than three-fifths of the places I traversed”)
hU hvmg creatures feel the genial influence [of H. M*. reign] and
every human being extols his merit From Ch‘ang-an to India
the strange tribes of the sombre wastes, isolated lends and odd
states, all accept the Chinese calendar and enjoy the benefits of
H. Id® fame and taacbmg The praise of his great achievments
in war 18 in everybody’s mouth and the commendation of his abun-
dant cml virtues has grown to be the highest theme ' Examine
the public records and they have no mention Of anything like
this, and I am of opinion that there is no similar instance in private
genealogies "Were there not the facts here set forth I coirid
not record the beneficial influences of His Majesty The narrative
which I have now composed is based on what I saw and heard ”

* ® « e H'J 55 ^ - 7^ -S- iio * « 0 H A -Ifo

«?, K ^ ft ® fiS # «I il a ra fUip S ® S IS) W

St p * m w A w w 2)c sn & i!i s a $ iE
® war#®

•® # ISI ± SI ^ * Iff » « E SI £ » S #

This IS an address well spiced with flattery m good
oriencal fashion. "We may perhaps regaid it as a sort of
Dedication to the pilgrim’s' great friend and natron, the

apparently a reference to Ch 6 of the “Chung-yung" where we read,
in Legge’s translation — “Now, over the empire, carnages have all
wheels of the same size all -wnting is with the same characters, and
for conduct there are the same roles ” (Lile and Teachings of Con-
fucius .p 312) So also of the uniformity which Ch'in Shih Huang
Ti xiroduced it was said Ch^e-Vtmg-kiieishvrtung-toc'^-tzu (J^ ^

^ f^), “carnages went in the same ruts and books were in one
wntmg” (Shih-cbi ch 6}

The pilgrim’s report of his Impenal Master's fame in India will
be fllustratcd when we come to chUan 6 and 10 of the Hecords

26

TTXAN OBnjAN&’s INTBOBtrOTIOK.

second Emperor of tlie T‘ang dynasty Eor though, as
has been seen, the •writer uses the terra Ta T'ang, yet the
contoxt shews he had in his mind only, or chiefly, T‘ai
Tsung. The founder of the fl^ang dynasty, it should bo
remembered, was neither a hero nor a man of extra-
ordinary genius, and he came near being a prig and a
hypocrite. His loyalty and honour were questioned m his
lifetime, and history has given him several black marks.
While sick of ambition, he was infirm of purpose, and
wishing to do right he was easily swayed to do what was
wrong. He had undoubted abilities, a happy knack of
tumiug events to his advantage, and a plausible manner
with fidends and foes. But all his success in later life,
and the lame of his reign were largely due to the son
who succeeded him ou the throng This son, T‘ai Tsung,
meets ns several times m the pilgrim’s wanderings, and
it Will help us to understand and appreciate the passage
now before us and the references to him m other parts
of the -work, if we recall some particulars of his life and
character.

Tne Li family, from which the founder of the T‘ang
dynasty sprang, claimed to have a long and illustnous line
of ancestors, many of whom had deserved well of the State.
The founder hiraself, ■whose name was Yuan was

bom at Ch‘ang-an, and was related to the family of the
reigning dynasty, the Sui, He was a hereditary nobleman
with the title T'ang Kung, and he served with distinction
under Sui Yang Ti (601 to 616). But that despot could
not brook Yuan, who was gaining favour with army and
people, and he tried to get rid of him.

At this time the two eldest sons of Li Yuan were also
in the public service, and it is with the younger of these
that we are now concerned. This hoy, who seems to have
been extraordinary from a very early stage of liis life, was,
bom in the year 697. When he was four years of age a
mystenous stranger, dressed like a professional scholar,
canfe one day to Li Yuan’s house- Professing to be able
to read fortunes, this stranger recognised Yuan as destined

TtJAK CHUANG's INTEODIJCTION.

27

to greatness. Then taking the little child, he read fate’s
characters in his face,- and predicted that the child wonld
rise to power and that he wonid “save the age and give
peace to the people” — Chi-fkth-an-min ig: ^ ^). The

father, perhaps finding the prophecy jump with his thoughts,
and wishing to pnck lagging destiny, gave to his son a
name, Shih-min, which recalled the prediction.

But fate made no delay, and Li Shih-min while only a
boy, on the summons of Sui Yang Ti, entered the public
service as a military officer. He soon found, however, that
to propagate a tottering dynasty was not ms destined woik
The whole country, moreover, was now in a dreadful state
of violence and disorder Hydra-headed rebellion wasted
the land, and the monster who sat on the throne was hated
and rejected even by his own kindred. The districts _pf
the Empire which marched with the lands of the-bafbanans
were the prey of these ruthless savages who again and
again, swooping with harpj-flight on town and country,
made life in such places impossible But when the people
fled thence into the central parts of the Empire, they
found neither peace nor safety, for the hne of confusion
and the plummet of stones were stretched out in the land.
Over all the country, life and property were at the mercy
of powerftil rebels and bands of marauders and murderers.
The good found safety in flight or concealment, and only
the lawless and violent prevailed So Li Shih-mm, like
others, saw that the Decree had passed and that the
collapse of the Sui dynasty was immment He now resolv-
ed to help those who wished to hasten that event, and
j'oined the conspiracy which succeeded in effecting the
dethronement of Yang Ti. Then Shih^mm’s father, Li
Yuan, became Emperor m 618 to the satisfaction of most,
and the Empii e began to have peace again. It was Shih-
min who placed his father on the throne and won the
Empire for him. During all Kao Ten’s reign, also, Shih-
min took a very active and prominent part in public affairs.
He fought many hard battles, and won great and splendid
victories, thereby extendmg and consohdating the newly-

28

YUAif CHUANG’s INTEODUCnON.

won Empire. Eor lie was wise and daring in counsel and
brave and skilful in battle. He was much beloved by bis
father who rewarded bis services with many honours.
Among these was the title Ckin (^) Wang, Prince of
Ch‘in, a title by which he is still remembered. In 626
Kao Tsu resigned, appointing Shih-mm his successor. The
latter, the T'ang T‘ai Tsung of history, mounted the thi'one
with apparent reluctance, but with eager dehght and earnest
purpose, and he reigned “with unrivalled splendour” until
his death in 649.

Thjs reign is perhaps the most celebiated in all the
histoyy of Chma, and T‘ai Tsung is still regarded as one
of her greatest and wisest rulers Prom the moment he
mounted the throne, he set himself to govern the people
for their welfare, and began by enabling them to live m
confidence and secunty. No ruler before ever wove so
quickly and deftly mto a fair web of peace and order
such tangled threads of wild lawlessness. Only four year’s
had he been in power, when over all the country the
people had returned to settled lives, and the fame of his
greatness and goodness had brought back hope and hap-
pmess. Ho crushed internal rebelhon and reduced all
paits of the Empire to his sway. He broke the power
of the hereditary foes of Ohma on her frontiers and made
them willing and .appreciative vassals. He introduced a new
and improved distribution of the Empire into Provinces,

' each of these agam divided and sub>divided to smt natural
or artificial requirements. In the civil list he inaugurated
great reforms, and he succeeded m caihng into active
service for the State some of the best men Chma has
produced. His mmisters, native hisxonans ^tell us, admi-
nistered the government with combmed ability and honesty,
such as had never been known before. In the military
organisation also he made improvements, and above all he
refoimed the penal code and the administration of justice,
tempermg its seventy. Learning of all kinds was fostered
and promoted by him with an mtelhgent earnestness and
a personal sympathy. He knew himself how to write and

TUAN CHUANG’s INTBODUCTION.

29

he made some permanent contributions to the native
literature. In astronomy he made reforms and he tned
to restore that science and astrology to their high estate,
that is, as branches of practical learnmg. Solicitous above
all things for the welfare of his people, he set them an
example of plain living and fimgahty. His influence was
immense, and his fame and character were known not
only over all the Empire but also in countries far beyond
its hmits. He had an impulsive affectionate disposition,
and his loving services to his father and mother are house-
hold stories. He was also social and genial in his intei-
course with his statesmen, whose cnticism he invited and
whose censures he accepted

The splendour of T‘ai Tsung’s great achievements, the
conspicuous merits of his administration, and the charm
of his sociable afiable manner made the people of his tune
forget his faults. Even long after his death, when the
story of his life came to be told, the spell was in the dull
dry records, and passed over him who wi ought those into
history. So it came that the histonan, dazed by the spell
and not seeing clearly, left untold some ot the Emperor’s
misdeeds and told otheis without adding their due meed
of blame. Eor this great ruler smutched his fair record
by such crimes as murder and adulteiy. The shooting of
his brothers was excusable and even justifiable, but his
other murders admit of little palliation and cannot plead
necessity Though he yielded to his good impulses, again,
in releasing thousands of women who had. been forced into
and kept m the harem of Sui Yang Ti, yet he also yielded
to his bad impulses when he took his brother’s widow and
afterwards that maid of fourteen, Wu Chao, into his own
harem. His love of wine and women in early hfe, his
passion for war and his love of gloiy and empire, which
possessed bun to the end, were failings of which the eyes
of contemporaries dazzled by the “fierce light” could not
take notice

But when the ciimes and faihngs of T‘ai Tsung are all
told, they still leave him a great man and a ruler of rare

30

YlfAr/ CHUANG’s INTEODUCnON.

excellence. His g'^mus gave life to all his laTfTS and in-
stitutions, and ins personal influence "wias felt in every
department of goverament. Nor was it until long after
his death that it was found how much the good reforms
he made owed to his personal presence and action. Happy
in the character he bore among contemporaries, he became
still greater with their successors, and there is almost a
perfect unanimity of consent to count him great and good
Indeed the native panegjTists generally write of him as
above all who preceded him, except those semi-mythical
sovereigns who moulded man from the brute. The Chmese
youth and patriots love and praise T'ai Tsung for the
great feats he achieved in battle and his hard won victories
which restored the country to its old splendour and
supremacy. The native student praises him for the success
he had m preserving the valuable literature then extant
but in danger of being lost, and for the great encourage-
ment he gave to learning. The Buddhist praises him for
the patronage he extended to iris religion, and the friendly
interest he took in its affairs. The Taoist praises him for
his exaltation of that dim personage, a reputed ancestor
of the Emperor, the fore-father of Taoism Even the
western Christian joins the chorus of praise, and to him
the “virtuous T‘ai Tsung” is a prince nearly perfect (“Prin-
ceps omnibus fere numeiis absolutus”). It was duriug the
reign of this sovereign, in the year 636, that Chiistianity
was first introduced into China, The Nestonan missionaries,
who brought it, were allowed to settled peace and safety
at the capital This was the boon which called forth the
gratitude of the Christian historian and enhanced in his
view the merits of the heathen sovereign.

The author next proceeds to give a short summary of
the Buddhistic teachings about this world and the system
of which it forms a constituent He begins —

“Now the Saha, world, the Three Thousand Great Ohiliocooni,
IB the sphere of the spiritual influence of one Buddha. It is in
tho four contments O^t "'Dnder heavens”) now iHuminated by
one fiun and moon and within the Three Thousand Great Oiuho-
cosm that the Buddhas, the World-honoured ones, produce their

YUAN CEtUAKG’s INTBODUCTION.

31

spiritual efifecta, are vtstbly hot n and visibly enter Ntrrvdna, teach
the way to saint and sinner ”

For the words in italics the original is Imen-sMng-lisien-
^ ^ M) which Julien renders “tantot ils apparaie-
sent„tant6t ils s’6teignent”. Thia.does not seem to express the
author’s meanmg and is not quite correct AH the Buddhas,
the writer tells us, exercise their spintual sovereignty (“send
down their transforming influence’’) m one or other of the
four great divisions of^the habitable world; in one of these
each Buddha becomes incarnate as a man, teaches saints
and common people, and passes into JNirvana

Our author proceeds —

“In the ocean, resting on a gold disk, is the mountain Sumeru
composed of four precious substances along its middle the sun
and moon revolve and on it the Devas sojourn ”

The phrase for “revolve along its middle” is hm-po (f^
(or ^ (or 1^)). Here the word po m the first form
does not seem to have any appropnate meaning, and the ^
second form which means “to stop” or “anchor” is also
unsatisfactcry. From a paraphrase ot the passage, how-
ever, we learn the meaning of the phrase, the words of
the paraphrase bemg “the sun and moon revolve along its
waist” (0 ^ jM ^ ^)' word po m this sense

of “waistmg” a hill is still used in the coUoqmal of some
parts of Ohma, but there does not seem to be any certain
character to represent it in writing. In some books we
find the word written po, as by Fa-hsien, for example.
Instead of hw-po in the above passage the D text has
Giaoihui (^^ |^), “to illuminate in revolving”, a reading
which agrees with statements about Sumeru in other
Buddhist writings. ^

Around the Sumeru Mountain, our author contmnes, aire seven
mountains and seven seas and the water of the seas between the
mountains has the “eight virtues” outside the seven Gold

1 In the I'o-Bhuo-li*shih*a-p'i-tan-lun ch 1 (No 1297) .he^^on and
moon are described as msiking their revointions at a hmght of <W000
Yojanas above the earth and half-way up ^Mount SSnaeri^^ciiEid h
similar statement is made in the Yu-ka-shih-tJ-lnn 2 ^b.'1170jC

32

YUAN OHUANG’s DHTBODUCTION.

Mountains is the Salt Sea. In the sea (or ocean) there are,
speaking Bummanly, four habitable Islands, viz-P^i-fi-ha Island
in the east, Ohan-p\i Island m the south, Evr-to-ni in the west,
and Koit-lo Island in the north The influence of a Gold-wheel
king extends over these four Islands, a Silver-wheel king rules
over all except the north one, a Copper-wheel king rules over
the South and East Islands, and an Iron wheel king hears sway
only over Chan-pu Island. When a “Wheel- king” is about to
arise a gold, silver, copper, or iron wheel, according to the Karma
of the man, appears for him in the air and gives him his title
while indicating the extenu of nio dominion.

In the centre of Chan pu Island (JarobudvTpa), south of the
Perfume Mountain and north of the Great Snow Mountain is
the A-na-p'o~ta-to (Anavatapta) Lake above SOO li in circuit Its
banks are adorned with gold silverj lapis-Iazuli, and crystal all
its Band are golden and it is pure and clear. The p'usa Ta-U
(Great-land) having by the force of his prayer become a dragon-
king lives in the depths of the Lake and sends forth its pure
cold water for Jarabndvipa Thus from the silver east side
through the Ox Mouth flows the Ganges which after going once
round the Iiake flows into the south-east sea from its gold
south side through the Elephant Mouth flows the Stn-tu (Indus)
which after flowing round the Lake enters the sonth-west sea
from the lapis-lazuli west side through the Horse Mouth the
Fo-chu (Oxus) flows passing round the Lake and then on into
the north-west sea from the crystal north side through the Lion
Mouth flows the Si- to (Stt5).nver which goes round the Lake
and then on the north-east sea Another theory is that the Slta
flows underground until it emerges at the Chi-shih (“Heaped up
stones”) Mouutain and that it is the source of the [Yellow]
Biver of China

The 8eveD mountains here represented as surrounding
Sunieru are supposed to form seven concentric circles
with seas separating them. These seven rovrs of mountains
are golden, and we read in other accounts of the Buddhist
cosmogony of seven circles of iron mountams surroundmg
the habitable world.

The names of the four great Islands of this passage
are n'ot all known as divisions of the world to orthodox
Indiah writers, but they are found in Buddhist treatises.
Our ipilgnm calls the iirst chou or Dvipa (Island)
ha restored as Yideha. This name is properly used to
designate a particular district in India corresponding to

THE f OUB CONimKNTS

33

the modem Tirhut in Behar. But hme it is the Purva-
Videha, (in Pah Pubbavideho), the Eastern Continent or
great Island of Buddhist cosmogony. Our pilgrim m hie
translation of a sastra renders theJ^word Yideha by Sh^ng-
shen or “Supenor body”, and the Tibetan ren-

dering IS Lus-hp^Qgs "With a similar meaning But the old
transcriptions for the name of the East Island as given in
a note to our test are Fv~]}^o-Vi (^ ^ ■[£) and Fu-yu-ti
''liich seem to point to an pnginal like Pubba-
dik or “East Region” It is the Fu~p‘o-ij of tins note
which it given as the name in the “Fo-shuo-ch‘u-cbia-kung-
tg->ching’ tianslated in the 4"' century A I) (No 776)
The second dvlpais C/ian-pw, Jambu, as m mostother works.
But the character read Clum should perhaps be read Yen,
and this would agree with the other transcnptions given
in the note, v)z.-Yen-fou-t‘i and Yen('^\])-foii, the

former appearing m the sutra just quoted

Our pilgrim in the tastra referred to translates his Ku-
to^ru, the name of the West Island, by Niu-huo or “Cattle
goods”, that IS, cattle used as a medium of exchange The
name has been restored as GodhSna or Godhanya, the Gau-
dana ol the Lahtavistara, but Godhuni or Godani would be
nearer the transcription. Other names given 'by the anno-
tator aie Ku-yiiyayni and Kon-ka-m, the former of tiie^e
appears in the old sutra already quoted, and it agrees
with the Pali form Apara-goyanam
The North Island is the Kurudvlpa, the Uttara-Kuru
of other writers it is also the Yu-icm-yu^ (viet) of the sutra
already quoted and of Inany other Buddhist texts. This
Yit-tan-viet mey perhaps represent a word like Uttamavat.*
The A-na-p^o-ta-to (Anavatapta) Lake is heie, we have
seen, described* as being in the middle of Jambudvipa to
the south of the Perfume (that is Fragrance-mtoxicat-
mg or Gandhamadana) Mountain, and north of the Great

1 See Tuan - chuangV A-pi - la-wio-iteang-beien-lun ch 16 (Bun
No 1?60) fnd liiB A-pi-ta-Tno-ku-she-lun 11 (No 1267) Gliang-a-
han»ching ch IB (No &4A) For the four Wheol-lungB see Tuen-chuang’a
A-pi-tR-mO'Sbun-cbeng-h-luu ch 32 (No 1965^

34

TUAN OHUANG’s INTBOUUCTION.

Snow (Himavat) Mountain. This is the situation ascribed
to the Lake in certain ^Sstras, hut in the Chang-a-han-
ching and some other authorities it is on the summit of
the Great Snow Mountain. In a note to our text we are
told that the Chinese translation of the name is 'Wu^t-nao
^ f®) 0** “Without heat-trouble”. This is the render-
ing used by Yuan-chuang in his translations and it is the
term commonly employed by Chmese writers and transla-
tors, but the word Anavatapta means simply “unheated”. It
is said to have been the name of the Dragon-king of the
Lake and to have been given to him because he was
exempt from the fiery heat, the violent storms, and the
fear of the garudas which plagued other dragons.* Our
pilgrim’s statement that the Ganges, Indus, Oxus, and Sita
(or 6ita) all have their oiigm in this Lake is found in sereral
Buddhist scriptures one of these as translated by Yuan-
chuang used the very words of our passage, 2 but in two
of them there are differences as to the directions m which
the rivers proceed.^ Nagasena speaks of the water of this
Lake, which he calb Anotatla ddha, as flowing into the
Ganges.'* In the early Chinese Yersions of Buddhist works
the name is given, as in the note to our text, A-nu-ta
(j^ ^ which evidently represents the Pali form Ano-
tatta Then the pilgrim mentions a supposition that the
Sita had a subtenanean course for a distance and that
where it emerged, at the Ghi-shih “Accumulated-

rocks” Moimtain, it was the source of the Yellow Biver
The Chi-shiH-shan of this theory is the Chi-shih of the
Yti-kimg chapter of the Shu-Ching. This Chi-shih was
the place at which, according to some, the YelioW itiver
had its source and it was a district in what is now the
western part of Kansuh Province But the term Chi-shih is
also used in the sense of “mountam” as a synonym of shan.

1 Chaag-a-han-climg 1 c

2 Abhi-ta-%ab. ch 6 (No 1263) See also Nob 1286, 1267 1 c

2 Chaug-a-han-cliing 1 c. Hsan-ti-kaaTi-olung ch 4 (No 955)
Al'bi Tib-lun ch. 2 (No 1264)

< Miimdapafiho cd Trenckner p 286.

ANAVATAPrA LAEJE.

35

It has been stated by some western writers that om*
pilgrim confuses the Anavatapta Lake with the Sarikul
of the Pamirs, but this is not correci Some other Chmese
writers seem to make this mistake but Yuan-chuang does
not. Then the Anavatapta Lake has been identified with the
Manasarowar Lake of Tibet, but this cannot be accepted
We must regard the “Unheated’ Lake as a thmg of fairy-
land, as in the Earthly Paradise or G-arden of Eden It is
expressly stated that the Lake could be reached only by
those who had supernatural powers, the faculty of trans-
porting themselves at will by magic i The Buddha and
his arhats visited it on several occasions passing through
the air from India to it m the twinkhng of an eye or the
raising of an arm, and down to the time of Asoka great
Buddhist saints came to lodge on its banks. 2 Here was
that wonderful incense the burning of which yielded a
wide-spreading perfume which 1 el eased all the world from
the consequences of sin.3 Here too was a goodly palace,
and all about were strange trees and flowers through
which breathed fragrant airs and birds with plaintive
songs made harmony.

I have not discovered the source from which the pilgnm
ohtamed his information that the dragon-king of the Ana-
vatapta Lake was the Ta-U or “Great-land” p*usa. As
the words of the text show, this p'usa was not the Buddha
iu cne of his preparatoiy births, but a p‘u8a still living
as the Haga-raja of the Lake .In the D text instead
of Ta-ti we have Pa-Ti or “Eight-lands”. This reading
seems to point to some MahS-ySnist p'usa who had attamed
to eight-lands, that is eight of the ten stages to perfection.

The pilgrim next goes on to tell of the Four Lords (or Sove-
reigns) who divide JambudvIpE when no one has the fate to
be universal sovereign over that Island, and of the lands and
peoples over which these Lords rule. In the south is tho Ele-

t Nos 1266, 1267 1. c.

2 Divyav p. 399

3 Hua-yen-cbing ch 67 (No 88).
*■ Chang-a-han-ching 1. c

36

rUAW CHDANG-’S INTEODUCTION.

phant-Lord whose territory has a hot moist climate with people
energetic, devoted to study and addicted to magical arts, wearing
garments which cross the body and leave the nght shoulder
bare xheir hair is made into a topknot in the middle and hangs
down on the sides they associate in towns and hve in houses
of several storeys. In the west is the Ijord of Precious Sub-
stances who rules over the sea abounding in pearls, whose sub-
jects are rude and covetous, wear short coats fastened to Ihe
left, cut their hair short and have long raustachios , they live in
towns also and are traders The Horse-Lord rules in the north
his country is very cold yielding horses, and with inhabitants
of a wild fierce nature who commit murder without remorse,
tiiey live in felt tents and are migratory herdsmen In the East
(that IB, in China) is the Man Lord, who has a well-peopled
territory with a genial climate where all good manners and social
virtues prevail, and the people are attached to the soil Of these
four temtones it is only the East country that holdc the south
direction m respect, the other three regions making tiie esist
their quarter of reverence The East country (China) excels the
other regions in its political organization The system of religion
which teaches purification of the heart and release from the
bonds [of folly] and which instructs how to escape from birth
and death flourishes m the country of the Elephant-Lord (India)
All these matters are set forth in amnontative writings (ht -
canonical treatises and official declarations) end are learned from
local hearsay From a wide study of the modem and the old
end a minute examination of what is seen and heard wo learn
that Buddha arose in the west region and his religion spread
to the east country (China), and that in the translation [from
Sanskrit into Chinese] words have been wrongly used and idioms
misapplied By a misuse of words the meaning is lost and by
wrong phrases the docfrine is pervertea. Hence it is said —
“What 16 necessary is to have correct terms” and to set value
on the absence of faulty expressions
Now mankmd differ in the quahty of then natural dispositaone
end in their speech, the difference being partly due to local
climatic circumstances and partly caused by continued use As
to veneties of physical scenery and natural products in the
countiiy of the Man-Lord (China), and as to the differences m
the customs and dispositions of its people, these are all described
in our national records The peoples of the Horse-Lord and the
districts of the Xiord of Precious Substances ore detailed in our
histoncol teachings, and a general .account of them can be gii'en
Bnt as to the country of the Elephant-Lord (India) our ancient
hteraturc ic without a description of it We have the statement
(made by Chang-Ch'ien) that “the land has much heat and

THE rOTJE GBEAT EOBDS.

37

moiftare”, and tLis other *‘the people are fond of benevolence
and compassion”, such mention may occur in topographies but
we cannot have thorough information. Whether caus^ by the
alternate flounshing and depression of good go\enmient, or as
the natural result of secular changes, the fact is that with refe-
rence to those who, knowing the due season for giving in alle-
giance and enjOjing the benefits of [Chinese] cii ilieation, came
to the Emperor’s Court, who passing danger after danger sought
admittance at the Yti-nzen [Pass], and bearing tribute of native
rarities bowed before the Palace Gate, we cannot relate their
experiences For this reason as I travelled far in quest of truth
(that 18, the Buddhist religion) in the intervals of my studies I
kept notes of natural characteristics

Juben m his translation of this passage gives theSansknt
equivalents for Horse-Lord, Elephant-Lord, and Man-Lord;
and tells us that a word meaning “Parasol-Lord” is found
in a certain authority instead of the Precious-substances-
Lord of our text Throughout the passage, however, the
pilgnm seems to be writing as a Chinese Buddhist scholar
not drawing from Indian sources but from his own know-
ledge and experience. His information was acquired partly
from Chinese books, and he perhaps learned something
from the Brethren in Kashmir and other places outside
of India. To him as a Chinese the 'people of China were
inen (jm), all outlying countries being peopled b) Man
and Ti and l£u and Juvff, although as a good Buddhist
he admitted the extension of the term jen to the inhabi-
tants of other lands

Our author, m wnting the paragraph of this passage
about Buddhism, evidently had in his memory certain ob-
servations which are to be found m the 88“‘ Chapter of
the “Hou Han Shu” These observations with the notes
appended give us some help in finding out the meaning
of several of the expressions in the text. Por his state-
ment here about the faults of previous translators the
author has been blamed by native critics These mamtam
that the transcnptions of Indian words given by Yuan-
chuang’s predecessors are not necessanly wrong merely be-
cause they differ from those given by him The foreign sounds,
they say, which the previous translators heard may not have

38

YUAN CHUAlfCfS INTEODUCTION.

been those which our pilgrim heard, and, moreover, Chinese
characters under the influence of time and place, may have
changed both meaning and pronunciation. As to mistakes
of interpretation, there are doubtless many to be found m
the early translations, but m this matter Yuau-chuang
also is far from perfect.

In the next paragraph Juhen apparently understood his
author to state that there existed documents in their own
countries on the peoples of the Horse Lord (i. e., the
northern tnbes) and those of the Lord of Precious sub-
stances (i. e., the nations to the south-west of China). But
the writer has in his mind here only Chinese hterature.
So also his fang-clitli {if are not “des descriptions
locales” of Ladia. They are the hoolis of travel or topo-
graphies of Ghmese literature. The term is apphed to
such treatises s.s xhe “Hsi-yh-chi” which in fact is called
a fang-chih. Our author states that Ghmese topographies
have little about India, and that consequently be had no
native authorities to quote or refer to. Other wi iters of
the same period make similar complamts, and there was
some reason for the complamt. Even the information
commumcated by tbe pilgrims who had preceded Yuan-
chuang had not been incorporated in the national histories.

The word here rendered by “good government” is tao
m which Jolien translated “la droite voie”. We might
also render it by “the Buddhist religion”, an interpretation
which seems to be favoured by other passages on this
subject But the terms apphed to the word here. viz.
Jising isang {^ ^), seem to requiie that we should render
it by some such Confuciau expression as “true principles”
or “good government”. In the last sentences of this pas-
sage Juben seems to have nusunderstood his author whom
he makes write about “peoples” and “all the nations”
There is nothing in the text which corresponds to or
requu’es these expressions, and the writer evidently still
lefers to Indian countries, the envoys fiom which to Chma
had been few and little known. In the Later Han penod
there was one, in the reign of Ho Ti (A. H. 89 to 105)

THE BLACK BANGK

39

dtinng the Liu Sung period there were two, one m 428
and one m 466; and there were none, apparentlj, after
this last date down to the Sui period. Now of the travela
of these envoys the Chinese records had not preserved
any particulars, and the references to India and the
neighbouring countries in the histones of the Han and
other dynasties down to the T‘ang period are very meagre.
It was because the records were thus imperfect, and in-
formation was unobtainable, that the pilgnm took notes of
the topography and ethnology of the districts which he
visited in the course of his pilgrimage.

The author next proceeds to make a Jew summary ob-
servations the text of which is here reproduced for the
purpose of comparison.

In Julien’s rendermg
the hegmnmg of the passage runs thus — “A partir des
montagnes noires, on ne rencontre que des mcEurs sauvages.
Quoique les peuples barbares aient et6 reams ensemble,
cependant leurs diff^reutes races ont ete tracees avec soul”
But this does not seem to give the author’s meanmg which
18 rather something like this —

“From the Black Range on this side (i e to Cluna) all t^
people are Hu and though Jungs are connted with these, yet
the hordes and clans are distinct, and the boundaries of temtonea
are defined.”

Now if we turn to the last section of Chuan I we
learn what is meant by the “Black Bange”. We find
that the frontier country on the route to India was Kapisa,
which was surrounded on all sides by lofty mountains.
One great range hounded it on the east, west, and south
sides, separating it from “North India'*. This was called
the Hei Ling, or Black Range, a name which translates
the native term Siah-koh, though it is also used to render
another native term, Kara Tagh, with the same meanmg.
From China to the mountams of Kapisa along the pil-
grim’s route the inhabitants, he tells us, were all Hu. These
Hu are described by some 'vmters as the descendants of
' early Jung settlers. But Tuan-chuang, who uses Hu as a

40

YTJAK CHUANG’s INTEODUCTION.

colloctiye designation for all the settled nations and tnbes
through which he passed on his way to and from India,
seems to consider the Jung as a race distinct from the
Ha proper. Other writers also make this distinction,
regarding the Jung as of the Tibetan stock and the Hu
as of Turkic kindred. But the distinction is not generally
observed, and we can only say that the Hu include the
Jung, who were not supposed, however, to be found beyond
the Tshmg Lmg westward. In early Chinese history,
e. g. in the Ytt kung of the “Shu Chmg” we find Jung
occupying the country about the Koko Nor. They were
then pastoral tribes, rearing cattle and wearing clothing
prepared from the skins of their animals. Afterwards they
spread to Hami and to Turfan and the Ts'ung Ling, be-
coming mainly agricultural peoples.

Instead of Jung (5^) in the text here the C text has
Shu (^) which the editors explain as soldiei% the Shu jen
being the Chinese troops stationed m the Hu Countries
But this reading, which does not seem to be a good one
was perhaps originally due to a coiiyist’s error.

The pilgiim’s descnplion pioceeds — ‘•For the most part [these
tnbes] are settled ])eoplGs with walled cities, practising agnculture
and reanng cattle They pri2e the possession of property and
slight humanity and pubbe duty (lit. benevolence and nghteous-
neas) Their manaages are without ceremonies and there are no
distxnctione as to social position the wife’s word prevails and
the husband has a subordinate position They burn tbeir corpses
and bave no fixed penod of mourning. They flay (?) the face
and cut dff the ears they chp their hair short and rend their
garments. They slaughUfr the domestic animals and offer sacriflee
to the manes of their dead. They wear white clothing on
occasions of good luck and black clothing on unlucky occasions
This IS a general summary of the manners and customs common
to the tnbes, but each state has its own pobtical organiration
which will be desenbed separately, and the manners and customs
of liidia will be told in the Bubsequent Records ”

This brief and terse account of tbe social charactenstics
common to the tnbes and distncts between China and
India presents some rather puzzling difficulties. It is too
summary, and is apparently to a large extent secondhand

I

TENKI Aim TUPAN. 41

information obtained from rather superficial observers, not
denved from the author’s personal experience, and it does
• not quite agree with the accounts gi-s en by previous writers
and travellers. Thus the pilgrim states that the tribes in
question had no fixed period of mourning, that is, for
deceased parents, but we learn that the people of Yenk‘i
observed a mourning of seven days for their parents. Nor
was it the universal custom to burn the dead, for the
T'ufan people, for example, buiied their dead i
All the part of the passage whicJi I have put in italics is
taken by Julien to refer to the mourning customs of the tnbes,
and this seems to be the natural and projiei mterpretation.
But it is beset nitli difficulties The original for “they flay
the face and cut off the eais” is rendered by Julien — “Ils se
font des incisions sur la figui e et se mutilent les oreilles ’
The word for “flaj” or “make cuts in”' is in the D text
h (SI) which does not seem to give any sense, and in the
other texts it is li (^) which is an unknown character
but IS explained 'as meaning to ‘flay” Juben evidently re-
garded the latter character as identical with h (^) which
lb the word used in the T‘ang-Shu 2 This last character
means originally to inscrihe 01 delineate and also to tilacken
and to As an act of filial mourning for a dead

parent tlie T'ufan people, we are told, blackened {tm
their faces, and among some tribes it apparently was tlie
custom to tear 01 gash the face at tlie funeral of a parent
or chief. But to flay 01 brand the face and to cut off
an ear were acts of punishment which were peihaps eommon
to all the tnbes in question

Then “to cut the hair short ’ was an act of fihal mourning in
T'ufan, but in the first foreign countnes which the pilgrim
reached it was the universal custom for the men, and it was
done, we leain elsewhere, to set oft the head ^ In Nboten,
howevei, the hair was cut oft and the face disfigured as acts

1 Wei-Shu ch 102 T'ang-shu cA 216 Ma T 1. cA. 334

2 Ch 217

5 Wei-Shn L 0

42

TTTAN CHTJAITG^S HTTEODTJCTION.

of mourning at a funeral. ^ We find it recorded moreover
that •when the deatJi ofT'ang T'aiTsung was announced, the
harbarians sojourning at the capital expressed their sorrow
by wailing, cutting off their hair, gashing r {li their facefe,
and cutting their ears, until the blood washed the ground. 2

Then as to the phrase “rend their garments”, the
words he-ch^ang would seem to be susceptible

of no other interpretation, and the pilgrim tells us after-
wards that the people of India “rent their garments and
tore out their hair” as expressions of mourning. The
rending of the garments, however, was not a custom common
to the tribes between India and China, and it could not
have been practised by them generally on account of the
material which was in general use for their clothing. Some
native scholars explam the words lie-di^arsg here as mean-
ing “they wear clothes -without folds and seams”, that is,
their garments are strips or single pieces. Something
like this was the style of the outer articles of a China-
man’s dress in the T‘ang period and it was probably
adopted by some of the foreign tribes to which Chinese
inffnence reached. We still see survivals of it on the streets
in Korea.

As to the slaughter of domestic animals, this was
practised at funerals by the T‘ufan people but not by
all the other tribes. Qhe Turks, who also gashed
their faces in mourning, slew sheep and horses m front
of the tent in which the body of a deceased parent was
placed pending the completion of arrangements for hunal.
It is to be noted, however, that the T‘ufan people and
the Turks are not said to have slain their domestic
animals in sacnfice to the manes of their deceased
parents.® These animals were killed, we are expressly
told in the case of the T‘ufan people, that they nught
be at the service of the departed one, as the human
beings who were slam, or killed themselves, on the death

1 Ka-Ian-clii ch 6

2 T'ung-chien-kang-mu ch 40

3 ^ee Ma T. J ch 334, 343

CUSTOMS IN TUPAN.

43

of a relative or chief went to serve the deceased in the
other world. Juhen makes onr pilgrim heie state that the
tribes slew their domestic animals to make ofterings to
then dead. This is perhaps more than is m the text
which is simply that they “slaughter their domestic am
mals and offer sacrifice to the wanes”.

CHAPTER m.

FROM KAO-CH‘ANG TO THE THOUSAND

SPRINGS.

A-k‘i-ni CYenk‘i)

The narrative m the Records now begin'’ with this
account,

Gknng from what was formerly the land of Kao-ch'ang we
begin with the country neaiest to it end called this is

above 600 h from east to west and 400 h from north to south,
its capital being six or seven h in circuit

In the Life we have a detailed account of the un-
pleasant and adventuious journey fiom the Chinese capital
to the chief city of Kao-ch‘ang This city, we know, was
in the district which is now called Turfan and it is said
to be 1 epresented by the modern Ilm-cliow (iK ;Hi) other-
wise Kaiakhojo. At the time of oui pilgnm’s visit Kao-
ch'ang was a thriving kingdom, and its king, though a
vassal of China, was a poweiful despot feaied by the
surrounding states. This king, whose name was Kii-wen-
iai or as it is also given, Ktl-Jca (^), had

1 eceived Yuan-chiiang on bis arrival with gieat ceiemony and
kindness, had tried entreaty and flattery and even force to
letam him, and had at last sent the pilgrim on his way
with great honoui, givmg him piesents and provisions and
also letters of mtioduction to othei soveieigns. Then why
does Yuan-chuang here write of Kao-ch'ang as a state which
had ceased to exist? The explanation is to he found in the
great change which that kingdom had experienced between

YBNKI.

45

the years 630 and 646. We leajrti from histoiy that in
the year A. D. 639 the Chinese empeior T<ai Tsnng sent
an army to invade Kao-ch‘ang and punish itg ruler, -who
had dared tc defy the impenal powei. This ruler was
the Kii-wen-t‘ai who had been Yuan-chuang’s host. He
thought himself safe fiom Chinese mvasion and boasted and
swaggered at the threat of a Chinese anny coming into
his country until the invading force was actually within
his borders. When he learned, howevei, that the hostile
army was fast appioaching his capital, he became so
utterly possessed by abject feai that he became helpless
And his death soon followed. Hereupon his wise son and
successoi at onco submitted to the Chmese general who,
however, “eidmgui&hed Kaoch'ang”; whereupon T‘ai Tsung
made its temfcoiy a Piefecture of the Empire This pro-
cedure called forth a generous protest from one of the
Empoior’s wise and faitliful mimsters, but the remonstrance
was in yarn and in 640 Kaoch'ang became the OLmese
Hsi-chow eg" Thus Yuan-chuang,wntmg under impenal

01 dors and for the Empeioi’s leadmg, must needs take notice
of the great political change which had taken place m
the Kaoch'ang country since the date of his visit The
change proved had for China and the new state of affairs
did not last veiy long For the present, howevei, our
author has to descnhe the “Western Lands that is, the
countries which were outside of the western border of the
Chinese empire Up to 640 Kaoch'ang was one of these
countixes, but fiom that year the empire reached on the
east to the ocean, and on the west to the kmgdom vhich
was the first to the west of Kaoch'ang, viz the A-'k-i-m of
this narrative.

There cannot be any doubt that the countiy which Yuan-
chuang here calls A-lc^i-m (pj ^ was, as has been stated
by others, that which is known in Chinese history^ as
Yenlf't (p This state rose to power in the Han

period, and from that time down to the T'ang dynasty it
bore m Chinese treatises this, name Yenk'i which is still
Its classical and Iitei ary designation in Chinese literature

46

KAO-CH'ANG TO THE THOUSAND SPRINGS.

Then why did Ynan-chuang use the name A-k‘i-ni, a name
for which he seems to be the sole authority?

The explanation is simple. There was, we learn from
an “mterpolated comment” to the text, an old name
for this countiy which is given as Wu~Jc‘i or jjf,

This seems to have been the name used by the trans-
lators of the sacred books and by Buddhist writers
generally. Thus in the translation of the “Ta-pao-chi-
ching” by Fa hu of ihe Western Gh‘in dynasly we find
mention of Wuk'i along with Khoten and other coun-
tiies. So also Tao-hsuan in his “Su-Icac-seng-clman” men-
tions Wiik‘i as the country between Kutzii (Kuchih) and
Kaoch'ang. In the Fang-chih also we find the name
given as Wuk‘i, and Fa-hsien’s is apparently

the country under consideration. The fiist charactei, mi<,
in each of these varieties of the name was probably pro-
nounced a or <3, and the second character represented a
sound like hi or gi^ the whole giving us a name like ahhi
or agi. Thus we have at Yuan-chuang’s tune three different
designations foi this countiy — the Yenlih of Chmese histo-
rians, the WuliH of the Buddhist writers, and Y.’s own name
for it, A-liH-m. The explanation of this variety is mstruc-
tive, as the theory wliich underlies it applies to several
other districts. In Yenk‘i we have the local or Hu name.
This apparently was (or was undei stood to be) Yanghi, a
Turkish word for^re, the full name being peihaps some-
thmg like Yanghi-shaher oi “Fire-city”. Now in all the
Hu countnes the Buddhist monks, we aie told, used among
themselves the language of India. In this language the
correct Sanskrit name for jhe is dgni^ the a-hi-ni of our
authoi. We find the three characters of the text used
by Yuan-chuang m a translation of a sacred hook to tian-
scnbe agni as the Sanskrit name for fire, and by Gunahhadra
in one of his tianslations to transcribe this wmrd m the
proper name Agnidatta.i But the monks of the Hu

i A-pi-t'a-mo-ta-p'i'p'o-Blia-lun, ck, 15 (Bun. No 1268) Tee-a-ban-
cbing', cli 25 (No 544).

KAHA-8HAHE

47

countnes did not all come from “Central India” and they
did not talk Sanskiit. They spoke and wrote dialectic
varieties with vemaculai forms of Indian words, and they
often used words ^which were foieign but were made to
assume a Sanskrit -garb So the Brethren of the country
with which we are now concerned had apparently used
the Pall form Agi instead of Agni, and this had been
used by others, but Yuan-chuang being a punst preferred
to write the Sanskrit form.

In the periods of the Yuan and Mmg dynasties the
city and district called Yenk'i, still retaining this name,
were grouped with four others in the political aggiegate
called Bish-balik or Pentapolis Hence we sometimes hnd
it stated that Y enk'i is Bishbahk, but this latter name is
more frequently applied to Uruintsi.i At the piesent
time the city called Kara- (or E3iara-)shahr is generally
taken to be the representative of the ancient capital of
Yenk‘ 1 . But the site of the latter was apparently some*-
what to the west of the modem Kharashahi at a place
which has several ancient rmns. This modem city is said
to have leceived its name from the giimy appearance of
its walls and houses, Karashahr in Turlac meaning “Black
city”, an etymology which is confirmed by Dr. Sven Hedin’s
account. 2

Juike many other states in this paH of Asia Yen-k‘i has
had many ups and downs, jiassmg several times from power
and preeminence to subjection and lassalage One of these

> Li-tai-yen-ko-piQO ch 3 Med Res VoL II,

p 229. But the name Bishbalik seems to hare been applied to sia
cities regarded as Terming a political unit

* Dr Sven Hedm vsrites— “Kara-shahr (the Black Town) fully
deoerves its name for it is without companson the dirfaest zown m
all Central jism It stands on the left hank of the nver (the Hkdick-
or Rhaidik-gol), on a level, barren plain, totally destitute of anj
feature of interest Neveitheless it is a large town, verj much larger
than Korla, consisting of a countiess number of miserable hotels,
courtyards, bazaars, and Mongol tentS} surrounded by a wall, and is
the chief commercial emporium in that part of Cbinece Turkestan
‘Through Asia’, p 859

48

KAO-CH‘ANG TO JnttE THOUSAND SPBINOS.

vicissitudes was experienced by it in A. D. 643 -644, when
the Chinese erapeior T’ai Tsung sent an army which invaded
the country, conquered it, and made its king a prisoner for
a time. A siinilar disaster befell it in A. D'. 648, when
its kii\g was beheaded by the Turkish invader i The
country under the ofiBcial designation Kharashahr ((l|f (i$i)
Is now a military station, and an important Sub-
Prefecture of the Chinese empire.

It is remarkable that neither in the Records, nor in the
Life of onr pilgrim, nor in the itinerary of "Wu-k'ung, is
the distance of Yen-ki from Kao-ch‘ang given, but we
learn from other sources that it was 900 li.^ In another
account of the country the capital is described as being
30 li in circuit which is a much largei area than that
given in our text, but another account makes it to be
only two h square. The name of the capital also is given
as Nau'-ho-ch^enff and also as Yun-h^u

which 16 perhaps only another form ofYen-k‘i.3 The city
was situated 70 li south of the White Mountain and a
few It from a lake.< This lake, which is described as
having salt and fish and as abounding in reeds, has many
names. It is sometimes simply the ‘^sea” oi Dengir, and
it is the Bostang, or Barasbahr, or Bagrasb Lake. The
description m our text, proceeding, states* that

[the country] on four sides adjoins hills, with roads hazardous
and easily defended The various streams join m zones, and their
water is led in for the cultivated land The soil grows millet,
spring wheat, scented jujubes, grapes, pears, aud prunes The
climate is genial and tlie people have honest ways Their writing
18 taken from that of India with slight modifications Their gar-
ments are of fine and coarse woollen stuffs The men cut fheir
hair short and do not wear any head-dress Thej use gold silver
and small copper coins. Their king is a native of the country, who
is brave, but without practical ability and conceited The countrj

I T'ung-chien-kang mu ck 40 (18tb jear of T'ang T'ai Tsung by
-the Chmese. and 22^ year by the Turks) Ma T 1 cJi. 336.

» Ma T 1 1 c T ung-chih-liao, the ^ ^ ch 1
a Ch'ien Han shu ch % Wei shu ch 102
^ Vfcl Shu 1 c ' Ma Tile* Ch'ien Hau shu L c

TSNKI 49

io THthout a political constitution, and its laws are not reduced

to order

The first sentence of this passage is not veiy clear as
to whether the description is meant for the whole country
or only for the distnct of the capital. Our pilgrim seems
to have drawn his information partly from the source
which supplied the author of the “Hou Han-Shu”.i in
that work, and in Ma Tuan-lm’o treatise which follows it,
it 18 the Yenk'i country which is described as being
surrounded by hills oi mountains But there were appa-
rently no nioimtams on the east side of Yenk'i, and the
Life tells only of two cities which the pilgrim passed on
his way from the capital of Kao-ch'ang, without any mention
of a mountain. That the roads were dangerous and easily
guarded is also stated in the Hou Han-Shu almost m the
words used m our text, and this also seems to indicate
that it is the country which is described. But the ex-
])rea 8 ion “on four sides adjoins (or abuts on) hills’

^ y[l) is apparently more appropriate ro a city than to
a country. Then we have the statement that “the various
streams join m zones” that is, uniie to form belts oi lines
of water Bor this the original is “ch'Uan (in the B text
dnmg-hurchiao-tax (^ m E ^ and Juben trans

lutes „une multitude des couiants quiviennent st joindre en
semble, I’entouient corame uneceinture” The teim cniao-
iai seems to have in some places the meaning here given
to it bj Julien, but it commonly means to join in Jorming a
continuous Ime, Thus it is used of a series of tanks foimed
or connected by a river and of teais iinitmg to form
streams on the cheeks This sense of “joining and carry-
ing on” the stream seems to suit our passage, and the
circumstances of the district. In YeukU the becks of the
mountains joined in forming the various rivers by which
the country was watered Thus the Blhaidu, the principal
river, was formed by the junction of a large number of
tributary streams fiom the Northern or White mountain

CTj 88

D

50

k:ao-ch‘ang to the thousand speings.

In the passage of the Han-Shu already referred to we
find the statement that the “water of the sea (that is the
JBostang Lake to- the south-east of the capital) w^as de-
flected into the four mountains and flowed all about the
capital (;^ for above thirty li”, a statement which is
lepeated by Ma Tuan-lin And although the kingdom
contained several (according to one account, ten) other
towns, it was doubtless of the capital and the surrounding
districts that the words of our text were written. The
water from the various rivers was led in channels fiom
the hnes of current to irrigate the land devoted to the
cultivation of crops and fruit-trees. This artificial imgation
mentioned by our pilgrim is not noticed in the Han-Shu,
but it was known to the author of the “Shui-ching-chu'’

referred to in recent works such
as the Tiavels of Timkowski.*

In the list of products heie given the term translated
“millet” IS mi~8hu (j^ ^) which Julien renders “millet
rouge”, the same rendeiing being given for the one character
mi in the next page. Instead of this charactei the D text
has in both places the word mei (or meh the name of
a kmd of millet “with reddish culms”. The texts may be
corrupt and Yuan-chuang may have written met (®) which,
we leaiTi fiom the “Yii-pien” was a synonym for Gii (^^) a
kind of panicled millet much cultivated in the north and
northwest of China. By “spnng wheat” (J^ ^) is meant the
wheat which is sown in autumn and npens m the follow-
ing spring. This spends the winter in the- ground; and in
this way it passes from one year mto the next, and hence
its distinctive name.

The sentence ‘Their wntmg is taken from that of India
with shght modifications, their garments are of fine and
coaise woollen etuffe’ ir~in the onginal w^n-tzu-cliil-tsi'
yin4i(rwei‘yti-t8tng-chUan‘fi(rsWi4ieli~ho ^ M

the A, B, and C texts. The J)

Hsin-chiang ch. 8; Timkowfka’e Travels VdL I, pp. 898, 410.
The artificial irrigation is mentioned in the T'ang Shu ch. 231.

SILK STUPFS AUD SERGE.

51

text has differences and it reads — ‘The miting is modeled
aftei that of India. Theie is little of silk stuffs, the dress
IS of felt and serge.’ Heie we have tseng-chuan
' ‘ silk stuffs ’ instead of the othei Mng-cJman meaning
‘addings to and takings fiom” oi “modifications”, and we
have chan “felt” oi “coaise woollen stuff” instead
of the Uch of tlie othei texts. All the texts, we see, agree
m the statement that the wiitmg of this country was taken
from that of India, and the Wei-Shu makes the same
statement If we aie to take the authoi as adding that
slight changes had been made in the Indian writing m
Yenk‘1 the infoimation may be regaided as conect
So also if the D text is genuine and we are to substitute
foi “thei e ai e slight modifications” the words “there ai e few
silks” we have a statement which is confirmed by othei
accounts The people of Yenk'i had the silkworms, but
they did not know how to make silk, and the only silk-
stuflfs they used weie imported So they did not wear silk,
and then dress was of woollen mateiial Julien tianslates
the foul words f u-shih-tieli-ho by “Les vetements sont faits
de coton ou de lame”. But the reading should piobably
be chan as rn tbe D text This leading ot chan instead
of ti^i IS supported by the epithet “Weaieis of felt and ,
sei ge’ which the Chinese apphed to the Hu and J ung in
contiast to themselves as “siilc-weaieis”. Then wn have
also the testimony of I-ching that the inhabitants of tbe
countries with which we aie concemed used mainly felt
and fui as clothing, and that they had Little cotton cloth
^ But even if we take tieli to be the reading
m the passage before us, it is at least doubtful whether it
should be translated beie by cotton. The woid did come to
be used as a name for cotton; and Yuan-chuang seems to
employ it, m otbei passages, to denote something like fine cotton
01 rnuslm. In 'liie T‘ang-Shu we find pat-h^ desciibed as
the name of a plant of Kao-ch‘ang from tbe flowers of
which a cloth was made, and m this treatise tieh is cotton
But on the other hand the word is explained in old
glossaries and dictionaries as- denoting a “cloth made of

5a

KA0-CH‘A2TQ- TO THE THOUSiLNH SPRINGS.

hair (or wool)”, and the formation of the chaiacter seems
to point to 'Such matenal. Then we find such expr^essions
a,s pai-chan-tieh, “white felt-cloth”, and tieh alone, mentioned
along with the hi^-pei or Kibat (Karpura) “cotton-cloth”
Jls different matenals. Moreover the modern equivalent
for tieh in Chinese books about the Mongols, Tibetans and
peoples of Turkestan is p^u-lu, which is the name of a
woollen fabric manufactured m the “w’^est countries ’ '
There is great confusion in the use of chan and Ueh (not
only in these Records, and the Life, but also in many other
works,) and we have often to make the Context decide
whether the author meant cotton or woollen

The king ofYenk'i whose character is bnefly desciibed in
the passage before us was Lung-T ukHcht (H ^ ;^) of

which Lung was the surname and T‘uk‘ichi (Dughitsi^) the
name. This prince secretly renounced his duty and allegiance
to China, and entered into an engagement with the West Turks
to harass China So the empeior T‘ai Toimg m 643 sent
an army to invade Yenk‘i and punish its perfidious ruler.
The latter was dethroned and taken nrisoner in 644, hut
in the course of a few years the Chinese found it necessaiy
to restore him to the throne.^

For the words — ‘The > country is without a political con-
stitution, its laws are not reduced to order’ the text is
Kuo ~wii -hang -chi fa-pu-cheng-sa (M
J uiien translates this — “Ce royaume ne poss^de point de code,
I’ordre et la paix se rnamtiennent sans le secours des lois.”
The latter clause of tlus sentence does not seem to be
possible as a rendering of the Chmese Moreover m the
term Kang-chi aie included not meiely a code, but also
the ethical and pohtical maxims which form the basis of
the political system, and give the state enactments their
sanction. Then Kang-chi comes to denote the general
pnnciples or essentials of goverment and the particular
rules or institutions of a State or Empue. Thence the

1 Nan-bai-cli‘i-kuei cli 2 Tu-pien 8 v. Tteh Sung Sfaib ch 489.

2 T^ung-clueii-kaiig-ma 1 c

ABANTA VIHAKA

53

term was extended to the constitution and laws of any system
political or rebgious and Yuan-chuaug, for example, uses it
withi reference to Buddliism As to Yenk‘i, the author
states, it had no fundamental statutes or national political
regulations, and it was also without any system of definite
laws in force among the people. This is a reproach which
we find brought against the Country also in the “Wei-Shu
which writes of it as “without a political system and laws

la

The pilgrim’s description proceeds—

“There are ebo\e ten Buddhist monasteries with above 2009
ecclesiastics of all degrees, all adherents of the Sarvaafcivadin
school of the “Small Vehicle” ojstem Since as to the sUtra
teachings and nnaya regulations they follow India, it is m its
literature that students of these subjects study them thoroughly.
They are very strict in the observance of the rules of their order
but in food they mix (take la a miscellaneous way) the thise
pure [kinds of flesh] embarrassed by the ‘gradual teaching’

One of the large monasteries m this country was that
known as the Aiauya-vihSra* here Dharmagupta lodged
in the year A. D. B85 when on his way to China The
Sarvastivadm school to which the Brethren in Yenk*! be-
longed was a branch from the ancient Sthavira school
It had its name from its assertion that aU ivere
real, viz past, present, future, and intermediate states. Its
adherents claimed to i epresent the original teaching of the
Master, as ifc was deli\ered, and as settled m Council by
the “Elders” (Sthaviras) who had heard it from hi& bps So
they considered themselves strictly orthodox, and they wore
zealous enthusiastic adherents of what they regarded as
the simple primitive religion. The Brethren in Yenk'i
followed the teachings of the Buddha as recorded in the
Indian scnptures of which they were dihgent students.

' The kanff of kang-chi is onginallv the large thick rope of a
fisheiman’s casting-net and the cht are the small cords of the same.
Then hang cht (or cht-hang) came to be applied to the established
controlling principles of government, the codified means of preserv-
ing order°m a state From this use the term came to be extended
to social institutions and to 8Vflii>m3 of religion and philosophy.

54

KAO*CH‘ANG TO THE THOUSAND SPEINOS

The next part of this paragraph has received bad treatment
at the hands of the translators. Juhen’s version of it
is — “Les rehgieux s’acquittent de leurs devoirs et observent
les regies de la discipline avec un purete severe et un
z^le pers4iverant. Us se nournssent de trois sortes d'ali-
ments purs, et s’attachent a la doctrine graduelle” The
words of the original are Chie-hsing-lu-i-chie-ch‘ing-chm-
h‘jan-shih-tsa-san-ching-chih-yu-chien-chiao -1

P M ^ ^ i'? rf T I'll ^)* It Is not easy to

conjecture why chie-lisinq sliould he here rendered “s’ac-
quittent de leurs devoirs”. The term is part of the clause
which tells us that the Brethren were careful observers
of the Vinaya commands to do and abstain from doing*
Then the translation leaves out the important wo^ds jan
meanmg “but” and tsa meanmg “to mix”, and it renders
clnh’-yu, “to stick in” or “be detained in” by “s’attachent
surtout k”. Then Julien did not know what was meant by
the “trois sortes d’aliments purs”, so he gives us in a note
an account of certain five “ahments purs” derived fiom
another treatise. "What the pilgrim tells us here is plain
and simple. The Buddhist Brethren in the monasteries
of Yenk‘i were pure and strict in keeping all the laws
and regulations of their order according to theii own
Vinaya. But in food they took, along with what was
orthodox, the three kmds of pure flesh, being still held in
the “gradual teaching”. The student will be helped in
understanding this passage if he turns to the account of
the next country, Kucbih, and to the pilgrim’s experience
in that country as set forth in the Life, and to the account
of tne Swan Monastery in CJman IX of the Records (Juhen
in. p. dO) and Chuan m of the Life (ib. L p. 162).

The explanation of the sari’Clung or “three pure kmds
of flesh” is briefly as follows. Li the time of Buddha
there was m Vai^ali a wealthy general named Siha who
was a convert to Buddhism. He became a liberal supporter
of the Brethren and kept them constantly supplied with
good flesh food. When it was noised abroad that the
bhikshus were in the habit of eating such food specially

THE EATINO OF MEAT.

65

provided for them the Tirthikas made the practice a
matter of angry reproach. Then the abstemious ascetic
Brethren, learning this, reported the circumstances to the
Master, who thereupon called the Brethren together. When
they were assembled, he announced to them the law that
they were not to eat the flesh of any animal which they
had seen put to death for titiem, or about which they had
been told that it had been killed for them, or about which
they had reason to suspect that it had been slain for them.
But he peiraitted to the Brethren as “pure” (that is, lawful)
food the flesh of animals the slaughter ot which had not
been seen by the bhikshus, not heard of by them, and not
suspected by them to have been on their account. In
the Pall and Ssii-fen Ymaya it was after a bieakfast given
by Siha to the Buddha and some of the Biethien, for
which the carcase of a laige ox was piocured, that the
Niigianthas reviled the bhikshus and Buddha instituted
this new lule declaimg fish and flesh “puie” m the three
conditions 2 The aninial food now permitted to the bhikshus
came to be knovvTi as the “thiee pures” or “three pure
kinds of flesh”, and it was tersely descnbed as “unseen,
unheard, unsuspected”, 01 as the Chinese translations
sometimes have it “not seen not heaid not suspected to
be on my account ^ 53 ^ M ^

more kinds of animal food weie declared lawful foi the
Bretlnen, viz the flesh of animals which had died a natural
death, and that of animals which had been killed by a
bird of piey or other savage creature So there came to
be five classes 01 descnptions of flesh which the piofessed
Buddhist was at libei'ty to use as food 3 Then the “unseen,
uuheaid, unsuspected” came to be treated as one class,
and this together with the “natural death and

* Shih-suDg-ln c7i 26 (No 1116) Seng-ki-lu ch 32 (No 1119)

2 Vin Mah V 31 Sau-fen-lu 42 (No 1117).

3 Shou-leng-yen-chJiig'hui-chie c/i 12 (Nos 446 and 1624) Lung-

sbu-chiDg-t'a-wen ^ ^ j^) ch 9 The number of kinds

of “purp flesh” was afterwards increased to nine, these five being
■■ncluded

66

KAO-CHANG TO THE THOUSAITD SPRINGS.

‘^bird MUed (,^ made a satnihing. It is evidently m
this latter sense that the term is used in these itecords.

Then we have the “gradual teaching^’ which to Yuan-
chuang's mind was mtiinately connected with the heresy of
sanctioning fiesh-food. Here we have a reference to an old
division of the Buddha^s personal teachings into “gradual
(or progressive)”, c^ien and “instantaneous”, tun
Of these the former, according to the MahaySnists, con-
tained ^ those scriptures which gave the Buddha’s eaily
teaching, and also the rules and regulatioiis which formed
the Yinaya. The Buddha suited his sermons and precepts
to the moral and spiritual attainments and lequirements
of his audience. Those who were low in the scale he led
on gradnally by the setting forth of simple truths, by
parable and lesson, and by mild lestrictions as to life and
conduct. At a later period of his ministry he taught
higher truths, and inculcated a stricter purity and more
thorough self-deniaL Thus in the matter of flesh-food he
sanctioned the use of it as an ordinary aiticle of food by
bia own example and implied permission. Afterwards when
he found that some of his disciples gave offence by b egg-
ing for beef and mutton, and asking to have animals fcdied
for them, and eating as daily food flesh which should only
be taken in exceptional circumstances he introduced
restrictions and prohibitions. But the “Instantaneous
Teaching”, which took no note of circumstances and en-
vironments, revealed subhme spiritual truths to be com-
prehended and accepted at once by higher minds, taught
for these a morality absolute and umversal, and instituted
rules for hie professed disciples to be of eternal, imchang-
ing obligation.

The “Gradual Teaching” is piactically coextensive
with the Hinayana system, and tbs Buddha desenbes
his teaching and Yinaya as gradual, growing and de-
velopmg like the mango fruit accoiding to some

1 Htia*yen-yi-slieng'Chiao-yI-fi5n-chi-chaii0 (No 1591') Siu-cbiao-
yi (No. 1B69) In the Chuiig-o-han-ching (No. 542) ch 9 Buddha’s
dbannar end rinayo are described an praduaL

THE EATIKt} OF MEAT.

67

scriptures The “Instantaneous Teaching” is the Mahayana
system as found in those scnptui es of the Buddhists which
are outside of the Hlnayanist Tiipifaba^ This distinction,
derived fioro a passage in the Lankavatara sutia,i8 ascribed to
Dhai mapala {Hu-fa ^ The Nirvana sutias are quoted
as specimens of the Gradual Teacbmg and the Avatamsaka
siiLas are given as examples of the Tim-clnao or “Instan-
taneous Teaching”.

Oui pilgrim being an adherent of the Mahayanist
system refused to admit the vahdity of the “three-fold
pure” flesh-food indulgence which the excellent Bjiiayanist
B>ethren of Yenk*! followed. The Buddhist Scriptuies
to which Yuan-chuang adheied piohibat absolutely the
use of flesh of any kind as food by the “sons of Buddha” *
This piohibition is based on the giOunds of umveisal com-
passion and the doctnne of kanna Mahaj’^anism teaches
that the eating of an animaVs flesh retaids tlie sjuritual
growtli of the Brothei who eats it, and entails evil con-
sequences in futuie existences. Some Mahayanists were
stnct in abstaimng, not only fioiu all kinds of flesh food,
but also fiom milk and its pioducts In this they
agieed, as we shall see, with the sectarians who were
followeis of Devadatta. Tliere have also, howevei, been
Mahayanists who allowed the use of animal food ot certain
kinds, and we find wild geese, calves, and deer called
san-ching-shli or “Three pine (lawful) articles of food” It
was a common occurrence foi a ElnaySnist to be con-
verted and “ad\ance” to Mahayanisni, hut the Yenk'i
Biethren weic still detained oi embairashcd m the “Gradual
I’eaching” of the Hinayilna. The woid lor detained is
chih which means to he fietted or delated, as astieain
by an obstacle in its couise Then it denotes the mental
suspense caused hy doubts and ddhculties, and the check
given by these to spiritual pi ogi ess, it is often associated
with the word lor doubt

• F.'in-wnng-clung: cJi 2 (No J087) Tn-pan-uie ji an-ching ch 4
(No. 114) Ju-Jeng-ka-tbnig ch 6 {No. 176) Sbou-leng-jen-chjng-
hni-cbie I c.

68

KAO-CH‘ANG TO THE THOUSAND SPEINGS.

Kuchih.

The pilgnm now goes on to tell us that from Yenk'i he went
south-west above 200 crossed a hill and two large rivers west
to a plam, and after travelLng above 700 h from that ho came to
the Ku‘Ch%h country. This country was above 1000 h from east
to west and 600 li 'rom north to south its capital being 17 or
18 h m pircmt.

According to tUe account in the Life the pilgrim passed
only one large river in the journey from Yenk'i to Kuchih.
In other w'orks the distance between these two places is
somewhat greater, and the area of the capital of Kuchih
IS much less than in our text.

The Chinese annotator here tells us that the old name
of Ku-chih (Jg was Ku-tse ^), as we are told to
pronounce these characteis. This is not only the old name
but also the only one by which the country was knowm to
the Chinese until a comparatively modem time.^ A San-
sla'it-Chinese Vocabulary gives Kuchina ({& as its

Sanskiit designation; but the woid does not seem to be
otherwise known. There are various ti’anscriptions of the
sound Ku-tse, but Wu-k‘ung tells us that Ku-chih is the
correct form of the name.2 The modem Chinese official'
name of the district and its capital is J^), the

Kuchah and Kocha of our maps. This term is explained
as meaning the ‘‘Diy well of K'u”, but the etymology
cannot be accepted.^ In modern Tibetan books the name
IS given as Kbu-chhu or Khu-the. Tlus country was
Imown to the Chinese from the early Han time, and in

1 An old variety of the name is Kncha 3^1 As Goez calls
the country Cveta the modern official name wa^" apparently m use
before the Manchu conquest of China (See Yule’s Cathay p 673}
JIu-tsang (jifj which, as sometimes identified with Kutse was the
name of an old district in what is now the Province of Eaneu

2 The first syllable is found written also E* and and the
second syllable is sometimes ^ See Shih-li-ching, and J A T YT.
p 303 and note

3 Hsin-chiang ch 3. Here it is stated that the country got its
name from the “dry wells” in it

KU-CHTH.

59

A D. 435 it "became a vassal to China,^ The old Kutse
embraced, not only the district now called K*u*ch‘e, but
also that of the present Sairam and other territory. It
was an ancient state, and its extent ■\aried at different
periods In a translation of a Buddhist book we find it
mentioned as one of the parts of his great empire which
Asoka proposed to give over to his son Kunala.-^- The
capital of Kutse was at one time (in the 1‘'‘ cent A. D )
the Yen (5g) city, and afterwards it was Yi-lo-lu ^ ^

In the Yuan period it was a constituent part of the Bish-
balik territory, and it was also called I-li-pa-h or H-bahk <
We 'find it desctibed as being 200 or 170 li south of the
Ak-tagh or White Mountains which emitted fire and smokp
and yielded sal-ammoniac ^

This country, the pilgrim continues, yielded millet, wheat, nee,
grapes, pomegranates, and plenty of pears, plums, peaches, and
apricots. It produced also gold, copper, iron, lead, and tin its
chmate was temperate and tho people bad honest ways their
wntmg was taken from that of India hut had been much altered,
they had great skill with wind- and stnnged-mnaical instrumenta;
they drpssed in variegated woollen cloth, cut their hair short,
wore turbans, used coins of gold and silver and small copper
ones, and they flattened the heads of their babies Their king
■was a Kuchih man, he had few intellectual fesources, and was
under the sway of powerful statesmen.

The word here rendered “millet” is the mi (^) of the
previous section. But instead of this character the C text
has ma (IfiS), “hemp”, and the D text has mei as before.
The word Jmng (^) here rendered by “apricots” is trans-
lated “almonds” by Julien although m his “Documents (Jeo-
graphiques” he has given the correct rendering “abneots”.
The skill of the Kuchih people in music is mentioned by

1 T'ung-chien-kang-mu ch, 26 (Sung Wen Huang Ti Tuan-chia
12th year.

3 A-yli-wang-hoi-huai-mu-yin-yuan-ching (No. 1887)

* Ch'ien Han Shu ch. 96 Wei-Shn ch 102 • Ma T. 1 ch. 886 It
was in the T'ang period that the capital was Yi-lo-iu

* Li-toi-yen-ko-piao, 1. c. T‘ung-chien-kang-mu. ch 26

* Sui Shu ch. 88 Ta-ch‘ing'-yi-t'ung-chih ch 351 Sei alec Tm-
kowski’s Voyage Voh I. p. 898.

60

KA.O-CHAKG TO THE THOITSANI) SPRINGS.

other -writers, and their music and musical instruments
became well kno-ma to the Chinese. So also the -woollen
cloths and good rugs of this country were known to the
Chinese before the time of our pilgrim, as were also its
iron and copper products. We learn also that its king
had a golden ^throne, and wore a magnificent -turban with
a long streamer hanging down behind. The reigning sover-
eign at the time of Yuan-chuang^s -visit had the surname
Pai (g^) and was a lineal descendant of the man whom
Lfi kuang (g had put on the throne more than 200 years
before Yuan-chuang’s time. This king showed his want of
political -wisdom in renouncing Chinese suzerainty in favour
of an aUiance with the Turks, who in A. D, 648 invaded
his country and took him prisoner.

The pilgrim’s descnpbon proceeds to relate that there -were
in this country more than 100 Buddhist monastenes with above
5000 Brethren who were adherents of the Sarvastivadin branch
of the “Little Vehicle” and studied the hooks of their religion
in the language of India These Brethren also were held in the
“gradual teaching”, and took along with other food the “tnree
pore” kinds of flesh, bat they were extremely punctilous in ob-
serving the rules of their code of discipline.

As we lesm from other sources the people of this coun-
try were good Buddhists, and the number of Buddhist
images and buildings throughout the land was very great. 2
Our pilgrim passed more than one monastery m it on his
way to the capital, and he spent his first night there with
the Kao-ch‘ang Brethren in their monastery. That the
lay people, or at least the king, kept the vows of lay
disciples we may infer from the Life's account of the
king’s breakfast to the pilgrim. It is specially mentioned
that among the food served at this entertainment were the
“three pure” kinds of meat; Yuan-chuang partook of the
rest of the food but declined these, explainmg that although
they were allowed by the “gradual teaching” they were for-

‘ Wei Shu, 1 c. Sui flhu I C, T'ang-chien-kang-mu ch. 40.

3 Fang-chih ch. 1 Ohm (^) Shu ch 97 Tankh-i-Bashid by
BJias and Boss p. 124 note

KING GOLD-ELOWEE.

61

bidden by the “Great Vehicle” of which he was an ad-
herent. The Brethren who were all HJnayanisfs, gave the
pilgrim m their several monasteries as hght refreshment
grape-syrup which was a strictly orthodox beverage for
all. Ku-chih had long been converted to Buddhism but
it had not always been HlnaySnist as we read of one of
its former kings being a devoted Mahziyinist.

The pUgnm’B description proceeds to relate that in the eastern
part of Kuchih was a large Pragon-Tank in front of a Deva-
Temple to the north of a city. The dragons of this tank changed
themselves into horses and then coupled with mares the offspring
of this union was a fierce intractable breed, but the next gene-
ration formed fine horses patient of harness, and of these there
were very many Local tradition told of a king ni recent limes
named Gold-Flower who by his regal ordinances and judicial
impartiality' moved the dragons to become his vehicles, and when
he wanted to die he toucued tlje dtasron’s ears with a whip,
whereupon he sank out of sight with them to tho present -tune
There were no wells in the city and the people drew water from
tho Tank the dragons now changed themselves into men and
had intercourse with the women the offspnng of this union
became darmg and fleet as horses, and all the inhabitants gra-
dually came to have a mixture of the dragon m them, Lrnoting
to iheir might they made themselves feared, and came to slight
the king’s commands, whereupon the king brought m the Turks
who slew all tho living creatures in the city, and this was nov/
a jungle without numan inhabitants

This mterpretation of the stoiy about king Gold Plower
differs from the transiation of the passage given by Juben
which does not seem to be correct. It reads — ‘Le toi
montrait, dans ses lois, une rare penetration. 11 sui toucher
les dragons et les atteler a son char Qnaud il voulait
86 rendre invisible, il frappait leurs oreiUes avec son fouet
et disparaissait suhitement Bepais cette epoque, jusqu'.a
ce jour, la viUe ne possede point de pints, de so/ie que
les habitants vont prendre dans le lac Peau dont ila out
besom ” By a comparison of this with the original ^ we

1 The original of the passage quoted from JnUen iB — ^ji qij ^

62

KAO-CH‘ANGr TO THE THOHSAND SPBINGS

see that Julien did not notice that it was the secret influence
of the king’s wise and impartial government which moved
the dragons to become his vehicles, and Kan-linig-yii-sheng
cannot be made to mean “B sut toucher les dragons et
les atteler a son char ” Then “se rendre imisible” is not
right for chung-me which means “to die”; the word yin,
“hereupon” is omitted, and the words yi-chi-yu~chin, “down
to the present” are divorced from their proper connection.
This version also makes the author state that the inhabi-
tants still “vont prendre’* water and yet a few lines after
w^e learn that the city was utterly uninhabited.

Oar narrative proceeds to relate that above forty h north of
the depopulated city at the slopes of the hills, and separated by
a river, were tv70 monasteries which bore the common name ChaO'
hitrli distinguished respectively as Eastern and 'Western The
images of the Buddha in these monasteries were beautiful almost
beyond human slciU, and the Brethren were punctilious in dis-
cipline and devoted enthusiasts In the Buddha-Hall of the
East Cha(hhu-li monastery was a slab of Jade-stone above two
feet wide, of a pale yellow colour, and hke a clam, and on it
was an impress of Buddha’s foot, this was one foot eight inches
long b\ above eight (in the D text, six) inches wide, and on
fast days it sent forth o brilliant light

The Chao-huAi (Bg or BIS of this pasragfe is appa-

rently a foreign, perhaps an Indian word, but we have no
hint as to its meaning. In other works we read of a
great C1no~li Buddhist monastery in this ‘ country, but we
also find Chw-h Buddhist buildings m other places. This
Chio-li IS perhaps another form of the word tianscnbed
Chao-hu-li, although I-chmg tells us it is Chinese.^ As
a Chinese term transcribed ^ ^ Chio-h would mean
“small birds such as sparrows and finches”, but it is also
written Chio-U ( | and this seems to be a foreign
word Our pilgrim’s Ohao-hu4i and the Ckio-h of other
writers may perhaps represent the Indian word Chun
which denotes a small bird like the sparrow. But the
tope at the place where the brahmin carrying a spanow

1 Shm-ching-chu Eao-seng-chuan c7i 2 (l^o 1490)

2 Sbih-li-chmg and .1 A T VI p. 36 )

ASCHAEYA VIHAEA.

63

interrogated the Buddha is the 'only one of the Buddhist
buildings called Chio-l to which this interpretation can
he applied with any probability Another suggestion is
that Cho-Vi and Chao-hu-li may be the foreign term re-
piesented by the common transcription CTiu-h
which means motley or particoloured, of mixed bnght and
dark colours. This interpretation would evidently suit
some, and perhaps would apply to all of the buildings to
which the terms in question are applied.

Outside of tlie west gate of the capital, the narrative relates,
were two standing images of the Buddha, above ninetj feet high,
one on each side of the highway These images marked the
place where the great quinquennial Buddhist assemblies were
lield, and at which the annual autumn religious meetings of clergy
and laity otcurred The latter meetings lasted for some tens of
days, and were attended by ecclesiastics from all parts of the
country While these com ocations were sitting the king and all
his subjects made hohday, abstaming from work, keeping fast,
and heanng rehgious discourses. All the monastenes made pro-
cessions with their images of Buddha, adommg these with pearls
and Bilk embroideries The images were home on vehicles and
begmmng with a thousand, they became a great multitude at the
place of meeting North-west from this place of assembly and
on the other side of a river was the A-she-h-yi ((^ ^ SI
or 5£) Monastery This had spacious halls .and artistic images
of the Buddha its Brethren were grave seniors of long per-
severance in seeking for moral perfection and of greai learning
and intellectual abihlies the monastery wac a place of resort
for men of eminence from distant lands who were hospitably
entertained by the kmg and officials and people The pilgrim
then gives the curious legend about the origin of the monastery

"We know from the Life that our pilgrim’s account of
the Buddhist piocession of images here was derived from
his own expel lence as he leached the country in time to
witness one of these processions The native annotator
explams the A-slie-h-yi here by “marvellous” and it is
evidently a transcription of the Sanskrit word dscharya,
meamng a marvel or miracle.^ According to the legend

1 The character here read t/i is ^ andJubentranshterates ^nt,
but the old and correct sound of the charaoter is yt, and m the Life

64

KAO-CH‘AKG TO THE THOUHAND STRINGS.

1 elated by the pilgi'im the monasteiy was erected by a
king to commemorate the miracle which was wrought on
his puie and noble-minded brother. One of its chief
monks at this time, we leani fiom the Life, was the
Brother known in religion by the name Mokshagnpta, a
Hlnayanist who had studied above twenty yeais in India,
and had acquired a great reputation m Kucbih, especially
for his knowledge of the . commentaries and etymology.
When Yuan-chuang arrived Mokshagiipta treatedhira merely
with the ordinal y courtesy due to any guest, but when the
pilgrim exposed the ignorance of his host the latter came
to treat him as his master in rehgion. This monastery
IS mentioned in Wu-k'img’s itmeiar}-^ by the name A-she-
li-yi. It is also perhaps the Wang-Ssii or Eoyal VihSra
of other wnters, and we find Dharmagupta lodged m the
Royal Vihara about A. D. 585 while he stayed m this country.
The Muacle Monasteiy, Yuan-chuang tells us, diew learned
Brethien from distant places to it, and it seems that
these men came chiefly to study the Yinaya. Ope of these
great students was Yimalsksha, popularly known as the
“Dark-eyed Vinaya-Master”, a contemporaiy ofKnmarajlva.2

POH-LH-KA

Our pilgrim continuing his narrative tells us that

from tills (viz JCuchih city) a journey of above 600 li west across
a small desert brought him to the Poh-lu-Jca country. This was
above 600 h from east to west by more than 300 h from north
to south, and its capital was five or six h in circiut. In general
characteristics this country and its people resembled Euchih and
its people, but the spoken language differed a little. The fine
cloth and serge of the district were esteemed by the neighbouring
countries There were some some tens of monastenes with above
1000 Brethren all adherents of the Sarvastivadin school.

A Chmese note to our text teUs us that old names
for Fok-lu-lca were At -mg and Ku-me m some

we have instead of this character another also read yt, viz "Wn-
k'ung’s transcription of the name is PjiJ' ^

1 Su-kao-seng-chuan ch. 2 (Np. 1493).

2 K‘ai-yaan-lu ch, 3 (No 1486).

BAliUEA (the bakes).

65

copies by mistake). This Ku-me is foimd in the Han-
Shu and is subsequent histories as the name of a state to
the west of Kuchih. It had a capital called ITan-ch'eng
or “Soutli city”, and it yielded copper, iron, and Orpunent >
M. y. de St. Martm makes Ku-m6 or Poh-lu-ka correspond
to the modem district of Aksu and this identification has
been adopted by others. Some Chmese writers identify it
with the modern Bai city (^ |^), while others more cor-
rectly regard it as represented by the present Yurgim or
Khara-yuigun ^ ^ zg), the Karayalghan or Khara-

yurgim of our maps, which is within the pohtical distnct
of Aksu. 2 It seems that Yuan chuang was the first to
use this name Poh-lu-ka, and it is known only through
these Records and the Life, for the “T'ang-Shu” evidentiy
derived its information direct from the Records.'' The
explanation of its use is apparently simple. The Ku-me
of the Histones transcribes the Turkish word Xnm (or
Qum) which means “sand” oi “a desert”, a word of frequent
occurrence in names -^f places in .Central Asia. Then the
Buddhist Brethren from India substituted for Kum its
Sanskrit equivalent Baluka which m our pilgrim’s transcnp-
tion became Poh-lu-ka.

The word translated in the above passage by “cloth” is
twli m the B text and dian or “felt” in the C and D texts
The latter m the sense of “woollen cloth” is probably here,
as in other passages, the correct readmg, and it was the
readmg m the text of the Record used by the compiler of the
T‘ang-Shu” It was the fine woollen fabnes of this district
which were held m esteem by the surrounding countries.

, 1 Ch'ien Han-Shu, ch. 96 Wei-Shn, ch 102 where Ku-ni§ is a
dependency of Ku-tae.

2 Hsxn-ch‘iang, ch. 1, 3 According to this treatise the “small
desert” is the modem Ch'a-h-h-chxh-ko, the Gharchik of oar maps
See Proceedings of S. G. S "VoL l^I I, No. 2, p 86

3 T‘ang-Shu, ch 221 But the P'o-In-ka ^ or BsJuka of
the Ta-fang-tSng-ta-chi-chmg ch 65 (No 62) is eyidently the Baluka
of our text

B

66

THE ICE MOUNTAIN AND CLEAE LAKE.

The pilgrim goes on to relate that

going north-west from Poh-lu-ka above 800 It passing along (or
crossing) a stony desert he camo to the lAng'Shan (Ice Moun-
tain) This was the north beginning of the Ts'ung-Ling and
most of the streams from it flowed east. The gorges of the
mountain accumulated snow and retained their coldness spnng
and summer, and although there was the periodical melting the
freezing set m immediately, the path was dangerous, cold windn
blew fiercely. There were many troubles from savage dragons
who molested travellers those going by this road could not wear
red clothes or carry calabashes or moke a loud noise, a shght
provocation caused immediate disaster, fierce winds burst forth
and there were flying sand .and showers of stones, those who
encountered these died, life could not be saved. A journey of
over 400 It brought the pilgrim to a great clear lake above
1000 h in circuit, longer from east to west than from north to
south. The lake had hills on all sides and was the meeting-place
for vanous streams, its waters were of a deep azure hue and
had a sharp brackish taste, it was a vast expanse with tumul-
tuous billows Pish and dragons hved in it pell-mell, s^nd super-
natural prodigies appeared in it occasionally So travellers
prayed for good luck, and although fish abounded no one would
venture to catch them

Erom the Life we learn that Ynan-chizang was seven
days in crossing the Ice Mountain, and from the Eang-
chih we learn that he travelled m a western direction
across it. The term which he uses for the Ire Mountain
is lAng-shan ilj), Img bemg the classical word for
“ice”. The modem Chinese name is Ptng^sJim with the
samemeamng, the Turkish designation being Musur-dabghan.
According to the Life the mountam was high as the
heavens and covered with eternal snow, and the Pass was
extremely difficult and hazardous on account of its blocks
of ice and masses of rock. Our pilgrim’s Lmg-shan re-,
garded as a Pass has been identified with the present
Muzart or Ice-Pass, and there is much in favour of this
identification although there are also difficulties in the
way of its acceptance. Thus our pilgrim says he went
jiorth-west from the Kum or Kharayurgun district, but

WAUXL LAKE OE lEON LAKE.

67

the Muzart is due north of that. M. St. Martin, accord-
ingly, has to change the direction of the pflgnm^s route
and he tells us that “flionen-thsang, en qmttant Po-lou-kia
(Aksou), se porte au nord vers de grandes montagnes, qui
forment, dit-il, Tangle (Textr^mitS) septentnonale des monts
Tsong-ling.” i Some Chmese writers on the subject also
describe the great mountain range south of Ili as the
north “comer” (or “begiiumig”) of the Ts‘img-Lmg. But
the’Musur-dabghan is said to belong to a different range,
not to the Ts‘ung-Lmg. The Muzart was and perhaps
still is used by the traders passing between Kulja (lb)
and the districts of Kashgar, Yarkhand, and Edioten-2
It is still very difficult and hazardous to cross the Muzart
from the south side, aud the tradmg caravans go from
Kasiigar to Kulja by other Passes, and take this one only
on the return journey. Moreover our pilgrim’s account of
his journey over the Ling-shan Pass agrees well with the
descriptions we have of the Muzart.- But the Pass by
which he crossed the great mountain may have been the
Bedal, or one between that and the Muzaii;, or he may
have gone north to the last and then in s. westerly direc-
tion over the monntam to the “great clear lake”.

A note to the text here tells us that this lake was the Hot
Sea (pfc and Salt Sea of others It is the Issik-

kiil or Hot Lake of the Turkic-speaking people and the
Temurtu-nor or Ferruginous Lake of the Mongols. It is
explained that the water of the Lake is not actually hot,
but that the Lake was called “Hot Sea” because although
girt by snow-clad mountains its waters never froze. It
was called Temurtu-nor on accoupt of the abundant pre-
sence of flakes of iron brought down by the tributary
streams 3

1 Julien HI p 266

2 Hem-cli'iaijg, cJiB 1 3. 4

* See ReclnB L’Asie-Russe p 350 Proc® E. Q S. VoL XYIH,
p 249 Hsm-ch'iang, chs 1 4 T'ung-chien-kang-ina, ch Sven
Hedin’s Through Asia, Vol EE, p 858 Description of Issik Kol m
Schuyler’s Turkestan, Vol II, p 128

E*

68

LAKE I6SIK-KUL.

It will be noticed tliat the information winch onr pilgrim
gives about this “great clear lake” is such as might have
been acquired without a personal visit. Comparing the
combined accounts of the Becords and the Life with the
descriptions given by later travellers, we are perhaps
justified in at least doubting whether the pilgrim actually
reached ,the Issik-kftl, Other travellers, Chinese and
western, agree in describing this lake as being actually
hot, at least near the banks, the only parts accessible
until lately. No mention, however, is made either in the
Becords or the Life of the nature of the banks, of the
tribes who lived on them, or of the vestiges of a former
state of affairs. In connection with the statement that no
one dared to fish in the lake we may recall the fact that
the Syrians forbade any interference with the large tame
fish in the nver Chalos, regarding the fish as divine.*
Our pilgrim was evidently told that the Lake was the
abode of mysterious powerful supematural beings easily
excited and supposed to be malevolent. It was by these
creatures that the waters, even when there was no wind,
were agitated, and monstrous billows put in motion. Through
fear of these unseen bemgs also, apparently, the people
of the distnct did not dare to fish in the Lake.

Yuan-chuang here makes the Issik-klil to be above
1000 li in circuit, and the Life makes it 1400 or 1600 li
in circuit, but some other Chinese authorities represent it
as only a few hundi'ed U m circuit.

The pilgrim goes on the relate that

[from] IflBik-kul going north-west he traveled above 600 h to
the city of the SusJie water which was six or seven h in circuit.
It was inhabited by traders and Tartars (Hu) from various
districts, tbe country yielded millet, wheat, grapes, but trees
were sparse, its climate was regular and its winds cold; the
people wore woollen (felt and serge) clothing. To the west of
Sti-she were some tens of isolat^ cities each with its own
governor but all under tbe rule of the Turks.

* Xenophon Anab. A. lY. 9

0]B StJSA#

69

The translators seem to have nnderstood the fiist words

of the text of this passage as meaning that the pilgnm

following the north side of Issik-ktll went north-wost 600 h

from it. But the Life gives the direction as “north-west

following the Lake”. Then Ma Tuan-lin, whose inspiration

was domed from the Becoids, does not mention the “Clear

lake” and places the “Su-she water City” 500 h north-west

from fhe Lmg-shan ^ It seems to me that we must regard

the pilgnm as coming out from the Ice Mountain on the

south side of the Lake and going on keeping the Lake

on his right hand travelling north-west 500 h to the city

of the Su'She water. The name of this “water” or nver

is wntten ^ ^ but we are told that the second chaiaeter

is to he read she and nOt ye, and Jnlien corrected his “Su-

ye” to “Su-che”, that is Sushe or Susa. We do not seem

to know of this city, at least hy this name, except through

our pilgnm’& narramve, although we frad mention of another

Stirshe nver. We read in the history of the T'ang dynasty

of a city to the east of the Sot Lake called Sm-ye (or

-she) and this is taken hy Dr. Bretschneider and

others, Chinese included, to he the Sushe of the present

passage.^ But this Sui-she city did not come mto existence

until A. D 679 when it was built hy the Chinese.'’ The

expression used is chu-Sui-she-ch‘eng ^ ^ “build

the Sm-she city, but the words nave been taken to mean

that the Chmese built a fort at Sm-she This city was

apparently substituted for Yenk'i as one of the Four

Stations imSer the Chief Resident of An-hsi we have

\

mention of it being restored to that position in the year
A. D. 692, and m 748 it was destioyed. The T‘ang-Shu
mentions the Sui-she valley (jlj), 80 li from the mouth of
which was the city of General P‘ei Lo (H ^), and 40 h
west from it was the Sui-she city; on the north of this
was the nver with the same name, and 40 U north of it

‘ Ch 38^

i Med Bes Vol i. p. 227.

* T'ung'chien-kang-unn, ch. 41 (T'ang Kao Tsnng Tioo-.h 1** jee.T),

70

BUSHB OE OWAB.

was the Ku-tan hill, the spot at which the BIhans

of the Ten surnames were crowned*^ This city seems to
have disappeared ever since the T‘ang period. Its remains
are supposed by some to exist at a place on the north
side of the Issik-kfil, but this does not suit the position
of the city with reference to the Lake. The Su-she for
our text was apparently situated to the west of Issik-kfil,
south of Tokmak, and not very far to the north-west of
the Son-ktil. Modern Chinese maps place in that neigh-
bourhood a river called Su-sorim-erh ^ 3^ M), that is
perhaps, “Susa water”. In some of our maps this river
appears as “Susamir’^ a name also given to a range of
mountains in the neighbourhood. In some old maps of
the Persian empire at the height of its greatness we find
to the north of Samarkand a town called “Teras” and
north-east from it a river “Sosechi”. Further it is to be
observed that some Chinese geographers understand Sin-
sheshui, to be an old name for the Issik-kiiL^ At the
time of our pilgrim’s visit the Su-she river and its city
had been a part of the great Persian empire; and we may
with some probability take the name Su-she to be for Spsa,
transferred from the old Susa “by Choaspes^ amber stream^
the drink of none but kings”. Professor Hirth, who con-
siders the Su-she of our text to be the Sui-she of the
T‘ang History, restores the name Sui-she as Suj-ab.3 He
writes Su-ye and Sm-ye, and if the latter term is regarded
as a Chmese name his transcription of the characters may
be correct. But the former is a foreign word read Su-
she, and our pilgrim^s Su-she-shm may possibly correspond
to the Suj-ah of Tabari quoted by Dr. Hirth.

1 Ch. 43. The “General Pei Lo” of this passage is perhaps the
civa official Pei Hmg-chien who caused a general to build

the city.

i Hsm-ch'iang, ch 1 where the expression in Sui-akeh-chuGn (/Ij)
5 Naohworte z. Insohrift d. Tonjukuk S 71 and of. S. 7B. 76. (Die
Alt-TfirkiBohen Inschnften d. Mongolen, Radloff)

71

SU-LI

The pilgnm adds —

Prom the city of the Su-she water to the Kasanna country the
temtory and its inhabitants are called Sii-li. This name is
applied also to the language and the writing of the people. The
letters of their language are only 20 (in the B text 30) odd
which have come to produce a vast vocabulary they read their
wnting veiiically teacher transmits instruction to his successor
in unbroken continuity Their garments, which are tight-fittmg,
are felt (m B tieJi) and serge for inside and skms and wool (or
Cotton heh) outside They cut the hair even leavmg the top of
the head exposed, some shave off all the hair, and thej bind the
forehead with a silk band. They are of large stature but of a
cowardly disposition they are treacherous and deceitful in their
ways and lery avaricious. Father and son scheme for gam
wealth gives emmence there is no distinction between the well-
born and the low-bom one who is extremely nch may Ine on
poor food and wear coarse clothing. The people are half-and-
half traders and farmers

The country and people here called Su-U %) are
apparently almost unknown, at least by this name. I-cbing
several times mentions a region and people which he calls
Surli Ci^ and this word is probably the Sn-h of our
passage But whereas Yuan-chuang restncts his name
to a small defined district, I-ching seems to use his Su-h
as a general name for the northern eztra-India people
called Hu or at least for a main division of the Hu^
So also m his Sansknt-Ghmese Yocabulary I-chiug givea
Sail transciibed Su-U ac the Sanskrit equivalent for Hu:
the ti anscription for Sail is generally Su-h but m one
place it IS, perhaps by mistake, Sunlin. As to what Sail
or Su-h means we seem to be left m ignorance. Albenmi
mentions a country Sulika which he places in the noidh,
and .another Suhka which he puts in the north-west, hut
the lattei name, which is taken from the Brihat-Samhita

1 Nan-bai-cb'i-kuei Chs 9, 10, 26, and Takakusu pp. 49 68,

69, 119

72

THE TEOUSAHD STBINGS,

should perhaps be read Mhlika.^ It seems probable that
the Su-li of our pilgrim corresponds to the “SSrts” of
later times. This is a term applied, we are told, bj: the
nomads of Central Asia to all dwellers in towns and vil-
lages without regard to race or origin. But, according
to M. de XJjfalvy, the Tajiks are not counted as Sarts.
These Tajiks, it is important to remember, are Iranians
(Eranians) of thi-ee kinds, (1) mdigenous Iram’ans, (2) Per-
sian colonists, and (3) the descendants of -Persian slaves.
It IS interesting to compare M. de TJjfalvy’s “Carte efchno-
graphique de I’Asie centrale” Wzth Yuan-chnang’s narratiYe
and the descnption of the Su-H with that of the Sarts.^
Bnt although the descriptions may correspond it does not
seem right to regard Su-li as a transcription of Sart
Like another word to he noticed hereafter it may stand
for the Turkic Suliq in the sense of “having water”, a
term which seems to he very appropriate to at least a
portion of the Su-h region but not to all. We should
probably regard the pilgrim’s statement that the country
was called Su-li as a mistake and the name should perhaps
be regarded as applying only to the inhabitants and their
language.

THOUSAND SPRINGS.

Betunung to the text of our Records we read that a journey
of above 400 h westward from “Su-she city” brought the pflgrini
to the “Thousand Springs”. The distnct with this name was
above 200 h square, it had Snowy mountains on its south side
and level land on the other sides , it had a rich mouldy soil and
trees everywhere, in the latter part of spring the place was an
embroidery of flowers There were a thousand springs and
ponds and hence the name of the distnct, the Khan of the
Turks came here every year to escape the summer heat. The
place contained flocks of lame deer many of which wore bells
and rings; the deer were cherished by the Khan who forbade
the slaughter of any of them under the penalty of capital punish-
ment, and so the deer lived their natural hvcs

1 Alberuni Yol L pp 300, 302 Ind Ant. "Vol XXII. p. 180
* Le Kohistan, Le Ferghanah et Konldja pp. 69, 187.

THE THOirSAlJD SPBINGS.

73

!BVom the Life "we leam that the local native name of
this charmmg district, here called CMien-Ck^an (f ^)>
was Ping~yii This evidently represents Bing-ghyul

which is the Turkic equivalent for (jhhj&n-ch^uan or “Thous-
and Spnngs”. There is little mention of the district
hearing this name in Chinese hterature. We find it stated
in the history of the Sm dynasty that in the year A. D-
619 the She-hu khan of the West Turks removed his
Court to the Thousand Springs, described as being to the
north of the Shih (^), that is, Tashkend country.* Moreover
in the XII**' ckttdn of these Records we arc told that the
Ts'ung-Ling range ‘extended on the north to the Hot sea
(the Issik-kiil) and Thousand Springs’

M' Schviyler j.findb the district here named Thousand
Sprmgs in the country to the north of the Alexandrofsky
range and between Auhdata and Ak-su. Of his journey
hum the former of these two places to the latter he
wntes — AU along my right was the beautiful Alexandrofsky
range, with many of its summits then while vnth snow.
At almost every step I crossed rivulets tricklmg down
from the lulls, showing well the truth of the old name,
‘the thousand sources’.” 2 With this we may compare
Bretschneider’s opimon — “Yivien de St. Martm, in his
geographical notes appended to Stan. Julien’s translataoii
of Huan Thsaug’s narrative identifies TsHents^ilan with a
place Mtrig hulaii, south of Lake Karakul, thus carrying
the traveUei far jiprth-west, and then locates his Ta-lo-ss

t

between the aforesaid lake and the Jaxartes But this
view is untenable. Ming bulak meaning ‘Thousand Springs’
in Mongol and other languages of the East, is a qiute
frequent name for places in Mongolia and Central Asia.
It seems to me that the Thousand Spnngs of the Chinese
traveller, bordered on the south by snowy mountains,
whilst on the other sides all was level land, must he rather
looked for somewhere on the northern slope of the high

1 See Tnng-cbien-linng-mu ck, 88 (cm Kung Ti 2^ year).

2 Tnrkifitan Vol II. p. 123,

74

THE SHEH-HH KHAN.

mo’mtam stretching from Lake Issik-ktll westward, and
marked on Bnssian maps as Alexandra Ckain",'^

THE KHAN.

Before leaving this district we must rake notice of the
short description which the Life gives of the pilgrim^s
meeting with the Khan of the Turks.

It re)ate3 that at the Su-she-water city, called here the Su-ehe
city, the pilgrim met with the Turk Sh‘eh-hu Khan then on a
hunting expedition. His military equipment, we are told, was
very grand. The Khan wore a green satin robe, his hair which
was ten feet long was free • a hand of white silk was wound
round his forehead hanging down behind. The ministers of the
presence, above 200 in number, all wearing embroidered robes
and with plaited hair stood on his right and left. The iCst of
his military retinue clothed in fur, serge, and fine wool, the
spears and standards and hows in order, and the nders of cameh
and horses stretched far away out of ken The Khan was
deh'ghted to meet Ynan-ohuang and invited him to stay in the
encampment during his absence which would he only for two
or three days, giving him into the charge of a Minister of the
presence named Ha-mo-chih. After three days the Khan returned
and Yaan-chuang was taken to his tent The gold emhiroidery
of this grand tent shone with a dazzhng splendour, the ministers
of the presence in attendance sat on mats in long rows on either
side all dressed in magnificent brocade robes while the rest of
the retinue on duty stood behind You saw that although it
was a case of a frontier rnler yet there was an air of distinction
and elegance The Khan came out from his lent about thirty
paces to meet Yuan-chnang who after a courteous greeting
entered the tent. As the Turks are fire-worshippers they do
not use wooden seats, we are told, as wood has the principle of
fare, and they use doable mats as seals hut for the pilgrim the
Khan provided an iron-framed bench with a mattress After a
short mterval envoys liom China and Kao-ch‘ang were admitted
and presented their despatches and credentials which the Khan
perused* He was much elated and caused the envois to be
seated, then be ordered wme knd music for himself and them
and grape-syrup for the pilgnm. Hereupon all pledged each
other and the filling and passing and draining of the winecnps
made a dm and hnstle, while the mingled music of vHnous

t Med. Kes. Vol. I. p. 228 note.

THE SHEfl-HU EHAN.

76

instruments rose loud although the airs were the popular etrains
cf foreigners yet they pleased the senses and exhilarated the
mental faculties. After a little, piles of roasted beef and mutton
were served for the others, and lawful food such a cakes, milk,
candy, honey, and grapes for the pilgrim After the entertainment
grape-syrup was agam served aud’the Eian invited Tuan-chuang
to improve the occasion, whereupon the pilgrim expounded the
doctrines of the “ten virtues”, compassion for, ammal life, and
the Paramitas and emancipanon The Khan raising his hand?
bowed and gladly believed and accepted the teaching. He
detained the pilgnm some dajs and wanted to keep him per-
manent! j*. “You need not go to the In^te^la country”, he urged,
“that land is very hot, its lOUi month being as the of this
place; judging from your appearance I fear j ou will not survive
a visit, its people are contemptible being black and uncivilized”.
But the pilgnm replied that notwithstanding all this he wanted
to seek the traces of the Buddha and learn his religious system
Then the Khan sought out among his retainers a joung man
who had spent some years in Ch‘ang-an and could speak Dhmese
and other languages This young man ho made Mo^fc-ta-kuan
atid appointed him to go with the pilgnm as far as Kapistet
entrusting him also with despatches about the pilgnm The
Khan, moreo^ cr, gave Tuon-chuang a dark-red silk monk’s suit
and fifty webs (p'i 7E) of soft silk, and he and his mimsters
escorted the pilgnm above ten h on his way.

The “Slieh-liu Elian” of tins passage was probably a
relative of that To-lic (P|H {^) Ehau of the West Turks
who died m A D 636. !&s title is written Ye-lm ^).
in Ouher places also ^ but we are always told that
the characters are to be read This term, which

is of veiy frequent occurrence m histoncal works treating
of the Turks, is generally interpreted as meaning ta-Mn
(ji “high official” "We are told that it denoted

the highest rank of Tuikish officials under the Khan, and
the person bearing this title was usually a son, brother,
or other near relative of the Ehan.^ Ho was commonly
the satrap or governor of a Province, but we read also
of the Eight and Left Shehhu at the Khan’s court.2 There

1 Ma I. 1 ch «43, 344. „ .

2 Ma I, 1 ch b47 T'angehu ch. 217. Here it is Uigour oigm-
-tanes who style themselves “Left and Eight Sheh-hu”. In the Life

76

THE YICEEOY.

is tnuch probability m the supposition that the -word
represents the old Turkic Te,bgu or Jabgu found m cer-
tain old inscriptions, and this word also denotes a viceroy
or Governor.^

For the words ^his mditary equipment was very grand”
the Chinese is Jung-ma-chen-sMng M ^ which
Julien translates — “Les chevaux de ces barbares etaient
extremement nombreux.” This rendering seems to be
faulty and to spoil the description. Jung-ma is originally
a “war-horse”, and the term is used in this sense in
classical literature. Then it came to denote the army and
all the material equipment for a war, and it is also used
to denote “a campaign,” a “state of active warfare.” ^
As the context here shews the pilgrim found reason to
admire the army which attended the BIhan and the army
included soldiers mounted on elephants and horses along
with standard-bearers and others. It seems better, accord-
ingly, to translate the clause by some such words as “his
mihtary equipment was magnificent” In the Becords we
find the expression ^ ^ with

a similar meamng.

As to the Khan’s hair the D text makes it to have

also we have the Governor of Tokbara, a grandson of the “Sheh-hu
Khan” assuming the title of “Sheh-hu” (Life ch 5* Julien I. p. 268)
The pilgrim seems to have made a distinction between the “Sheh-hu
Khan” or Governor of sevei-al Provinces and the “Sheh-hu”, the
Governor of one Province under the former. This distinction, how-
ever, 13 not strictly observed by him and it seems to be unknown
to others.

1 Thomsen’s Inscriptions de I’Orkhon, p® 102, 146, 192* Hirth’s
Nachworte &c op. c S 22, 45.

2 Two examples may suffice In the 46ti> chapter of the Tao-t^ching

we find the draught-horse of peace and the Jung-tna or “war-horse”
used in an illustration of the effects of good government and of
disorder respectively. The words of this passage Jung-ma-shSng-f/^-
chtao ^ ^ steeds are bom on the wild fron-

tiers,” often shortened to Jung-ma-tsat-chiao are often used to denote
the ^istence of a state of border warfare Then “in the nudst of
■v/Br« is expressed by ^ ^ ^

CHAMBE3IjAINS A3jfD INTEB^EETEES.

77

been above ten feet long,* but the O text, -which Juben
seems to have had, was taken by him to mean that it
was the silk band -which was ten feet long. This reading,
however, is evidently wrong, the word i (^), as the parallel
clause shews, being an improper interpolation.

The term here rendered “Ministers of the presence” is
torkuan *^) for which JuUen gives “officiers’^ and
“officiers de haut rang,” but neither of these is so good
as his discarded rendering “officiers introducteurs.” In
a Chmese-Sanskrit , Vocabulary this word is given as the
equivalent of the Sanskrit word Sammata in the sense of
“held in esteem” or “honoured.” It is also given as the
rendering of the Sanskrit Amantrayits and of the Turkish
equivalent Tasrifatyi. But the word, which is also -written
Ta~kan •^) is evidently, as has been conjectured, the
Turkish word Tarkhan or Darghan. The Ta-Jcmn or
Tarkhan were not necessarily officials of high degree,
but they were men whom the Khan dehghted to honour,
who attended him on state occasions and mtroduced those
summoned or invited to his presence. They had the right
of entry to the Khan’s presence, and they had also the
pn-vilege of sitting in his presence at an audience, banquet,
or other state function-^ When the pilgrim is leaving, the
Khan, as we have seen, appoints a young retainer to be
M(hto and accompany the pilgrim to Kapis.

This word Moto, which we sometimes find used as if it
were a personal name, is perhaps for the Turkish -word
Mutaryinn which means “an mterpreter”.

The words here rendered “spears and standards” are
sho4u (1^ but it seems to be possible that the writer
used them m the sense of “raised standard”. The word
tu is the Turkish tugh, a standard formed by a long pole
surmounted by a receptacle containing a yak’s taiL This

1 Of O^by’s P«rcia p. 81.

5 D© OourteiUe Diet Turk or p, 318. Sixth, op, c. p. 66:
Thomfien op c pa. 69, 185,. Schlegol, Die Ohm. Inc. ad, d. Digur
Denkmal, S. 9 et aL

78

TE^S FOB MU8IC.

standard vras one of the insignia of relatives of the Khan
and distinguished military officers.

The author of rhe Life tells us, we have seen, that the
Khan had a fine teanng and presence “although he was
a frontier ruler.” In the original the words for “frontier
ruler” are X^ung-U-chtli-cJiun (% :tr "'^hich Juhen
translates — “un prince barbare, abnte sou^ une tente de
feutre”, which seems lo be a double translation. Xung-lu
is a vfell-known literary term for Pien-U or “border land”
as contrasted with Shen-chou or China But it is also
used to denote “a felt tent,” and then “an encampment,”
“camp-hfe.” 1 As K*ung means “vast” or “lofty” and lit
means a “hut” or “cottage” we may with some probability
regard the compound m the sense of a “felt tent” as a
foreign word. We find it also written Kmig-lu (i^
and these two terms may perhaps represent the Turkish
word Kulube which means a “tent of felt ” But m phrases
like that of our text the term should perhaps be regarded
as having the signification of “outlying,” that is, “barbarous
territory.”

We come next to the words here loosely rendered by
“the mingled music of various instruments.” These are
K‘in-mei-tou (or tu)-li (-j# ^ ^ which Juhen renders —

“la musique des barbares du midi et du nord, de I’onent
et de I’occident,” but this is evidently not correct We
know that the old term for the music of the north bar-
barians was k'm (^), for that of the East barbarians met
(|^ oi 5^), for that of the southern barbarians jen (f^),
and for that of the west barbarians chu~li or ||^).2
It will be seen that our passage has not the word /en,
and that its characters are not those of the rest of the
description here quoted. A glossary to the passage tells

t Ku-ahih-yuan ch.% and c7i 2 Ch'ien Han-shu ch 96.

Jifa-chih-la (P ^ 29. "Witli the descnption of the Khan

given in onr text we may compare Master A Jenkmson’a account
of Solyman tho Great Tnrke in Hakluyt’s Principal! Yoyagea, &c.
p. 81 (1*4 cd-).

2 ilB T. L ch 148 Eanghsi Diet. a. v.

THE TEN COITMANDKENTS.

79

US that kHn-mei is the name of a barhaiaan music, and
our tvrli is ihe recognized transcription of the Sanskrit
word t?iryd meaning “music.” This last word had been
known to the Chinese for some centuries before Yuan-
chuang’s time It is possible the k^m, ',nei, and tu-h of
our passage may be the k^w, mei, and clm-h of other
books and that the words are used here m a peculiar
manner. Our four characters may thus mean simply “the
music of the foreign instruments*’ or sometlung similar

It will be noticed that among the “pure food” of which
the pilgrim partakes at the Khan’s banquet was a pre-
paration of milk. In taking this he was not acting in
strict accordance with Mahayamst disciphne, and I-ching
states positively that milk was not a lawful article of food
to a bhikshmi

When the fea.st was over the pilgiim, a-t the Khan’s
request, as we have seen, gave him an eyposition of some
of the leading featnres of Buddhism The first in the list
of subjects is the shih-shan (-j- or “Ten Virtues” that
18, the ten excellent precepts which thd Mahayamst under-
took to observe. These were not to kill, not to steal, not
to cominit impurity, not to be false in language, not to be
double-tongued, not to use bad language, not to use fine
glosmg speech, not to covet, not to be angry not to take
heretical views 2

The narrative m the Life with which we are now concerned
gives uSv a yery interesting picture of that strange people
called by tbe Chinese T^u-kUe, Turks. This people had
a remarkable but short career the main incidents of which
are well known In the 6*^ century of our era the Turks
were slaves in the iron mines and forges of another tnbe,
the Juan-juan or Niu-yen. on the south of the Gold
mountain .near the modem Barkul They rebelled against
their masters and were successful. Their dash and prowess
soon made them a power, and they harried the surrounding

1 Nan-liai-ch'j-knei, ch 1.

5 Fa-kie-tzu-ti-cha-inen, cTi 1 (No 1672).

30

PEESIAH HUHUNG OnSTOM.

regions to the borders of China. Then we find a king in
China sending an envoy to them in A. D, 645 and this is
the first appearance of the Turks in Chinese history. i A
few (24) years afterwards envoys from the rulers of Persia
and the Roman Empire arrived at the seat of government
of these Turks.2 About this time also the Wei king in
China received and entertained magnificently a Turkish
ambassador with a large suite at Cfrang-an-foo and gave
a princess to the Khan in marriage. The sphtting up of
the great Turkish host occurred a few years afterwards,
about the^ end of the sixth century, and the term “West
Turks” began to be used from that time. The power of
the Turks grew rapidly until it extended from Ldao-tung
to the West (Caspian) Sea, but within little mdre than
two centuries it passed away.

The account of the Khan and his doings here reminds
one of descriptions of Persian chiefs m other boolcs, and
_this Khan seems to be in some respects rather Persian
than Turkish. We see him, for example, like a satrap,
a Persian “Prefectus Provincia?,” practising his soldiers m
hunting; and the chase is with him apparently a mihtary
exercise. The “Thousand Springs” was a Paradeisos with
plenty of water, thickly grown with trees and full of wild
animals The pietty story in the Records about the deer
in this place going about free and secure, adorned with
bells and rings, shews us that the Khan did not hunt
merely for the game to be taken. But the story may be
a misinterpretarion of an old Persian custom lo which the
Khan adhered. Of this custom we find mention by Ogiihy
in the following passage — “In the beginning of the month
Mamadhati, which is our Lent, the king goes to Ahcurong
in the mountains to take the fresh air, and to hunt, in
which sport he spends several days, attended by some
thousands of people At the ears of those beasts which
the kmg takes alive he hangs golden plates, on which are

» T‘ang'Chieii-l£Hng-inu, ch 32, p 62.
a Gibhoxi. Decline and Fall, ch xlu.

TUEKISH FIEE WOBSHIPPERS.

81

engraven certain marks, and then setting them at hherty
again, often he retakes them; nay some have been taken
who haye had the marks of king Thamas, Ismail Sefi, and
other ancient princes ” ^

The Life represents the West Turks as fire-worsbippers
and as abstaining from the use of wooden seats on account
of their reverence for the element of fire inherent in wood.
But here there is evidently a mistake The Persians were
fire-worshippers, but we read of the Turks as worshipping
the “blue heaven,” their ancestors, and other objects, and
as miners and blacksmiths they cannot have been fire-
Avorshippers But it is acknowledged that some at least
of the Tuiks, peihaps under Persian influence, became
worshippers of fire and a Turkish tnbe, the Karakirghiz,
although nowinalJy Mahometan still adheres to rites of
the old worship 2 The Turks at the Su-she city sat cross-
legged on mats or cushions because it was their custom
Out of consideration for the Chmese guest the Khan
ordered a bench loi him such as was used by Buddlust
monks In like manner the kmg of Hyrcan in 1666
shewed courtesj to A. Jenkinson when the latter was
presented to him. The king “kept his court at that time
in the high mountains in tents”, be w'as “richly apparelled
with long garments of silke and cloth of golde imbrodered
with pearls and stone” M' Jenkinson proceeds — ^“Thus
the king with his nobihtie sitting in his pavihon with his
legs acrosse, and perceiving that it was pamefiill for me
so to sit, his highnesse caused a stoole to be brought in
and did will me to sit thereupon after my fashion ” ^

1 Ogilby’s Persia p 79

2 Schuyler’s Turkistan VoL II. p. 137
* Hakluyt op c p 367

CHAPTER IV.

CHUAN I OONT»

TAKAS TO KAPIS.

The account in the Kecords proceeds to relate that irom
Bmg-gh3ul or Thousand Springs the pilgrim continued his
journey -westward and after going 140 or 160 h he arrived at
the city of Ta-lo-ssu This city "was eight or nine h in circuit
here tiadeis and Tartars (or, trading Tartars) from othei/ coun-
tries lived pell-mell in natural products and chmate the city
much resembled Su-she.

Tlie Ta-lo-ssil of this passage is undoubtedly the Taras
or Talas of several old -writcis and travellers D' Bret-
sclmeider, properly rejecting M. Saint-Martin’s identification
of Taras, is disposed to place the site of tbe city near
that of tbe present Anlie-ata on tbe river Taras, and
D' Schuyler is of the same opinion. i This seems to be
correct enough foi practical purposes, but tbe old Taras
(or Talas) was probably some miles to the south-east of
tbe modem town Auli6-ata. It should be added that
while the distance between Su-she and Taras in this
passage is 64f) It tbe distance between the Swi-ye city
and Taras is given elsewhere as only 310 Z^.2

Our narrative proceeding tells u^ that above ten h to the
south of Taras was a small isolated town inhabited by above
300 Chinese. These m^n had originally been taken captive by
the Turks and earned off to this district they had afterwards

1 Med, Res. VoL I p 18 note and p 228 note See Schuyler’s
Turkistan VoL H. p. 120.

2 T‘ang-Shu, ch, 48 and 221.

"WIHITE "WATEB (3ITT

83

banded togetber and bad settled jn and fortified tbie town they
had then changed tbeir style of dress for that of tbe Turks but
they had still retained their native speech and -ways of life

IUl GOliTiectiorL •mtli these statements it mil be remem-
bered that while Ynan-chuang was at Su-she a Chinese
envoy arrived and had audience of the Khan This may
have been the envoy sent by the Emperor T'ai Tsung m
A. D. 631 to obtain from the Turks the release of all their
Chinese captives. In the time' of the Sm dynasty the
Turks had invaded Chma, penetratmg fej* into the country
and carrying off rdany myriads of Chinese prisoners It
was to ransom these that the great Emperor sent his
ambassador to the Khan in the year mentioned. The
historian tells us that the number of men, women and
children released from captivity among the Turks on this
occasion was above 80000. Among those thus happily
restored to their homes were probably the 300 Chinese
of this little town near Taras.*

PAl-SHUI-OH'ENG-.

Proceeding on ms journey end going in a eoutb-west direc-
tion for tabove 200 h from tbe bttle Chinese town tbe pilgnm
reached tbe Fa%s7im~ch'%ng or “White water city” This was
BIX pr seven h in circuit, and tbe district excelled Taras in
fertility of soil and in climate.

As we learn from other sources this was a well-watered
region with a nch fertile soil.* Long ago Kdmusat iden-
tified this “White water city” with the “Isfidjab” oi “Bs-
ndjah” of Arabian writers, this name also meaning “ White
water.”3 M St Martm adopts this identification and j-t
has been generally followed. Then this “Isfidjab”’ haS
been declared to be the 8airam which is now, D' Bret-
Bchneider tells ns, “a httle town m Russian Turkestan,
north-east of Tashkend and about '6^/a (but in another

» T'ung-cbien-kang-mu, ch 89 (Tang-T'm Tanng’s 6«i year)

* T'ang-sbu eh 221

* Bech. Lang. Tart p 286

F*

84

WHITE WATEE CITY.

place he says 13) English miles east of Chimkend.”i It
le perhaps better, howeyer, to find the representative of
the Pai-sluii-ch^Sng of Yuan-chnang in the modem Man-
kent. This town, which is also called or “White

water,” is about 16 miles to the north-east of Chimkend.
This last town is also regarded by some as being on or
near the site of the “White water city.”

KUNG-Yti.

Continumg to travel south-west our pilgnm went on from
“■White water” city for more than 200 H and arrived at the city
K\mg-y\\ or Kung-ya ^), which wao five or six h in circuit.
In this district the downs and marshes had a nch loamy soil
and were densely covered with forests.

Of this city no one seems to know anything and even
the name is not quite certain as instead of Kimg-yil we
find in one authority Kung-chtng It is probable,

however, that this latter form is only a freak of a copyist
and that the former is the correct reading. As we find
Ch^uan-cli‘eng or “City of the spring (or springs)”

given as the name of this city we are probably justified
in regarding Kung-yu as standing for the Turkic word
Kuyu which denotes a weK or Bpnng, the native name of
the city bemg Kuyu-shahr. It is remarkable that the
Eang-chih here does not mention the “White water city”
and makes Kung~yu to be above 200 h to the south-west
of Taras or half the distance given by the pdgnm

mr-OHm-KAiT.

Our pilgrim next proceeds to relate tliat a journey of 40 or
60 li flouth from Kung-yu city brought him to the country of
NvrchHi-lcm or han ^ ^). This country was above 1000 h
in circuit and it had a soil nch and fertile, a dense vegetation
and femits and flowers in great luzunance grapes were thought
much of although plentiful. There were a hundred odd cities

1 Med. Hes Vol L p 74 and II, p. 04 See also Schuyler’s
Turtistan I. p 76 and 393.

* Mn T. 1. ch. 336.

TA8HKEND.

85

and town! each wth itt own governor but olthoagb the towns
and their distncis were mutually independent and distmct poli-
tical divisions yet the collective name for all was the “iVh-cAfh-
kan Country”

' Of a district in this region beanng the name Nu-chih-
kan, perhaps pronounced like Nujikkend, little if anything
seems to be known beyond w'hat is recorded here by oui
author. M, Saint-Martin, however, writes of JNfu-cbih-kan
thus— “Nous retrouvons indubitalement ce lieu dans la
Notidjkeh (poui Noudjkend) mehHonn^e par le Mesalek-
alahsar entre Taras et Khodjend, mais sans indication
precise quant it I’emplacement” ^ This Nujkend, it has
been suggested, may possibly represent the Turkic com-
pound Nujabahkend, meaning “the territory of the nobles”
a restoration which seems to suit our pilgnm’s description.

CflE-SmH (TASHKENP).

The pxlgnm goes on to state that from Nu-chih-kan going
west above 200 h he came to the Che^sHUi country ''This wao
abo>e 1000 h in circuit, reaching on the west to the She (or Ye)
nver, being greater in extent frOm north Jp south than from
east to west in natural products and chmate it was like hiu-
chih-kan its cities and towns were some tens in number, each
With its own chief magistrate and without any general chief, but
all subject to the Turks . ~ "

The coimtry here descnl^d has been long ago correctly
identified with the modern Tashkend. Our pilgrim calls
It Che-shih ]g), as we aic told^to read the characters,
or Chesh This is evidently the Clie-she of earlier

writers with its capital Che-chih ;^) the latter,
Hirth's “Tjadj,” is also used to designate the country ’
The name is also written Clie-dizfi and its capital

i)f), and some western writers c'al^ the capital
“Seket” The river of this country is here called She or
Te (J|) short for Ye-ye or Ye-she^ the Jaxartes. Another

» Juhen m. p 276.

^ T'ung-chien-kang-mu, ch 26 Ma T. 1. ch. 888 and 839
’ Nachworte op c S 70

86

THE STONE TOWER.

transcription is Yao-sha, and the river is also

known as the Sihon and the Syr-daria. On entering China,
we read in one treatise, it is called Chen-chu but

another account makes CMn-chu to he a river of Taeh-
kend alone. ^

A note to our text tells ns that the Chinese for Chesh
kuo was Shih(^)-lcuo. The fact that the word Tash ai^
its equivalent Shih mean a stone or stone has led to some
rather fanciful writing about this country. Thus Alberuni,
who makes the philosophic remark that names of countries
“change rapidly, when, for instance, a foreign nation with
a different language occupies a country,” adds — “Their
tongues frequently mangle the -words, and thus transfer
them into their own language, as is, e. g the custom'
of the G-reeks Or they keep the origmal meaning of
the names and try a sort of translation, but then they
undergo certain changes. So the city of ShSsh, which
has its name from the Turkish language, where it is called
Tash-kand, ie., Stone-cdy, is called Stone-tower m the
book YsujYpa^ia.” 2 The Geography here mentioned is that
by Ptolemy (about A. D. 160) wbo tells of a ‘‘stone tower”
on the road' of the caravans between India and Senca:
but other writers place the tower at the startmg pomt
of the caravans proceeding to the coimtry of the Seres.
M. St. Martin considers that this identification of Tash-
kend with Ptolemy’s “Stone tower,” the Turris lapidea of
later geographers, is not “sans beancoup de probabibife.”
But senoim objections bare been made to this identification
and probably it is now abandoned. The Turris lapidea
as it appears in old maps is fai? to the south or south-eaflt
of Tashkend, the district of Old Ta’Shkend. Moreover,
not to mention any more objections, Tashkend, as has been
pomted out by others, is always a city or district, never
a fort or tower.s M. St, Martin repeats the statement

1 "Faiig-Bliu, ch. 221.

2 VoL I. p. 298.

3 See Paquier op. c. p. 24,

THE PEOVIKOE OP TUSH.

87

that Tashkend means “stone castle,” while Bretschneider
says it means “stone city,’*i and gives “stony country”
as the translation of our Chesh. But there does not
seem to be anythmg in the accounts of the city and district
to justify the use of the epithets “stone” or “stony” The
land was noted foi its fertibty and its grain crops made
it the granary of the country among its products are
enumerated cotton, silk, woollen stuffs and articles of
leather In Old Tashkend the dwelhng-houses are all
made of mud, and the mosques and other stone huildmgs
are built of what we may call second-hand stones.* The
names given to the city and distnct have a different ex-
planation, and represent a proper name. This 'was the
personal name of one of the nine members of a powerful
family of the Ge-tt or Yue-clnh nation The head

of the family, the eldest brother, was chief of the clan the
membeis of which were Imown by their teintoiial designa-
tion 81iao-mA (Bg ^), that bemg the name of their onginal
home north of the K‘i-heu or Celestial Mountains T^en
conquered by the Btiung-nu (or, as some writers tell us,
by the Turlcs), and driven away from then native region,
they descended to the country between the Ts'ung-Ling
and the river Oxus, occupymg Kang-kii (Samarkand) and
all the surrounding country. The head of the clan ruled
in Samarkand and the other chiefs had principalities round
about the metrojpohtan State, Shih or Chesh or Tasli
bemg the personal name of the brother who ruled over
the district bearmg this name, l^e even find Che-she
descnbed as Kang-ku or as a part of that country. In
the and centuries also we find this distnct called
the An (^) Country, An bemg the name of another of
the Shao-wu brothers, but this did not supplant the other
name Thus Shih-kup and Tashkend denote the cmniry
or domain of Shih or Tash 3

1 Julien HI p. 276 Med Res Vol 11. pag. 65 efc al

3 Hellwald'a Oentralasien S 841, 851, 897. Baber Intx. p. XL
See also Scbuyler’s Turkistan ch, 3

• T'ang-Bhu 1 c.. Sui-abu, ch 83 Ma T L L c In the Sm-shn

88

BETWEEN TASHKENT) AND SAMARKAND.

We now come to a part of the pilgiim’s narrative which,
presents some serious difficulties. He relates that —

“From this (i. e the Old Tashkend country) to the Fei'han
country south-erst is above 1000 h ” This country, ■which was
above 4000 h in circuit, was surrounded by mountains on all
sides it had a rich productive soil with liowers and fruits in
great quantity, and it produced sheep and horses i<- was windy
and cold and the people "were stout-hearted in speech they
differed from other countries, ana they were iJl-featured. For
some tens of years the county had been •without a sovereign,
and the local chiefs struggled for superiority, their districts and
cities were determined by rivers (Jj|) and natural defences.

The country which Yuan-chuang here callB Fei-han has
been identified with Ferghana, correspondmg in some
measure to the present Khanate of Khokand. 'R'erghana
became known to the Chinese in the second century B. G.
by the name Ta-yuan (;)ic its capital being Kuei'Shan
]ll)» probably pronounced Amsa??- * Another old name
for the country was KU-so but this is perhaps

only the name of the capital slightly altered.2 In later
times we find the country called Po-lian ) or )

and Pci-lian-na fp ^), and P'o-lo-na ^), and in

A D. 744: the Chinese imposed on it the designation Ptnff-
ytian modern Chinese name is JiuO‘lio.n

ID Cantonese Fok-lian, which apparently represents
the worfi Ferghana.^

Now the pilgnm does not expressly state that he actually
Visited' Fei-han, but some readers of the Records have
undeistood him as describing it from personal observation,
■while others legard him as writing from hearsay There

aud tbe Wei-sbu ch 102 tbe surname of the king of 'tliiE country
fi Shi or stone, but be docs not belong to the Shao-'wu clan

1 Shih-clii, ch 123 In this work Flangku is placed 2000 li north-
west from Ta-yuan. Ch'ien Han-shu ch 96

2 Ma T. 1 cb 338

3 T‘ang-chu, ch. 251 T‘ang-chien-kang-mu ch 20, 42, and 48.

* Ta-ch‘ing-i-t‘ung hih, ch. 351: lA-ko-yen-piao, ch 8

I'EBGHANA.

89

are several circumstances in the narrative which seem to
indicate that he did not %i6it the country called Ferghana.
Thus he makes Fei-han to be 1000 h soutli-east from
Tashkend, and this is double the distance,, given m the
T‘ang-shu and other worke, of Ferghana from Tashkend
Then he describes his Fei-han as having mountains on all
sides, but Ferghana was tree from mountams on the w'est
side Moreover he represents the country as having been
for above a score of years in a state of anarchy, an active
rivalry for chieftainship going on among the vanous cities
But wre know from Chinese history that writhm a few yeais
of the pilgrim’s visit to this region there was a king of
Ferghana, that the king was murdered by the West Turks,
and that he was succeeded on the throne by his son.’
The royal family belonged to the great Shao-wu clan
Thus we are apparently justified m regarding Yuan-
chuang’s account of the country as information derived
from persons living outside of the distiict described
The narrative pioceeds —

From tbis (i e Fex-ban) going west above 1000 h one comes
(or, the pilgrim came) to the Su^tt-h-te-tta country This he
describes as being 1400 h in circuit with tlie She (Jaxartes)
river on its esist The She river rises m the north cod of the
Ts'ung-Llng and flows north-west a great muddy rapid stream
In natural products and popular ways Suiu-h-^ena lesembled
TaahLcnd there was a king but he was under the Turks

The name of the country here transcribed Su-tu-Ji-se-na
^ perhaps a Sanskrit word like Sntusliau

meaning “happy,” “easily satisfied”, or Sutrishna w^hich
means “dry,” “thirsty” It is apparently the same name
which IS transcribed Su-tu-sh7h-m ^li l^)» Su-tiii-
shcL-tici, and Soh-iu-sha-nd. Another name foi the district
was Ka^pu-ldn-na (ij^ Ph ^), and it w'us called by the
Chinese the “Tung Ts'ao f?) Countiy,” Ts‘ao being
one of the Shao-wu hi others 2 This is evidently the «Se-

1 T'ang-shu 1 c. Ma Tile

2 T‘ang-shu, 1 c Ma Tile.

90

THE THIESTr COtJETET.

troushteh” of Ibn Haukal who says the country has no
navigable nver but has “running streams and fountains
and meadows and groves” with mines of gold, silver, cop-
peras, and sal-ammoniac. “It is a mountamous region,
bounded on the east by part of Ferghana, on the west
by the borders of Samarkand: on the north by Chaje
(i. e Tashl^:end); on the south it hes near Kish M.
St. Martin identifies the distaict with the Osrushna or
Satrushna of Musulman writers, the modem Uratupe or
XJratepe, the Ura-Tiibe of our maps.2 The identification
is evidently practically correct, and the distance and
diiection of Ura-Tube agree with the pilgrim’s account
But the Life, which does not mention Fei-han, makes
Yuan-chuang go from Tashkend direct to Sutrishan which
it places 1000 li west fiom Tashkend. Here there is
evidently a mistake due apparently to the accidental
omission of Fei-han. In some Chinese works Sutnshan
IS placed 600 Z/,3 and in some 400 U* to the west of
Ferghana and adjacent to Tashkend on the north.

The naiTative m the Records proceeds —

Korth-west from the Sutnshan country you enter a great desert
destitute of T^ater and vegetation, a vast blank where only by
following the mountains and observing the skeletons can the
course he directed Going above 600 h you reach the Sa-met-
lan country

The Life agrees with this account in representing the
pilgrim as gomg north-west from Sutrishan 600 li through
a great sandy desert to the Sa-meifor mo)-kan country.
This is, as has been shown long ago, the Samarkand of
history. How it is quite true that there is a great sandy
desert to the north-west of the IJra-Tiihe country, hut one
could not reach Samarkand gomg north-west from that
country. M. St Martin does not help us here for he
carelessly makes the pilgrim put Samarkand to the south

-1 Oriental Geography (tr. Ouselej) ps. 261 263.

a Julien HI. p. 278.

3 Tung-cbih-liao 1. c.

T'ang-sbu, 1. c.

TASHKENB TO SAJIAEKAKD.

91

of Sutrisiiaii or Ura-Tube. His words on this subject
are— “D’Auratepe ou Asrouchna a Samarkand la distance
est d’ environs 45 lieues an sud-sndouest. Hiouen-thsang
marque 600 (37 lieues) de Soii-tou-li-se-na h Sa-mc-kien
en marchant au sud ” ^ In a note to the passage with
which we are now engaged Juhen appaiently makes a
mistake m etating that M. St. Martin would substitute
south-west for the north-west of the text Bretsciinerder
quotes this note and declares the change to be unnecessary.
He, however, gdts over the difficulty of the text by cutting
out the unportaht but puzzhng woids 'Agoing above 600 h
you come to the Sa-mei-han country'' A traveller proceed-
mg to Samarkand from Ui a-Tube would perhaps go northi
west as far as Jizak and then turn south-west, peiforming
a journey of about 120 miles The fact that Yuan-chuang
does not seem to have known of the sprmgs of bad brackish
water m the northern part of the desert he descnbes
might lead one to tlunk that if he ipade the journey
between the two places he skirted the southern side of
the desert This inference would be strengthened by the
mention of mountains and of course by the direction
mentioned, viz. north-west.

But taking all circumstances into consideration we must
rather decide to regard the whole passage beginning
with— “From this above 1000 h to Feihan,” and ending
with “gomg above 600 U you come to Sa-mei-kan” to be
an account obtained from others, and not the Tesult of a
personal visit. We should, accordingly, perhaps regard
the pilgrim as gomg direct from Tashkend to Samarkand.
From this point of view our text must be regarded here
as defective, and the last clause of our passage should
read — ‘From Tashkend going above 600 li south-west he
came to the Sa-mei-kan country.' The distance seems to
be too short, but we find that it agrees with' accounts
given m. other Chinese works.*

I Juhen HL p. 279.

'a~erg. m~the Tflug-shu L c

92

SAMARKAND.

The country at Tvhich Yuan-chuang now arrived is
called by him Sa-mo (or meiyUn (or lean) (^ a

name which has been taken to represent “Samarkand.”
We may, however, regard the region indicated by the
term “Samokan country” to be identical with the Samar-
kand district without holding that the two names aie
identical According to popular accounts the name Samar-
kand was derived from an Arabian hero and was not
given to the city in this district until about A.D. 643.
In Chmese literature this name does not appear until the
time of the Mongols. It was mtroduced by them and it
was explained as an Arabian word meaning/an-^Ma
that 18 , husUing, full of life, thronged}

A note to our text tells us that +he Samokan country
was called in Chinese K'any-hw (]^ |S) which is the
K‘ang and K‘ang-ku Kuo of the Han and other histones.
Tins K‘ang-ku territory had been at one time a large region
embiacing the distncts since known as Ferghana, Kohistan,
Tashkend, Samarkand, and other States ^ But it had
1, become split up among several members of the Shao-wii
clan, and in the beginning of the seventh century A.D.
the K‘ang country was, roughly speaking, that region
bounded on the north by the Chash (or Tash) kingdom,
on the east by Kohistan, on the south by Kesh, and on
the west b^ Bokhara,

up to Yuan-chuang’s time K‘ang seems to have been
the only name by which this country was known to the
Chmese generally. Other names had been introduced into

* See the Chmg-ting-yuan-shih-yu-chie (§{[ /E TClt w
eee also ch. 6.

2 It was originally, however, a small state kept in restraint by
the Yue-chih (Get®) on the south and by the Hiung-nu on the east,
and its inhabitants were nomads See Shih-chi, ch. 123 Kangku
waa one of Asoka’a outlying Provinces which he proposed to hand
o\er to Kunffla

VAEIOUS OF THE NAME

93

literature but they could not be said to have been gene-
rally adopted One of these new names was Samokan
(® ^ m) the same with that used by Yuan-chuang, and
another was St-wan (or man)-kin ^ Jf), neither of ,
which seems to be explained.* After Yuan-chuang’s time
we find other names sucli as Sin-ssit-han ^), and

Sie-mt-ssu^kan (^ ^ ^), and these are said to stand

for the Turkish Semez-kand meaning “Fat land.” 2 Smiati
IS another form of the word for fat and the Simankm
mentioned above may also mean Fat-Land. But Sie-mi-
ssu-kan is also interpreted as meanmg Sun-Land from
Sams one of the names for the Sun m Arabic This last
term is also given by some writers as a designation for
Tashkend rather than for Samarkand. The interpretation
already mentioned as given for the name Samarkand ap-
parently takes the Sanskrit form Samara-kanda as the
correct one. The word Samara means a concourse, a
flocking together, and Yuan-chuang’s Samokan may be for
another Sanskrit word with a similar meaning viz. Sama-
gama.

An old name for the capital of this country is Su-hw

^), that 16, Su-hak or Sugat, supposed by some to be
for the Sogd of old whters.^ It is at least doubtful,

however, whether this was the city which afterwards became
known as Samarkand In other Chinese writers Suhak
was only one of the royal cities of this country* With
these the capital has other names such as Aluh ((^ ^
and Pi-t‘an g|) in the Bavani land ^ ^

Our author deacnbeo the country of Samarkand ao being’
1600 or 170U H an circuit, greater in extent from eapt to west

» T'ang-shuh, ch 221 Pung-chien-kang-mu ch 39 (Pang Pai
Tsung 6 U 1 y) where the commentator gives St'/anff(^)~ktn os the
name for St-toan-hm

* See Med. Res Vol I p 76 note, p 77, 131 and Vol IL p B 8 ,
256 See also Schuyler’s Xurkistan "Vol I. p 238.

3 Ch‘m-Shu, ch 97 Sm-shn, ch 88 Hirth, R'achworte op c. S. 8 f
Su~hte IS also given as a city of the Tashkend conntry

* Mb T I ch 338

5 Ch'ien Han-Shu ch 98. Ttmg-chxen-hang-mti, ch 4.

94

COtmiBY OP CHEia..

than from north to south. Its capital -was above 20 h in circuit,
exceedinglj strong and with a large population. The country
•was a great commercial entrepot, was very fertile, abounding
in trees and flowers, and yielding many fine horses Its in-
habitants were skillful craftsmen, smart and energetic. All the
' Hu States regarded this country as their centre and made
its social institutions their model. The king was a man of spmt
and courage and was obeyed by the neighbouring states. He
had a splendid army the most of his soldiers being Chet-Jcie
(Chak or Tak ^ men These were men of ardent ■valour,
who looked on death os a going back to their kindred, and
against whom no foe could stand in combat.

Tlie term Che-ka of this passage is evidently a foreign
word and it is interpreted in other boolcs as meaning
Clian-shi j;), “soldier” or “wamor.”^ But another
supposition is that it stands for Chalak, the name of a
town to the north-west of the city of Samarkand. The
district in which Chalak lay was at this time famed for
its tall strong men who were much sought after as soldiers.
The characters read Clie-ka, however, seem rather to stand
lor a word like ^akka, the name of a country.

The Life represents the people of Samokan as being
Fu’e-worshippers Other accounts descnbe them as being
Buddhists in the sixth and seventh centuries although
they worshipped also the gods of other religions and their
own ancestors. They probably were not all Fire-worshippers,
but they were evidently haters and persecutors of Buddhism
at the time of Yuan-chuaug’s visit. There were two mo-
nasteries in the capital and when the young Brethren of
Yuan-chuang’s party went to perform their rehgious ser-
vices in one of these the people drove them out and burned
the monastery. The long, however, punished the evil-doers
and heard the pilgnm expound Buddhism and extol Buddha,
and even allowed him to hold a religious public service
for the ordination of Brethren to serve m the monastenes.

This king was the head of the Shao-wu clan and the
name of the particular branch to which he belonged was

1 T'ang-Shu, 1 c Here the word is wntten ^

M’OETH-'VTESr FOS ir6BTB:-EA8T.

96

Wen (JSI).^ The 'Western Turks had at this time gained
the ascendancy in these regions and had become all-
powerful. Policy and ambition made this long wed a
daughter of the Turkish royal family and the result was
that the Samokan (K'ang) country became a vassal to the
West Turks. In the year A I) 661 the long sent an
embassy to China, praying to be received as a vassal, but
the Chinese Emperor for wise and patriotic reasons de-
clmed to accede to the request 2

The -words here rendered “looked on death as going
back to their kindred” are Shih-szu^u-Jcuei % |jl
The expression means that the Clie-Tca men regarded death
as a natural event, as a return to the state from which
they had come. It is a literaiy phrase and is sometimes
vaned by the addition, of cliung (^), “the end.”

Before continuing the narrative of his journey towards
India onr pilgrim proceeds to give short accounts of
several countries in the region around Samokan and con-
nected with that country. His information about these
districts was probably obtained from bvmg autbonties
during his stay at the capital of Samokan (or Samarkand).
Commencing with the first country in a southerly direction
he tells ns that

“Sonih-eaBt fiom Somarkand you go to tne Mi-mo-Iia ^
country.” This country, Tvhich "was situated in tho mountains,
was 400 or BOO h in circuit, long from north to south and narrow
from ^t to west. In tho products of ,the land and the ways
of the people it resomblcd Samokan.

The Life does not mention this place and Yuan-chuang,
it will be seen, does not tell us how far it was from
Samokan. In other Chinese books its situation is described
as being 100 h to the s^uth or south-east of Samarkand,
600 h from Ura-Tube 'On the north-west (a mistake for
north-east) and 200 h from 'Kesh' on the south-west, or
according to one authority 400 li from Eesh on the south.®

* "Wei-Shn, ch. 102

2 T'nng-chien-lcang-mu, eft. 39 T'ang Shu L c

3 l>ang-shu, L c. T'ung-chih-liBO, 1 c.* Ma T. 1, L 0 .

96

I OUR KIKGDOMS OF TSAO.

A note to our text tells us that the Chinese name for
Mimoho -ft as Mii^ylaio, Mi’s country, Mi being another
scion of tlie Shao-wu clan. Its foreign name also is given
elsewhere as Mi-mo 5|^) and it probably was some-
thing like Maimak or Memagh Fiom othei sources we
learn that tlie capital, the name of which was JPo-si-te
($;$: was about two li m circuit and was on the

west side of the Na-mi River. This country which

W'as formerly a part of the great K'ang kingdom fell into
the hands of the West Turks while Yuan-c’uuang was on
his pilgrimage. 1

M Saint-Martin identifies Mira oho with Moughian or
Maghin, “a 38 lieues de Samarkand vers I’est en inclinant
au sud.” 2 Q^his town, the Maghian of our maps, is much
too far from Samarkand if we accept the statement that
Mimo was 100 h or about twenty miles from that place
Maghian is about sixty miles south-east from the site of
old Samarkand which was a little to the north and noith-
west of the present city.

The narrative in the Records continues —

From this [going] north you arrive at the Kte (Et or Ka)pu-
tan-na ^li HH country

A note to the text tells Ub that the Chinese name for
this country was Ts ao{'^)-laio, kingdom of Ts'ao, who was
another brother of the Shao-wu family. This information,
howsver, is unsatisfactory as there were at this time m
this region four Ts‘ao kingdoms, known as East, Mi^ddle,
West Ts‘ao and Ts‘ao simply. Of these the first cor-
responded to the Sutrishan or TJra-Tube district, which,
as has been seen, was also- called Kaputana. The Ts‘ao
of the note was apparently understood to include the
Middle and West Ts‘ao.

When the narrative states that “north from this” you
go to Kaputana the word this is apparently to be taken
as meaning Samokan. In the Fang-chih the direction is

1 TuDg-chEu-kang-mu ch. 40 (T‘eDg T‘ai Tflong, y.)
5 lulien in p 280

EUSANHIE.

97

given as North-west and this is perhaps right M. Saint
Martin takes the words ‘•from this” to refer to Mi-mo oi
Maghian, and supposes the Kaputana country to be a city
“Kebond” about the situation o( which nothing is known ^
But it is better to understand our author as taking Sa-
markand as the point of departure; and the Kaputana
country is then probably represented by the present Mitan
and the surrounding district The Ts‘ao country, we are
told, was to the north-west of Kang-kti and Middle Ts'ao
to its north. Mitan is about thirty miles north-west from
the modem Samarkand and in the distnct which includes
Chalak once famous for its good soldiers
Our author contmues his account—

Going west from this country for above 300 h you come to the
K^u-shuang-ni-Jia orZu-san-nt-ka (/S ^ coantr}\

In other treatises we find this name written Kueisang-
m (;^ g) r&ad Kus^nnik.2 The Chinese name, we are
told in a note to oui test was the kingdom

of Ho, another scion of the Shao-wu clan. The great
Buddhist monk named Sangha, who came to China in
AJD 660, declared himself to be a native of this country,
and claimed to be a member of the Ho family.^

M Samt Martin supposes the Husaniuk of our author
to be the “Koschamch or Kochania” halfray between
Samarkand and Bokhara The Life, which has omitted
all mention of Mimoha and Kaputana makes Kusannik to
be above 300 U west from Samokan. This, I think, is
also the meaning of the passage m our test, and about
60 miles ivest of Samokan, or north-west fium Samarkand,
would brmg us to the neighbourhood of the modem Panj-
shamba district
Our test proceeds —

From this country, thaj; is apparently Kuoaiimk it la abopo
200 h to the Hoh-han (l*§ country

‘ Juhen III p 281
2 Ma T 1 ch 838 T'ang-ehu, ch. 221
’ Sung-kao-seng-chunn, ch 18.

G

98

BOUND SAMABKANP.

Trs note to the text tells us that the Ohinese name
for the country was THny-An{'ff^ ^)-huo or «East-An
kingdom.’' An, as we have seen, was the name of one
of the Rhao-wu brothers, and this chief evidently had a
large prmcipaliiy. Soh-han was only a part and was
called the “Small country.” It was south of the Nar 7 m
river, and its capital had the same name also written
Holi-lian (p|^ ff) and probably pronounced like Eiakaii
or Khagan.^ M. Samt-Martm identities this district with
that of the modem Kermineh or Kermmah, and he is
probably nearly correct.

West from Hoii-han 400 h was the Fu-hoh P^) country.

This country which, a note to our text tells us, was
called by the Ohinese the “Middle An langdom,” is placed
by the T‘ang-Shu 100 h to the south-west of Hoh-han.
It is the country which is called Nitc-mi (*J|t ^ some

books, and it is also called the An and the Great An
kmgdom. For the Purholi of om* text we find Pii-luioh
these two probably represent an original like
Bokh or Bokhar.* M. Samt-Martm and Bretschneider
identify the country with the modem Bokhara, ^ and they
are doubtless right: but the Bdkh of our pilgrim was ap-
parently to the north of the present cify and district of
Bokhara.

Our author continues —

From this country (i. e. Bokh) west sbov© 400 ii ic the 5^-ti
ii) country

Tins is the readmg of the A, B, and D texts, but in-
stead of Forti the C text has in on place and

Wu (or Mu in another. Then the Life, v/hioh
reads reduces the distance from Bokh from 40^5

to 100 li. The usual note to the text tells us that the
(Chinese name for the country was “Hsi-an-kuo” or “West
An kingdom.” In the T‘ang*Shu we find the above Wu

1 Ms T 1 1 c. T'eng-Shu, 1. c.

2 Ma T. 1 1 c.: T^g-Shu, L c.

3 Jnheu TTT. p. 282, Mod. Bos. VoL II p. 62.

VAKiEY OF THE OXBB.

99

(or Mu)4i given as the name of one of the nine Shao-ivn
chiefs; and it also mentions a Su4i district m this region^
Takmg Mih-ti as the reading we may regard this trans-
cription as possibly representing a name like St

Martin finds the modem representative of Fah-ti in Betik,
“lieu situe BUT la droite de I’Oxus, a une trentaine de
heues an sud-ouest de Boukhara.” But we should probably
regard the jFa4z of our text as having had a situation in
the neighbourhood of the present Darganata district on
the west side of the Oxus. -This Fa-ti (or Su-ti^ is per-
haps the prmcipahty designated Ntao-na~ga or Wu-na-ga
(.1% or ^ ^ which was to the west of 'the Oxus about
400 li South-west from the An country 2
The narrative proceeds —

From tiuB, that is, Fah*ti it is over 600 h south-west to the
Buo4i-8t~tni-ka M ^ ^ "ftll) country. This lay along the
banks of the Oxus being 20 or 30 ^ east to west and above
500 li north to south

M. Saint Martm substitutes north-west for the south-west
of this passage, and he is doubtless right, s All the texts,
however, have souih-toest and the Life has west, but the
T‘ang-Shu places this country 600 h to the north-west of
Su-ti (Fa-ti). In the B, 0, and D texts there is a Chmese
note to the text which contains only the- words for “in
Chmese,” but A supplies the name which had dropped
out. This is IIuo-sin{>X. kingdom of Huo-sin

(or sUn), one of the princes of the Shao-wu family. The
country here called. I£tio4i-8i-mi4(a or Khonsmika(?) has
been identified with the modem Khanate of Khiva cor-
responding to the Kharesm or Khorazm of ancient authors ^
In the T‘ang-Shu Huo-h-si-im and Kuo-U (j^ are
given as synonyms for Huo-stn, and the country is described
as bemg south of the Oxus and as havmg bullock-waggons

1 T‘ang-Shu L o

s Ma T L 1 c T‘ang-chih-hao, 1 c In the Sm*Shu 1. c Wu-
na-ka (or-ga) is one of the Shao-wu princes
3 Joben ITT , p 283
* Med Ees n p 91

100

KABAKNA.

which were used by travelling merchants. ‘ In some of
Ihe lists of the Shao-wu princes the name Huo-sm does
not occur

KASAbTNA.

The pilgrim now resumes the narrative of his journey
He relates that

from the Samokan country he went south>-west above 800 1% to
the Korshuang-na or Kaaauna ^ country. ThiB was
1400 or 1500 li in circuit and it resembled Samarkand in its
natural products and the ways and customs of the people.

Alt' texts and the Fang-chili seem to agree in the read-
ing “from Samokan,” but the Life makes the pilgrim
proceed from Kharesm. This, however, is undoubtedly
wrong and quite impossible. In the Chinese note to onr
test we are told that the Chinese name for ’this country
was Slith{^)~Jcuo, the kingdom of Shih, another of the
nine Shao-wu chiefs. From other sources we learn that
the country was called also K^a-slia and K'^-shth

"which aie perhaps only different forms of a name
like Kesh. This is 'perpetuated m the modem name of
the distnct, Kesh, derived directly perhaps from the name
of the city Kt-shth which was bmlt in the 7“' cen-

tury. The capital, corresponding to the present Shahr-i-
sebs or Shehr, lay about ten li south of the Tu-^m
Biver.s This is probably the present Kasbka-daria “on
which the city is founded.” Kesh was formerly a depen-
dency of Kangkd which lay 240 li to the north of it.

THE IRON PASS.

Our pilgrim’s narrative proceeds —

Prom Keah he proceeded south-west above 200 1% and entered
a range of mountains Here his path was a narrow risky track,
there were no inhabitants and little grass or water Travelling

1 T‘ang-SLu, 1, c

2 T'ang-Shu, L’ c.

3 Med- Bee. VoL IL p. 273

THE lEON GATE

101

among the hills in a south-east direction for above 800 h he
entered the Iron Pass (ht. Iron (jate) Along this Iron Pass bn
either side is a very high precipitous mountain. Although there
18 a narrow path m it this is still more inaccessible. The rocks
which rise up on both sides are of an iron colotir, when the
gjates were set up they were also strengthened with iron, and
numerous small non bells were suspended on them The name
it bears was give^' to the Pass on account of its impregnable
nature.

Yuan-cliuang ^apparently went from Kesh to tlie neigh-
bourhood of the place now called Ghuzar Port, and then
turning south-east followed the Ghuzar nver until he
reached the Iron Pass. But the Life does not make any
mention of the change of direction from south-west to
south-east. The words for Although there is a narrow
path” are in all my texts Sut-yii-lisia-clnng (g| ^

but -Juhen’s text seems to have had instead of sut the
word U (^). So his translation of the clause which seems
to give better sense is — “Elies (i. e. the “deux montagnes
parallfele?”) ne sont s6par6e8 que par un sentier qui est
fort 6troit, et, en outre, herisse de precipices.” 'But one
does not see how there could he “precipices,” and sui is
the correct reading

In D*" Bretschneider’s learned treatise, to which refeienco
is so often made in these pages, the reader will find much
information about the Iron Pass (or Gate).^ It is the
Buzgola-Khana or Goat-house of the Hindus and it is
known by other names. According to some its width
vanes from 40 to 60 feet and it is about two miles m
length a stream flows through it and it contains a nllage.
The Life represents the actual gate as bemg made of the
raw iron of the mountains plated with iron and furmshed
with iron bells, and hence, according to it, came the ^ame
of the pass or rather Gate. But the pilgrim used nien
m the sense of Pass or Passage and he understood this

Op c I. p. 82 and 11 p 274. See also Rcdus, Qeog. T, VI»
p 502 Remusat, Nouv. Mel As T 1. p 288, Sai*Shu cH 83,
T*ang-Sha L c., Hirtb’a Nacbworte op c. p 84 ff.

102

BUZGHAIiA KHXNA.

to have the epithet Iron because it was strong and im-
pregnable. Later travellers relate that the Pass was
guarded by a barrier (or barriers) of the iron-stone of
the place clamped or faced with iron. But no one after
Yuan-chuang’s time seems to have -seen an actual gate
hung with bells, and we read only of a tradition that there
had once been a great gate. This Pass once checked the
Tu-kue or Turks in their western advances, and kept them
and Tokharans apart; and it became famous in the time
of the Mongol Conquests. In Chinese works of the T'ang
and later penoiis it is often called the T‘ie~m^~TiHan or
“Pass of the I^n Gate.” It is thus descnbed by a recent
writer — “The fkmous ravine of the Iron Gate winds through
a high mountam chain, about twelve versts to the west of
Derbent It is a narrow cleft, 5 to 36 paces wide and
about two versts long. It is known now as Buzghala
Khana (i. e. the house of Goats). Its eastern termmation
is 3540 feet above the sea; its western termination 3740 feet
A torrent. Buzghala Kh^na bul4k flows, tlirough it.”^

TU-HIJO-LO (TQKHARA).

Our narrative proceeds to describe that

going «at of the Iron Pass yon reach the Tu-huo-lo conntrj
This was above 1000 It north to south and 8000 li east to west,
it reached on the east to the Ta'ang-Iang, on the west to Persia,
on the south to the Great Snow Mountains (the fiindu-Kush)
and on the north to the Iron Pass, the nver Oxus flowed
through the nuddle of it from east to west , for several cen-
turies the succession to the sovereignty had been interrupted
and ibe country was divided in^ 27 States with separate chiefs
and all subject to the Turks, “When the climate becomes warm
there is much sickness and at the end of winter and beginnmg
of spring there is constant ram (m 0. “a succession of hoarfrost
and rain”) , hence in all the countnes south of this to Lan-p^o
much heat-BicknesB is a natural characteristic; hence the Buddhist
Brethren go into Betreat of the Eamy season on the Ifltii day
of the 12di month and go out on the 15^1 day of the 3*^ month ;
this IB because there is much ram then, thus makmg -their

* Tankh-i-Bashid by Ehas and Ross p, 20

tokhAba.

103

religion! precepts conform to the seaaonB.” The people were
pusiHwumous and ill-favoured, but they were in a manner
reliable and were not given to deceitful ways They had a
peculiar spoken language and an alphabet of 25 letters, their
writing was horizontal from left to right, and their records bad
gradually increased until they exceeded those of Su-h in number
They had for clothing more cahco (tteh) than serge, their cur-
rency consisted of gold, silver, and other coma which were
different from those of other countries

The Turhuo-lo (|g 5^) of this passage is undoubtedly

the Tokhara of old western geographers In the Chinese
note to the text we are told that an old and incorrect
name was T‘u-lmo-lo (!]£ ^), which is the transcription

used in the Sm-Shu. There are also other transcriptionB
of the name such as the T^u-hu-lo (li£ of early

wnters, hut the differences are not important In certain
Chinese translations of Buddhist treatises the name is
given Thi-karli (or P^) :^) or Tukhar.' The Sanskrit

name is Tukhara another form of which is Tushara. This
word has the meanings of frost, mow, and mist or vapour.

The extent and boundaries of the country named
Tokhara found in other works differ considerably from
those given by our pilgnm.2 It was supposed to cor-
respond partly to the great Ta-Hsia of early Chinese
records, 3 and portions of the present Bokhara and Ba-
seem to have been once mcluded under this name.
Samt Martin and Yule* are positive in assertmg that
Tuan-chuang\ Tokhara was the country of the Yetha,
but this is against Chmese authonly In the Wei-Shu
and Sui-Shu, for example, we have distinct accounts of
Tokhara and of the Yetha, and the people of the former
are referred to the Small Yue-ti, while the Yetha are
said to have been of the origmal Yue-ti stock. The Yetha

1 Ta-chih-tu-lnn, ch 25 (No. 1169), Vibhgsha-lun, ch 9 (No. 1279
tr AJ) 383).

2 Ma T. L c/i 389

3 T‘ang-Shu, ch 221 , T*ang-chien-kang-mn, ch 40 (T'ang TVai
Ttong 16th year).

* JuheirnL p. 286; J E. A. S Vol VI. p. 94.

104

SPBJUQ eiCEKESS.

and ToMiarians lived together; hut the former Tvere nomads,
•while the latter were dwellers in -towns.

The part of the passa,ge -within inverted commas reads
in Jidien’s version thus — “La temp&'ature 6tant con-
stamment ti^de, les ^pid^mies j sont tr^ fr^quentes. A
la JSn de lliiTer et an commencement dn *printemps, il
tqmbe des pluies continuelles. C’est ponrquoi an snd de
ce pays, et an nord de Lan-po, il rfegne heanconp d’4pi-
dSmies. De Ik vient qne tons les reHgienx entrent dans
les demeures fixes le seizi^me jour dn donzifeme mois, et
eH sortent le quinzieme jour dn troisi^me. Get usage est
fbnd6 sur I’ahondance des pluies. Les instructions qu^on
ieur donne sont snbordonn^es anx saisons.”! Now the text
does not seem to assert that the temperature of this large
region was cofistamment tiMe^ and that consequently epi-
demics -were frequent. Such a statement, moreover, would
he at -variance -with other passages in this clman such as
the descriptions of Kie-chih and Bamian. It is true,
however, that Ma Tnan-lin, on the authority of others,
represents* the Tokhara country as having a hot climate;
but that was evidently only in the summer, for the m-
habitants were able to store ice for use during the hot
weather. What our auihor apparently wanted hia readers
to understand was that the climate became warm or mild
in early sp^g when the rainy season began: this change
m the temperature produced much illness which -was called
“Heat (or Spring) sickness.” in aU my texts the reading
here is wSn<hi ^), but Julien’s text may have had
and this is rightly translated m his note
“maladies 6pid§mique8.” Because the early spring was
the rainy season of these countries the Buddhist Brethren
in them made that their time of Retreat from the Ram'.

I The text of the passage is— Pfi) ^

■RA-nATTOTTA-W .

105

In India tlie rainy season was in the snmmer, and this
was the time of year in which Retreat was to be observed
according to the Vmaya. By changing the time of Retreat
these Brethren departed from the letter but conformed to
the spint of their regulations.

For a long time the name Tokhara seems to have
practically gone out of use, and the country which once
bore the name is now to some degree represented by
Badakshan.^ Even m our pilgrim’s time it was properly
not the name of a country but of‘a great tribe or people
occupymg a certain large territory.

Proceeding with his descnption of the region the pilgnm
tells us that

following tbe conree of the Oxus down northwards you come
to Ta-mx (Termed or Termez) 3 This country was above 600 lx
long (from east to west) and 400 lx broad (from north to south),
and its capital was above 20 in circuit longer than broad.
There were above ten monastenes with more than 1000 Brethren:
its topes and images of Buddha were very remarkable and ex-
hibited miracles

To the east of Ta-mi was the Chxh-ga-yen-na country, above
400 lx long by 500 lx wide, its capital being above ten lx in
circuit. It had five monastenes but the Buddhist Brethren were
very few ^

To the east of it was the Hu-lu-mo country, above 100 h
long and 800 broad with a capital above ten lx in circmt. Its
king was a .Ht-su Turk it had two monasteries and above
100 Buddhist Brethren

To the east of it wm Su-man which wan above 400 lx long
by 100 U broad, its capital being 16 or 17 ix in circmt; its kmg
was a JEB-s« Turk, there were two monastenes and very few
Buddhist Brethren

To the south-west and on the Oxus was Ku-ho-yen-nff. This
country was above 200 lx long and 300 h wide, its capital being
above ten lx in circuit. It had three monastenes and above
100 Buddhist Brethren.

To the east was Sw-sha, a country above 300 h long by
600 lx wide, its capital bemg 16 or 17 & in arcuit.

On its east was the Ko~turlo country above 1000 lx long and

t See Med. Bes VoL IL p 99.

1 Bor the vanous States here mentioned and bnefly descnbed by
the pilgnm see Yule in J B. A S. Yol. YX. Art. Y.

106

ALONG TEOB OXUS.

the eame in width, its capital being 20 h in circuit. It reached
on the east to the Ku^nit^tS country in the Ts'ung-Ling.

The Ku-mi-te country was above 2000 h long and 200 h
wide , it was in the Ts'ung-Ling mountains , its capital was above
20 h in circuit on the south-east it was near the Oxus and on
the south it adjoined the country.

To the south across the Oxus were the countries called Ta-
mo-si-tie-tit JPo-to-chuang-muy Yin-po-kan, Ku-lang-na, JSz-tno-
ta-la, Po-h-ho, St-h-si-mo, Ko-lo-hu, A-h-ni, MSng-kan South-
east from the Huo (Kunduz) country were the K'tw-si'to, and
An-ta-lo-fo countries, the circumstances about these bemg related
in the account of the return journey ’ South-west from Huo
was the Fo-la-lang country which was above 50 h long and
200 h broad, its capital being above ten It in circuit. South of
it was the Kt-lu-st-mtn-kan country which was above 1000 h in
circuit, its capital being 14 or 16 h in circnit. To the north-
west of it was the Hn-lin country which was 800 h in circuit
with its capital five or six in circuit. It had above ten monasteries
with more than 500 Buddh^^st Brethren. ^

In the Life we aie merely told that the pilgnm travelled
some hundreds of h from Tokhara, crossed the Oxus and
came to the Huo country (Kunduz). This was the resi-
dence of Ta-tu (PM H) the SJi^ (^) or General in com-
mand, the eldest son of the She-hu Khan and a brother-
in-law of the long of Kao-ch‘ang.2 This king had given

1 See Chuan XII; ch XVllI

2 The whole of this paragraph is taken from the Life, ck It Juhen
L p 62f In this passage the word Ta-tu is apparently treated as a
personal name but it was rather a generic name' qualifying a title.
It IS found With a slight variation of transcnption prefixed as here
to She, and also to Khan. We must regard it as a foreign word,
but we may hesitate to accept its identification with Tardush or
Tardu. This latter term is generally used to designate a Turkish
tribe or hordej but it also occurs in an inscription as the name of
a Kirghiz envoy. The Ta-tu of our passage cannot be regarded as
having a tribal significance, and here as in other places it seems to
qualify the title to which it is prefixed. See T'ung-chien-kang-niu,
ck. 40 (T'ang T‘ai Tsnng 16*^ y.) , Thomsen’s InscnptionH de I’Orkhon
p“ 63, 114, 146, Hirth Xachworte S 130 f.

The Sh5 of this passage is of frequent occurrence in Ohmese
history treating of the Turks It is explamed as meaning soldier or
Genet al, but the title is always apphed tn a very high mihtary
officer usually a near relative of the Khan. This SW’is regarded

FOKCED CONTBIBUnONS.

107

a letter of introduction, but when Yuan-chustng arrived
the Kao-ch‘ang princess was dead and the General was
ill, and heanng of the pilgrim’s arrival with a letter he
with his male and female retmue made uncontrollable
lamentation. He invited the pilgnm to rest for a time,
promismg that if he recovered he would accompany the
pilgnm to India. The General recovered by the help of
the exorcisms of an Indian Buddhist monk, but he was
poisoned by a young queen at the instigation of a step-
son ^ Then this stepson T‘ekfin, the son by the Kao-ch*ang
princess being a child, usurp’ed the position of General
and married lus step-mother (the young wife whom he had
induced to murder her husband and his father) On account
of the funeral services for the General the pilgnm was
detained here more than a month In this time he made
the acquaintance of a great Buddhist monk named Dhar-
masangha who had a very high reputation as a profound
scholar in Buddhisnu But Ynan-chuang found him to be
only superficially acquamted with the HmaySnist books,
and he knew nothing of MahSyamsnL When the pflgnm
was ready to contmue his journey he asked the new
General for escort and post accommodation 2 on the way
southwards towards India. Tl^^e General strongly recom-

as atranscnption of an old Turkisli-word Shad. Thomsen, InscnpfionB,
p 146 , Birth, Nachworte S 46

1 According to the text the She or Military governor after his
mamage with the Kaoohang princess had taken a new Khatun or
qneen This young concubine urged on by the son of a senior queen
poisoned her lord, and thereupon the young pnnce took liis father’s
place to the concubine and people He is here called Fe Jctn
as if this were his personal name But T‘e~kin is said to he for the
TorkiBh word Tagin (or Tegin) meaning Frtnce, and it is of frequent
occurrence as a high title ~ See Schlegel s Stele fnneraire p 6 ,
Thomsen’s Inscriptions p 73.

a For “post accommodation” here the original is Wu~lo (^^

This 18 a word common to the Mongols and Turks and is known as
via or vlak. It denotes the contnbutions of service imposed on
subjects by government, and includes the supply of men and horses
and accommodation for officials when travelhng on duty. '

108

eUCCESSIOK OP SCHOLAB8.

mended Inm to visit tlie Fo~ho~lo coantry, which belonged
to his horde, and had interesting sacred sites. This advice
was urged also by certain Brethren from that country
who had come to Huo in connection with the change of
administration, and Yuan-chuang acted on' the advice, and
joined these Brethren on their return.

Most of the countries here described as lying between
the Iron Pass and Batman are mentioned again in the
account of the return journey, and it is not necessary to
refer to them further at present

FO-HO (BALKH).

The narrative in the Records proceeds to relate that

West (i. e. from Su-hn) you reach Fo-ho. This counfry was
above 800 It from east to west and 400 h north to south, reach-
ing on the north to the Gxus. The capital, which all called
“Little Eajagnha city,” was above twenty K in circuit, but though
it was strong it was thinly peopled. In natural products the
distnct was rich and the land and water flowers were ton many
to enumerate. There were above 100 Buddhist monasteries with
more than 3000 Brethren all adherents of the “Small Vehicle’
system.

Outside the capital on the south-west side was the Na-fo
(NEVB)-Sangh5r£Ema or New Monasteiy built by a former king
of the country. This was the only Buddhist estabhshment north
of the Hindn-Nush in which there was a constant succession of
Masters who were commentators on the canon. The image of
the Buddha in this monastery was artistically made of (accord
ing to one reeding, studded with) noted precious substances, and
its balls were adorned with costly rarities, hence it was plundered
for gam by the chiefs of the various states In the monastery
was an image of Vaifravana deva which bad bona fid© miracles
and in mysterious ways protected the estabbshment. The pilgrim
tells how not long before the time of his visit this deva had
frustrated an armed attempt of the Turkish 8he-hu or governor
name fifew, the son of a governor, to invade and plunder the
monastery.

In the South Buddha-Hall of this establishment were-finddha’p
^ashing-hasin aDout one tou in capacity so bright and dazzling
was the blending bf colours in this basin that one could not
well tell whether it was of stone or metal. There was also a
tooth of the Buddha an inch long and of an inch broad,

BAIiKlf

109

and there was his broom made of kdna grass above two feet
long and about seven inches round, the handle being set with
pearls. On the six feati\al dajs these relics were exhibited to
the assembled lay and clencal worshippers On such occasions
the relics moved by the “thorough sincerity” of a worshipper
may emit a brOhant light

To the north of the New Monasterj’ was a tope above 200 feet
high which was plastered with diamond-cement This tope was
also ornamented with various precious substances, and it con-
tained rehes which eometimes shone with supernatui-al light.

South-west from the New Monastery was a ching-lu (j^
or Bnddhist temple This had been built long ago, and had
been the resort of Brethren of high spintual attainments from
all quarters. It had been found impossible to keep a record of
those who here realized the Four Fruits (that is, became arhats)
So topes were erected for those arhats who when about to die
made a public exhibition of their miraculous powers , the bases
of these topes were very close together and were some hundreds
odd m number But no memonal erection was made in the cdse
of those Brethren, about 1000 lu number, who althongh aibats
had died without exhibiting miracles In this estabbohment
were above 100 Brethren, who were “day and night assiduous at
their duties,” and one could not tell which was common monk
and which was arbat.

The Fo-lio Pi]) of this passage has been identified
with the city and district of Balkh and the identification
is probably quite correct. But we cannot properly regard
tbe Chinese word as a tronsciiption of the w'oid Ballch,
or of its variant Palil, or of Ydbllka the name in the
Bnhat-samiuta. and supposed to be the original form.^ In
the Life the name is given as Fo-ho-lo and I-ching writes
it Fo-l^o-lo 2 These transcriptions seem to reqiure an
ongmal like Bokhar or Bokhara, the name of the country
which mcluded Balkh The Fo-lm or Balkh of our pilgrim
was evidently not very fat- west or north-west from Suo '
(Kunduz) and it was xmder the same Turkish governor
TOth that State The pilgrim, the Life tells us, beheld
Balkh as a “Better Land”, with its cities and their sur-

1 Juhen III. p 289 Alberum Yok I. p. 300 Fleet Ind. Ant,
VoL XXn. p 192.

* Hm-yii-ch'iu, ch. 1 and Ohavannes Mfimoires p®. 23, 48

110

THOKOUGH SINCXEBITY.

roundings in bold relief, and its vales and country distncts
nch and fertile. The description •which he gives of the
capital and the surrounding distnct agrees "with the ac-
counts of later travellers.^

The Nava-sangTidrama or New Monasteiy of this passage
13 the Nava-vihafa and Hsm-ssu (with the same meaning)
of I-ching, who also represents the establishment as being
occupied by Brethren of the Hinayana system. ^ In the
Life the Buddha’s washmg basin in this monastery is of
a capacity of two tou, and another account makes it to
have held only a shdng. The tou of the T‘ang period
was a httle more than nine quarts, and the sheng was
only about a pint. The basm and the tooth and the
broom were exhibited to the worshippei’s on the sacred
days. On these occasions the “thorough sincerity,” the
Ml-hearted earnestness of devotees sometimes bad power
to move the rehcs to shed a bnlhant hght. Eor “thorough
sincenty” the term m the text is Chih<h^^ng a

classical expression derived jfrom the “Chung-yung.”^ The
Confucianist beheved that this “thorough sincenty” enabled
its possessor to have a subtle influence over external
nature. But to the pilgrim, a Confucianist converted to
Buddhism, its power in a beheving worshipper extended
to the mystenous powers associated with the sacred objects
of his adopted lehgion. This New Monastery, Yuan-
chuang teUs us, was under the protection of Vai^avana-
deva who kept guard over the establisliment. It was to
this deva that India on the death of the Buddha entrusted
the defence of Buddhism in the northern regions, and it
was in this capacity that he had charge of the monastery.
Here at the time of Yuan-chuang’s -visit was a very genial
learned Brother from the CJie’ka country from whom our
pilgrim received much kmdness and assistance m his

1 Of Cnrtius B, Vli. cA, 18; Burnes’ Travels into Bokhara

ch. -vin.

2 Bfei-yu-ch'iu, 1. c.

3 C% 22

THE KAVA TIHXBA.

Ill

studies. With this Brother, named Prajfiakara, Yuan-chuang
read certain Abhidhannar treatises and also the Vibhasha-
^Sstra. There were also in the monastery at the time
two learned and esteemed Doctors m Buddhism who
treated the Chinese pilgiim with great courtesy.

The term which the Becords and the Life use for the
Buddhist establishment to the south-west of the New
Monastery is, it will be observed, Ching-lU. This phrase
means “the cottage of the essential,” and it is perhaps a
synonym of Chingshe^ an old and common term wuth a
similar meaning. Our pilgnm may have taken it over
from a previous writer who used it in the sense of VihSra,
as Juhen translates it here. It is to be observed that
the Life does not know anything 6f the invidious distmction
in the treatment given to the relics of the arhats of this
temple who died after miraculous exhibitions, and that of
the relics of those arhats who passed away without such
exhibitions. The pilgrim, as we have seen, describes the
100 Brethren m the establishment at his time as “day
and night assiduous at their duties.” The words withm
inverted commas are a quotation with the alteration of
one character from a wellknown passage in the Shih-ching
and they are a stock hteraiy phrase.' He adds that ono
cannot distinguish among them thO ordinary Brother from
the arhat. Ihstead of this last clause Juhen has — “H est
difficile de scruter le ceeur des hommes volgaires et des
saints,” but this platitude cannot be forced out of the
text. This simply tells us that all the Brethren were so
zealous in the observances of their religion that one could
not tell which was common monk and which was arhat.

At a distance of above 60 h north-west from the capital was
T‘t'weC8 city and above 40 h to the noith of that was
city. In each of these towns was a tope above thirty feet high.
Now the story of these topes was this As soon as' Ju-hu long
ago attained Buddhahood he went to the Bodhi Tree and thence
to the Deer Park (near Benares). At this time two hooseholders

1 The sentence in the original mns— ^

112

obight op the shape op a

meeting him in his majestio glory gave him of their travelling
provisiona pairched grain and honey. Bhagavat expounded to
them what brings happmese to men and devaa, and these two
householders were the first to hear the Five Commandments and
Ten Virtues When they had received the rehgious teaching
they requested something to worship, and Jnlai gave them ot
his hair and na'1(-painngs). The two men being about to return
to their native country begged to have rule and pattern for their
service of worship. Julai thereupon making a square pile of his
safighatT, or lower robe, laid it on the ground, and did the same
with his uttarasanga oi outer robe and his Samkachohikam, the
robe which goes under the arm-pits, in saccession. On the top of
these he placed his bowl inverted, and then set up his mendicant’s
staff, thus making a tope The two men, accepting the Julai’s
instructions, returned each to his city, and according to the
pattern thus taught by the Buddha thej proceeded to erect these
two topes, the very first in the dispensation of Sakyamnni
Buddha Above 70 h west of the capital was a tope which had
been built in the time of Kasyapa Bmldha,

The T’l'Wez ) and P‘oZz of this very curions

passage are the names of men not of cities. They stand
for Trapusha (or Tapassn) and Bhailika (or Bhallnka)
and 0 j“e the transcriptions used by some of the early
translatoLS. ^ The former is sometimes translated as
Rtmng-kwa, (^ jfj^) “a gourd” or “melon” and in Tibetan
as (xa-gong with similar meaning: Bhailika is translated
(;|;^ ^), “a village,” bun the Tibetan rendermg
means “good” or “fortunate” (BhaUuka).^ These, two men
were traveHing merchants or caravan'Chiefs from a far
land. 3 The story of their giving the Buddha his first food
after he attained Buddhahood is told in many books with

1 They are used in the Hsiu-hsing-pen-chh-ching (No. 664. tr
A.D. 197), in the Fo-shuo-t'ai-tzn-sui-ying-peD-ohfi-ohing, ck. 1
(No. 665, tr cir. A.D 250)

The two merchants’ names are also given &i Bhadrasena and
Bhadralik (Yin-kuo-chmg, ch 3 No. 666 tr. cu. A.D. 460), and as
Kna or “Melon” (Trapusha) and Upsli in the Ssu-fen Vinaya, ch. 31
where the men are brothers.

^ Sar. Ym P‘o-seng-shih, ch 6 (No 1123) RockhiH Infe p 34.

® The TiUege of the great alms-givuig ib also located on the way
between Bodhigaya and Benares and its name given aa Tapuisa-
bhafik (^ If ^ for fer ^).

nAIR-BELIC TOPES.

113

some vanations. In a late Sinhalese text these pious mer
chants erected a tope over the precious hair- and nail-
cttttmgs m Oeylon,* in a Burmese story the monument was
erected in Burmah,2 and in the account which Yuan-chuang
gives m Chimn VIH a monument was erected at the
place where the incident occurred. ^ Some versions re-
piesent the two traders as being men from the north,
some represent them as brothers, and in some versions
there is only one man The ridiculous story told here of
the Buddha’s extemporized model of a tope does not seem
to be found in any other account of the incident. It
gives U3, however, the plain outhne of the original or
eaily Buddhist tope or pagoda, — a square base surmounted
by a cylinder on which was a dome topped by a spire.
Julien evidently misunderstood the passage and he had a
faulty text. He makes the pilgrim state that Julai took
off his sanghatl “form6 de pieces de coton carries”. He
had the Ming text reading Uefi meaning “cotton” but the
C and D texts have the tieh -which means to dovMe, fold,
pile The topes which these two merchants erected in
their respective native places are not represented 'as the
first structures of the land, but only as the first in the
Buddhadom of Sakyamuni. The very next sentence, as
we have seen, tells of a Ka^yapa Buddha tOpe in the
same distnct.

The nairative continues.

South-west from the capital [of Balkh] comiag into a comer
of the Snowy mountains you arrive at the Twe-mw (or moytt
country This was 60 or 60 h long by 100 li wide, and its
capital was above ten h in oircnit.

Julien who traushterates the Ohmese characters for the
name of this country by Jm-vno-tlio, suggests Jumadha as
the foi eign word transcribed. But the first character (^)

1 Hardy M B p 186
* Bigandet Legend vol. i p 108

3 The version in the Lahtavistara Oh XTIV, and some other
versions of the story do not make mention of the hair and nails
rehcs and the topes.

H

114

BAIiEH.

was read yne and the name w£^8 probably somdhing like
Yumadha. Our author m this passage uses the mode of
description which is supposed to indicate that he is giving
a second-hand report not the result of a personal visit.
But we know from the Life that the pilgrim did go to
this countiy at the pressing invitation of its king who
shewed him great kindness.

To the Bouth-weat [of Yite-*nei-f‘S] was the Hu-shth-kan country.
This was obove 600 h long and above 1000 h Broad, and its
capital was above 20 h in circnit: it had many hilln and vales
and yielded good horoeB.

This country, according to the T‘ang-9hn extended on
the south-east to Bamian. M. Saint Martin thinks that
the Hu-shth-kan of this passage may he the district called
by the Persians Juskan which was “entre Balkh et le
district de M6rou-er-E.oud”. The pilgrim made a short
visit to this country also, we learn from the Life.*

Nortti-west [from Sti-shth’kanl was Ta-la-kan, TWr country
was above BOO li long by 50 or 60 h wide, and its capital was
more than ten li in circnit. on the west it adjoined Fo-la-ssu
(Persia).

M. Saint-Martin thinks that this name Torlorkan “nous
conduit induhitalement 5, la Talekan du Ghardjistan, ville
situ^e k tiois petites joum6es au-dessus de Merou-er-Roud,
dans la direction de Herat.” 2 The name which he has
hm'e transcribed may have been Talak^tn or Tarkan, hut
it is not likely that the characters were used to represent
a word like Talikan or Talekan.

The pilgrim now resumes his journey towards India.

Fiom Balkh he went south more than 100 h to Kie{^ychth
This country was above BOO li long and 800 h wide, and its
capital was five or six It in circuit. It was a very stony, hilly
country with few fruitc and flowers but mnch pulse and wheat;
the chmate was very cold, the people’s ways were hard and
brusque. There were more than ten monasteries with 800
Brethren all attached to the SarvSstiv&din school of the “Small
Vehicle” system

I Julien III, p 290. Of. Yule m d. K. A. S Yol vi, p, 102.
s JuUen HL p. 280. Of. Yule, 1 o , Med. Res. Yol iu p. 98

BAMTAN.

116

The word here transcribed Ka-chiJi has been restored
as Gachi and Gaz, and Yule took the country to be “the
Darah or Valley of Gaz”.i

jiAMIAN.

Our narrative proceeds to relate that the pilgrim

going south-east from Ka-chih country entered the Great Snowy
Mountains These mountains are lofty and their defiles deep,
with peaks and precipices fraught with peril Wind and snow
alternate incessantly, and at midsummer it is still cold. Piled
up snow fills the valleys and the mountam tracks are hard to
follow. There are gods of the mountams and impish spntea
which in their anger send forth monstrous appantions, and the
mountains are infested by troops of robbers who make murder
their occupation

A journey of above 600 h brought the pilgnm out of the
limits of the Tokhara country and into the Fan-yen^a country.
This was above 2000 lx from east to west and 800 lx from north
to south It was in the midst of the Snowy Mountains, and its
inhabitants taking advantage of the mountains and defiles had
their towns in strong places The capital, which was built at a
steep bank and across a defile, had a high cliff on its north side
and was six or seven h in length The country was very coldj
it yielded early wheat, had little fruit or flower, but had good
pasture for sheep and horses The people had harsh rude ways
they mostly wore furs and serges, which were of local ongm
Their written language, their popular institutions, and their cur-
rency were like those of Tokhara, and they resembled the people
of that country m appearance but differed from them in theil:
spoken language. In honesty of disposition they were far above
the neighbouring countries, and they made offerings and paid
reverence with perfect smcenty to [all objects of worship] from
the Three Precious ones of Buddhism down to all the gods.
Traders coming and going on business, whether the gods shew
favourable omens or exhibit smister manifestaticms, pay worship*
(lit. seek rehgious merit).

The Fan-yen-na ^ of this is, as has been shewn
by others, Bhmian, and Tuan-chuang was apparently the
first to nse this transcription. Other transcriptions found
in Chinese literature are Fan-yen (ift and Wang (n e.

116

BAMTAN,

BangYym C|i f^), each representing a sound like Bam-yan
Our pilgrim repiesents the inhabitants as using the natural
strongholds of the hills and defiles for their places of
abode. The district, we learn from the T‘ang-Shu, had
several large towns, but the people hved chiefly in mountain
caves. 1 Writmg from reports of recent travellers Colonel
Yule tells us. “The prominences of the chffs which line
the valley of B&mian are crowned by the remams of
numerous massive towers, whilst their precipitous faces
are for six or seven miles pierced by an infinity of an-
ciently excavated caves, some of which are still occupied
as dwellings. The actual site of the old city is marked
by mounds and remains of walls, and on an isolated rock
in the middle of the valley are the considerable ruins of
what appear to have been the acropolis, now known as
Ghfilghula.”2 This Ghulghula probably represents part of
our pilgrim’s capital, the name of which in the 7‘’* century
was Lo-lan J^). Ibn Haukal tells us that “Bamian
18 a town about half as large as Balkh, situated on a
hilL Befoie this hill runs a river, the stream of which
flows into Guyestanu Bamian has not any gardens nor
orchards, and it is the only town in this district situated
on a hill”3 The Life tells us that when Yuan-chuang
arrived at the capital the king came out to meet him and
then entertamed him in the palace and that m this city
the pilgnm met with two learned Brethren of the Maha-
sahgika school who were veiy kind to him The king was
probably regarded by Yuan-chuang as a descendant of
the Sakya exile from Blapilavastu who went to Bamian
and became its kmg.

In Bamian there were some tens of Buddhist monasteries with
several thousands of Brethren who were adherents of that BCiha-
ySna school which “declares that [Buddha] transcends the oi di
nary’], that is, the LokottaravSdin School,

1 T‘ang-shu, ck 221.

2 See “The Rock cut Caves and Statues of Bamian’’ in J R A S.

"Vol xviii. Art. XIV /

3 Or Geog, tr. Oueeley p 225

liOKOTTAEA THEOET.

117

J’or the words here placed within mveited commas the
original is Shuo ch^shih [h -{g). This expression, as
has been shewn by otheis, is used to tianslate the Sanskrit
Lokottaravadin. Jnlien interprets this and its Chinese
eqnivalent as meaning those “dont les discours s’^l^vent
an dessns du monde”.^ Bumouf renders the term by
“ceux qui se pidtendent sup^rieures an monde”.-^ Eitel
translates it “Those who pretend to have done with the
world ”8 Bnt all these interpretations judged by the
accounts of the school seem to be wrong and misleading.
Wassiljew explams the term better as meamng “those
who argue about emergence from the world, that is, argue
that m the Buddhas there is no thin g which belongs to the
world ”.4 So also Rockhill nsmg Tibetan texts explains
the term thus — “Those who say that the blessed Buddhas
have passed beyond all v.rorld8 (i, e. existences), that the
Tathagata was not subject to worldly laws are called
[“Those who 8?,y that the Tathagata] has passed beyond
all world, or I/okottaravddms.”’^ The school which bore
this name ik descnbed as an offehoot from the Maha
sangika or Church of the Great Congregation of Biethren
which arose m the Madhyade§a or “Mid-India” of Chmese
writers The name was given to the sect from the pro-
mmence which its founders gave to the doctrines that the
Buddhas were not begotten and conceived as human beings,
that there was nothmg worldly in them, but that they
were altogethei above Hits world, world-transcending In
Chinese Lokottaravadin became Shuo-ch^u^shth (or ChHc-
dliiJi-shuo) as in Yuan-chuang’s translation, or Chfu-shih-
chten-yen-^ or Vh'u-shih-cTvi&n-sTiuo.^ The former means

‘ Melanges p 330, 383
1 Bor Int. p 462

3 Handbook Oh. Buddhism s v. Lokottara-vSdinsh
*• Wass Bud S 250

s RockhiU Life p 183 I have taken some liberty vnth M' Kock-
hili’s text as there is apparently something omitted

6 See; the Shih-pa-pn-lnn (No 1284) and I-pu-tsung-lnn-lnn
(No 1286)

118

THE GBEAT BAMIAK IMAGES.

“stating that [Buddha] transcends the world” ana the
latter means “talk [of Buddha] transcending what is in
the world.” In the “Mahavastu” we have apparently a
sort of text hook of this sect, though the treatise represent
itself to he portion of the Ymaya.^ It teaches with
iteration the doctrine of the unworldlmess or super-world-
liness of the Tathagatas or Great Rishis, and consists
mainly of legends of the past and present lives of the
Buddha. As Yasumitra shews, the Lokottaravadms, like
the other sects which branched off from the MahSsahgika
hody, differed from the latter only in the accidentals not
in the essentials of doctrine and precept. The peculiar
doctrme about the Buddhas must be excepted. In the lists
of the Buddhist schools given in the Dipavamso the Lokot-
taravadm school is not mentioned.

The descnption in the text proceeds

On the declivity of a hill to the north-east of the capital was
a standing image of Buddha made of stone, 140 or 150 feet high,
of a bnlhant golden colour and resplendent with ornamentation
of precious substances. To the east of it 'Was a Buddhist mona-
stery built by a former king of the country. East of this was
■a standing image of Sakyamum Buddha above 100 feet high,
made of fHi-shth, the pieces of which had been cast separately
and then welded together into one figure

The large Buddha image of this passage is evidently
the “big idol, male” which Captain Talbot measured with
his theodolite and found to be 173 feet high. A picture
of this image is given at p 341 m Yol. xvui of the B. A.
S. Journal in the Article already quoted from. Oaptam
Talbot states that the image was “hewn out of the conglo-
merate rock, but the finishmg, drapery, &c.. was all added
by puttmg on stucco”. Our pilgrim’s statement that the
image was of a “brilhant golden colour” agrees with its
name “Surkbut” or “Gold image”, and this is said to be
probably the meaning of another of its names the Bed
IdoL2 The second image, we have seen, was made of

1 Mahgvaatu ed. Senart. T. I. Into p 2, p. 169.

2 J. E. A S. VoL xix, p. 162, 164.

MEAJHNG Oi’ X‘U-SHI

119

Pu-sin This word written ^ (6r §5) is here rendered

by Julien laiton, but m some other Jiassages he translates
it by cwzwe jaune. Native dictionaries and glossaries also
give different and conflicting explanations of the two
characters These are sometimes treated by native scholars
as two words, but they evidently stand for one vvord which
IS apparently a foreign one, perhaps the Turkish word
tuj wluch denotes bronze, Chinese intei prefers use t'w-s/ii,
called also fu-ssil ( 1 to translate the Sanskrit riti,
“bell-metal”, “bronze”, and also as the equivalent of tSm-
nka fiom tamra which means “copper” It is also described
as a “stone like jgold”, and as a metal made from coppei,
being yellow when of good quality. It seems to be some-
times used m the sense of “copper ore”, but m these
Records we may generally lender it by home This
bronze image has been identified -with the “female figure
120 feet high” of Captain Talbot, who says this, hke the
other image, was hewn out of the conglomerate rock. It
18 also the White Idol of the Persian account which also
makes it to have been cut in the lock and calls it a
female figure. It is about 'ft of a mile to the left of the
larger image We cannot explain away Yuan-chuaug’s
statement that the image was made of metal by the hypo
thesis that it was of stone covered with metal If the
Shah-mameh is the image east of the monastery' then
Yuan-chuang was mismfonhed as to its material.

The description contmues.

In a monastery 12 or 13 h to the east of the capital was a
recumbent image of the Buddha in Nirvana above 1000 feet long
Here the king held the Quinquennial Assembly at which he was
wont to give away to the monks all his possessions from the
queen down, his officiMs afterwards redeeming the valuables
from the monks

In the D text and in the Pang-chih the monastery of
the Nirvapa Buddha is only two or three h east fiom the
capital, and this is probably correct In the Life the
Nirvftiia image is at the monastery near which was the
tiy or bronze Buddha. The length of the Nirvana image

120

THE WONDEKPUL EOBE.

is enormous, especially if we are to regard it as havmg
been within the walls of a monastery. Perhaps, however,
the figure was only caiwed in a rock which formed the
back wall of the temple. In any case we jprobably do
well to agree with Colonel Yule’s suggestion that the
Azdaha of the present inhabitants of this distnct is the
Nirvana Buddha of our traveller. The Azdaha, which is
descnbed as being on the flat summit of a nearly iso-
lated rock, is “a recumbent figure bearing rude resem-
blance to a huge hzard, and near .the neck of the reptile
there is a red splash as of blood.” We cannot, however,
imagine that the pilgrim on seem^ a figure like this would
call it Buddha in Nirvana.

In this monastery thei-e was also Sanakav^’s sanghati in nine
stripes, of a dark red colour, made of cloth woven from the
fibre of the iSanaka plant. This man, a disciple of Ananda, in
a former existence gave to a congregation of Brethren on the
day of their leaving Retreat sanaka ^obes By the merit of this
act in 500 subsequent births, intermediate and human, he always
wore clothing of this material. In his last existence he was
bom in this attire and his natal garment grew with his growth}
when he was admitted into the Church by Ananda the garment
becapie a clerical robe, and when he received full ordination the
gannent became a nine-stnped sanghati. When Sanakavase was
about tb pass away he went into the “Border-limit” samadhi and,
by the force of his desire aiming at vasdom, he left this robe to
last while Buddhism endures and undergo destruction when
Buddhism comes to an end. At this time the robe had suffered
some diminution, and this was proof to behevers.

The S&ptakavfisa of this passage is tiie Sanika, ^a^avasa,
SoBavasi, and SsnavSsika or Sapavasika of other works.
Accordmg to the generally received account the hearer
of this name was the son of a merchant of Eajagaha: He
also in early life became a merchant and amassed a large
fortune with which he was very geneious to the Buddhist
fi*aternity. Ananda persuaded him to enter the Order
and a^er ordination he devoted himself to his new career
vfith great zeal and** earnestness. He mastered all the
Canon, and taught and guided a large number of disciples,
bis chief place of residence being at the monastery he

LEGEND OE SA1TAKA.VASA.

121

established neai Mathura The greatest of his disciples
was Upagupta whom he made his successor as Master of
the Vinaya. After this Sanakavasa went to Kipin, a
northern legion including Kashmir, or to Champs, but
returned to Mathura. There he died and his remains ’^ere
cremated and a tope erected over them.' In order to
account for his name and career a story is told about
him m a former life. ELe was then the chief of a caravan
of 500 merchants and on his journey he fell in with a
Pratyeka Buddha dying in lonely helplessness The caravan-
chief devoted himself to the suffering samt, and nursed
him with great kmdness. Tins Pratyeka Buddha had an
old worn garment of 6&pa, a kind of cloth made from the
^an hemp, and the caravan-ohief wished huh to change it
for a new cotton lobe. But the saint declined the offer,
not wishmg to part with the old robe which was associated
foi him with all his spiritual pi ogress. The caravan-chief
expressed his strong desire that when he next was bom
in this world he should be in all respects like this Pratyeka
Buddha. By the merit of his kindness to the Pratyeka
Buddha and his prayer he was led to join the Buddhist
Order and to wear all his life the linen robe in which
he was oi darned, and hence he had the name S^'Uakav&sin
or “Wearer of linen”. The legends about him having
been six yeais m his mother’s womb, and having been
born in a Imen shirt, are only m some of the accounts.
This arhat, who lived within 100 yeais after the Buddha,
figures m the DivyavadSna and in the Buddhist books of
NepSl, Tibet, and Chma,2 but he seems to he unknown
to the Pall scnptuitis. We can scarcely regard him as
identical with Sonika, the thera of Bsjagaha, mentioned
in the MahSvamsa and other works, although m~some
circumstances there is a resemblance.^ The word sM-na-

1 Pu-fa-tsang-ym-yuan-ching (or chaon), ch 2 (No 1840 tr A.D.
472), A-yu-wang-chuan (No 1459 tr AD. 800).

2 DivySv p. 849 Bud Lit Nep \^p 67, Bockhill Life p. 161.

» Mah ch. IV Dip V 22.

122

THE INTEEMEDIATE fcsTATE.

ka in the arhat’s name is also explained as meaning tzu~
jan-fu or “natural”, — “self-existing clothing”, as

if for sauaka fiom sana which means “eternal”, “self-
existent”. r

The words liere rendeied “m 500 existences intermediate
and human” ^are peculiar and ment attention. In all the
texts and in the Life the onginal is yv-im-pai-shen-chung-
ym~sli6ng-yin 31 W # 4* 1^)» ^uid-J alien tianslates

this by “pendant cmq cents existences successues”. But
this IS not all that the author states, and the sense in
which I understand the words is evidently something like
what the constmction requires. It is also apparently the
sense in which the authoi of the Fang-cliih understood
the passage, for he transciibes it tvu-pat-chuug-yin-shin-
sheng or “500 intennediate states and human hiitiis” The
Chung-yiny called also clamg-yu (4* W)’ anlara-

hhava or intermediate state, the hfe elsewhere which intei-
venes between two existences on this woild. Human death
or ssH-yin f^) is the dissolution of the skan'dha (ym)
w'hich form the living body; and this is followed in due
time by a new human birth, the slieng-yin, in which the
skandha aie recombined. In the penod which elapses
between these two events that which was, and is to be
agam, the human being, lives on in some other sphere or
spheres of existence, and this unknown life is the chung-
yin. This in the language of the Buddlusts is the road
which lies between but connects the two villages of Death
and Be-hirth. The term will be furthei explained when
Ave come to Chuan VTL

KA-PI-SHIE (KAPIS).

Tlie narrative proceeds to relate that the pilgrim

going' east from this entered the Snow Mountains, crossed a
black range and reached Ka-px-shih This country was above ^
4000 h in circuit with the Snowy Mountains on its north and
having black ranges on its other sides, the capital ■was above
■ten It in circuit It yielded various cereals, and fruit and timber,
and excellent horses and saffron; many raie commodities from
other regions were collected in -tins country, its climate 'was

KATERISTAN.

123

cold and windy, the people were of a rude violent disposition,
used a coarse vulgar language, and married in u miscellaneous
manner The wriiten language was very like that of Tokhara,
but the colloquial idiom and the social institutions of the people
were different For inner clothing they wore woollen cloth
{mao-heh), and for their outer garments skins and serge Their
gold, silver, and small copper coins differed in style and appearance
from those of other countries. The king, who was of the Ksha-
tnya caste, was an intelhgent couiageous man, and his liower
extended over more than ten of the neighbouring lands, he was
a benevolent luler and an adherent of Buddhism He made
every year a silver image of Buddha 18 feet high, and at the
Moksha-panshad he gave liberally to the needy and to widows
and widowers Theie were above 100 Monastenes with more
than 6000 Brethren who were chiefly Mahayamsts, the topes and
monasteries were lofty and spacious and wore kept in good
order. Of Deva-Templea there were some tens, and above 1000
professed Sectarians, Digambaras, and Pumsupatas, and those
who wear wreaths of skulls as head-ornaments

The words “fiom this” at the beginning of the above
passage apparently mean fiom the monasteiy with the
sacied relics. The Life tells us that rhe joumoy fiom the
capital of Bamian to the coniines of the coimtry occupied
about 15 days Two dajs* 30 umey out-side the Baraian
boundaij the pilgrim lost his way in the snow and after
being set right he crossed a black range into Ka-pt-shth
01 ELapis. This is all the information we have about the
distance of the latter country from Bamian. By the woi ds
“black range” m this passage we are apparently to under-
stand those mountams of the Snowy range which were not
covered with perpetual snow. It will be noticed that al-
though the pilgnm travelled east through the Snowj’
Mountams unto Hapis it was a “black range” that was to
tlie west of that country

The conntiy here designated does

not seem to have been known to the Chinese genej ally by
that name. We find the Ka-pi-slnh of oui authoi how-
ever, in some latei hooks used to denote a cduntiy said
to be Bipin i In some older-- hooks the country is called

1 K‘ai- j uan-lu, ch 1 (No 1485)

124

KAHEISTAN.

Ka-pi-shih ^ and is desciibed as a gi’eat rendez-
vous for traders. The Sanskrit name is given as Karpi-
saya and this is transcribed m Chinese by Ka-pi-she-^e
(M Kanishka is Kanerka so Kapis may be

Kafir a name which is pre8er?ed in the modern Kafiristan.
As to the area of the country Cunningham tells us that
if Yuan-chuang’s “measuiement be even approximately
correct, the distnct must have included the whole of Kafi-
ristan, as well as the two large valleys of Ghol’band and
Panjshir, as these last a^’e together not more than 300 miles
m circuit”. 2

Among the products of the country here enumerated
IS one called YU-cliin, that is, “saffron”. The translators,
however, give “Curcuma” as the meaning of the word and
it is 80 rendered by others in various books. As we have
to meet with the word again the reasons for translatmg
it by “saffron” are to be given hereafter.

Our narrative proceeds.

About three or four h -east of the capital under the north
mountain was a large monastery with above 300 Bretiiren all
Hlnayamsts. Its history the pilgrioa learned was this. When
Kanishka reigned in Gandhara his power reached the neighbouring
States and his influence extended to distant regions As he kept
order by military rule over s vade territory reaching to the east
of the Ts'ung" Lrag, a tributary state of China to the west of the
Yellow Riv^r through fear of the king’s power sent him [princes
as] hostages On the arrival of the hostages Kanishka treated
them with great courtesy and prbvided them with different
residences according to the seasons. The wmter was spent in
India, the summer in Kapis, and the spring and autumn in
Gandhara At each residence a monastery was erected, this
one being at the summer residence Hence the walls of the
chambers had paintings of the hostages who in appearance and
dress were somewhat like the Chinese. When the hostages
returned to their homes they fondly remembered their residence
here, and continued to send it religious offerings. So the Brethren
oi this monastery with grateful feelings had kept up religious
services on behalf the hostages every year at the beginnmg and
end of the Bam-season Retreat. To the south of the east door

1 Su-kao-sSng-chuan, ch 2 (No. 1498), K‘ai-yuan-lu, cA. 7.

2 Anc. Geog. Ind. p. 17.

niSOBIPTION AT THE SAliAKA

126

of the Baddha’s-Hall of the Monastery, under the right foot of
the nnage of the Lord, over the Gods, -was a pit containing a buned
treasure deposited there hy the hostages There was an inscription
which stated that when the monastery fell into disrepair ^he
treasure was to be used for its repairs In late times a frontier
kmg had coveted the treasure and tried to steal it, but the figuic
of a parrot in the God’s crown by flapping his wings and
screaming frightened the king and his soldiers, the earth also
quaked and the hang and his soldiers fell down stiff; when they
recovered they confessed their gpiilt and went away home

The Life tells us that the Hlnayana monastery of this
passage was called Sha-lo-ka Q>p ^ jjg), a word of which
no explanation is given. It was m this monastery that
our pilgrim was lodged and entertamed duiing a poition
of his stay at the capital In the Life also there is only
one hostage and he is a son of a Chmese empeior and
it was by him' the monastery was bmlt The story m the
Records evidently supposes the reader to understand that
the hostages were the sons of a ruler of a feudal depen-
dency of China or of rulers of several such states Here
also I think there is properly only one hostage-prmce and
the use of the plural m the latter part of the passage is
perhaps a slip The monastery may be the estabhshment
called in some works the T^ten-s6u and. the Wang-ssUi oi
Royal VihSra. Its name Sh^lg^a is apparently not to
be taken as a word quahfymg vihdra, but as the designation
of the whole estabhshment comprismg the hostage’s resi-
dence, the sacred buildings and the monks’ ^uarteis It
is possible that the Chmese transcription may represent
the Indian word ^aldka or “small mansion” used m the
sense of a “temporary royal residence.”

The Life also gives the story of the buried treasure and
tells of the attempts to make use of it by the Brethren.
At the time of the pilgrim’s visit money was wanted to
repair the tope and Yuan-chuang was requested to lay
the case before the Lord, he did so and with such success
that the required amount was taken without trouble.

The narrative next tells us of caves in the mountains to the
north of the Hostage’s Monastery Here the hostages practised
sapiadhi, and in the caves were hidden treasures guarded by a

126

MOUNT ARUNA.

yaksha On a mountain two or three h west of the caves was
an image of Kuan-tzu-tsai P-usa, to devotees of perfect earnestness
the P‘usa would come forth from the image and comfort them
with the Bight of hiB beautiful body. Above 30 li south-east
from the capital was rhe Hsliula monastery with its marve^^
working tope, built by a statesman named Raliula
Above forty south from the capital was the city called
Si'P't-to-fa-la-Uu ^ ^ M W)< When the rest of the
region was visited by earthquakes and landslips this city and all
round it were quite undisturbed

For the naine of the city here transcribed Juhen, who
transliterates the last charactoi sse, suggests Sphitavaras
ns the possible Sanskrit original and Saint Martin pro-
poses Svelnvaras. But the last character sse or teic is
one of those which the Cliinese do not like to use m
transcriptions and it is probably a Chinese word in the
sense of te^nple The other characters may stand for
Svetavat, one of the epithets of Indra, the god who ndes
a white (sveta) elephant. Thus the name- of the city would
be ^vetarat-alaya, the Abode or Shrine of Indra.

To tlic Bouth of th.s city and at a distance of above 30 h
from it was the A-hi-no Mountain, steep and lofty, with gloomy
cliffs and gorges. Every [NewJ year the summit increased in
height several hundreds of feet appearing to look towards the
Sliu-na-st'lo Mountain in Tsao-ku-Va, and then it suddenly
collapsed The explanation given to the pilgnm by tue natives
was this Ones the god Shu-tia arriving from afar wanted to
slop on this mountain, but the god of the mountain becoming
alarmed made a convulsion Shu-na deva then saidrto him —
‘You make this commotion because you do not want me tp lodge
with you, if jou had granted mo a little hospitality I should
ha\e filled you vsnth nches, now I go to the Tsao-ku-t'a country
to the Shu-na-si-lo mountain, and every [New-jyear when I am
receiving the worship and offerings of the king and statesmen
you are to be a subordinate spectator’. Hence the A-lu-no
mountain increases its height and then suddenly collapses

For the “New-year” of this rendenug the original is
simply sui (j^) “yeai-”, but it was evidently at a particular
time of the year that the mountain prolonged its summit. A
native scholar was of the opinion that the word sut in. this
passage meant harvest, the tune when thank-offerings were
made to the god for the good crops. But it is perhaps better

A NAGA LEGENIX

127

to take the woid in the sense of New-year^ Mount Aruna
having to do homage openly to Slm-na deva when the
latter was receiving the New-year’s Vorship of the king
and grandees of Tsao-ka-t‘a. The A-lu-no of this passage
18 evidently, as has been conjectured, for Anipa which
means “red, the colour of the dawn”. In Alberuni we
read of the Arnna mountain to the west of Kailasa and
described as covered with perpetual snow and inaccessible. i
Shztrna, also pionounced Ch^u-na, may be for 6 una, and
Shu-na-si~lo may be for Sunasirau, a pair of ancient gods
associated with fanning But si-lo is perhaps for ^ila, “a
rock”, the name of the mountain being Shuna’s i ock Tins
Shuna or Oh‘una was the chief god among the people of
Tsao-ku-t’a, but be was feared and worshipped beyond
the limits of that country. A deity with a name like this
18 still worshipped in some of the hill distncts beyond
India, I believe. He was perhaps ongmally a sun-god, as
Arupa was the dawn, and the name Shun still survives in
Manchoo as the word for Sun.

Retuming to the Records we read that

above 2W h nortb-west from the capital waa a great Snowy
Mountain on the top of which was a lake, and prayers made at
it for rain or fine weather were answered The pilgnm then
narrates the legend about tbis lake and its Dragon-kmgs In
the tune of Kaniehka the Dragon-king was a fierce mahcious
creature who in bis previous existence had been the novice
attending an arhat of Glnndhgm As such in an access of passion
and envy he had prayed to become .o N&ga-king m his next
birth, and accordingly on his death he came into the world as
the Dragon-king of this lake. Keeping ap his old bad feelings
he killed the old Dragon-kmg , and sent raiil and storm to destroy
the trees and the Buddhist monastery at the foot of tlie mountain
Kanishka enraged at the persistent malice of the creature pro
ceedod to fill up hia lake. On this the Dragon-king became
alarmed and assuming the form of an old brahmin he remoti-
strated earnestly with the king ,ln the end the king and the
Dragon made a covenant by which Kanishka was to rebuild the
monastery and erect a tope, the latter was to serve as a lookout,
and when the watchman on this observed dark clouds rising on

1 Vol. 11 , p 148

128

A MISUITOEIISTOOD IDIOM.

the mountain the gong was to be sit once sounded, whereupon
the bad temper of the Dragon would cease. The tope stJl con-
tinued to be used for the purpose for which it was erected. It
was reported to contain flesh-and-bone relics of tbe Ju-lai about
a pint in quantity, and from these proceeded countless miracles.

In Julien’s translation of the passage from which the
above has been condensed there occurs a sentence in
which the original does not seem to have been properly
understood. The words here rendered “assuming the form
of an old brahmin he remonstrated earnestly with the
hing” are in Julien’s translation “prit la forme d’un vieux
BrShmane, se prosterna devant 2*eliphant du roi et addressa
d KanieJika des reprSsentahons‘\ For the words which I
have put in italics the Chinese is E^ovrwang-hsiang-trh-
chien (P|J literally “striking the king’s elephant

he remonstrated”. But the meaning is simply “he sternly
reproved” or “earnestly remonstrated with”. The ex-
pression con’esponds to the common Chinese phrase K*ou-
ina-chwn hteraUy “striking his horse reprove”. But there
IS no striking of either horse or elephant, the expression
being figurative. To make the brahmm kotow to the
elephant is neither Chinese nor Indian and it spoils the
story. The phrase K^ourhsiang occui’s again, in Chiian VI.
and Juhen again make the same cunous mistake. His
translation (p. 326) is there even less appropnate than
it is here.

To tbe north -west of tbe capital on the south bank of a large
rirer was an Old King’s Monastery which had a milk-tooth one
inch long of Sakya P'usa South-east from this was another
monaelery also called “Old King’s”, and in this was a shce of
Julai’s ushnisha above an inch wide of a yellow-white colour
with the hair pores distmct. It had also a hair of Julai’s head
of a dark violet colour above a foot long but curled up to about
half an inch. The ushnisha was worshipped by the king and
great ofBcials on -the six fast days To the south-west of this
monastery was the Old Queen’s monastery in which was a gilt
copper tope above 100 feet high said to contam rehes of Buddha.

It is curious to find our pilgrim here telling of a sbee
of Buddha’s ushnisha as existing in Kapis. I-ching also
writes of the Julai’s titig-ku or ushnisha as being in this

EELI0-CAST7ISTET

129

country.* Our pilgnm, we shall see presently, . agreeing
with Fa-hsien makes the city Hilo m another country
possess the ushnisha apparently in a pei feet estate As
Hilo was a dependency of Kapis we may regard I-ching’s
pilgrims as paying reverence to the ushnisha oiHilo and
getting their fortunes from it But we cannot imderstand
how a monastery in Kapis had a piece of the ushnisha
at the same time that the whole of it was ^ Hilo. Then
a century or so after our pilgrim’s time Wu>k‘ung found
the ushnisha relic of Saliva Ju-lai in the Yen-Vi-h vihfira.
of Kamshka m Gandhara It was near the capital of
Qandhara also that Wu-k'ung saw the Dragon-kmg mo-
nastery which Yuan-chuang places 200 lx north-west from
the capital of Kapis. 2

To the south-weat of the capital was the Pt-lo-sho-ib Mountain
This name was given to the mountain from its-presiding genius
who had the form of an elephant and was therefore called Fx-lo-
sho-lo "While the Julai was on earth this god once invited him
and the 1200 great arhats to his mountain, and here on a large
flat rock he gave the J ulai worship and entertainment. On this
rock king Asoka afterwards built a tope above IO6 feet high.
This tope, which was supposed to contain about a pmt of the
Buddha’s rehes, was known to the people at the time of Yuan-
chuang’s visit as the Pt-lo-sho-lo tope
To the north of this tope and at the base of a chff was a
Dragon Spring In it the Buddha and the 1200 arhats cleansed
their months, and chewed their tooth-sticks, after eating the food
supphed to them by the god. theiir tooth-sficks bemg planted
took root, and became the dense wood existing at the time of
the pilgrim’s visit People who hved after the Buddha’s time
erected at the place a monastery to which they gave the name
Fxng (or P'lf-to-ka

The Fx-lo-sho foi soyio of this passage, translated by
the Chinese as “Elephant-solid”, has been restored by
Julien as Pilusdra. This was the name of the tutelary
god of the mountain and of the mountain itself, and it
was the name given to the Asokff 'tope erected on one of
the rocks of the mountain.

1 H8i-yu-ch‘iu, ch 1, 2, and Chavannes Kemoires p 24, 105.
* Shih-h-ohmg, Ohavannes m J A. T "VL p 367

I

130

PIN TAKA VIHAEA.

A note added to the Chinese text here tells us that
Ping (or P‘iyto-ka is in Chinese Chto-yang-cfith (|@ ;j^)

literally “chev willow twig”. This is the term used to
describe the Buddha and his arhats chewing their tooth-
Biichs in the operation of cleansing their mouths, and it
is the common phrase in Chinese Buddhist works to denote
this operation. One of the OhineBe names for the tooth-
stick which the bhikshu was ordered to use daily was
Tang~chifi or “wiUow-twig”, but in India at least the tooth-
stick was not made of willow. We are not obliged to
accept the native annotator's translation of the foreign
word here, and it is apparently not correct. It will be
noticed that the name Ping-fo-ka, according to our pilgrim,
was given to the monastery built here by people who hvod
after the time of the Buddha and his arhats, and apparently
at a period when there was a thick clump of trees at the
place. The transcription in the text may possibly represent
the word Pindaka used in the sense of a dump of trees,
ike monasteiy being called the Pmdaka-vihara,

CHAPTER V.

OHUAN n.

GENERAL DESORIPTION OF INDIA
Its names.

The pilgrim haying now aniyed at the frontiers of tho
great country which he calls Yzn-tu (India) gives his readers
a “Pisgah-sight” of the land before takmg them through
its vanous Idngdoms. And first he tells them of its name
and its meaning and probable origin His statements
about the name may he roughly rendered as follows —

"We find that different counsels have confused the designations
of T'un-chu (India), the old names were ShSn-tic and Stcn (or
JHicnytmi, now we must conform to tho correct pronunciation
and call it Ytn-tu The people of Yin-tu use local appellations
for their respective countries, the variola districts having different
customs, adoptmg a general designation, and one which the
people like, we coll the country Yin-iu which means the “Moon”

This rendeimg difiers m some respects from that given
hy Jnlieii which is neither very clear nor correct Here,
however, ns m several other passages of the Records, it is
not easy to make out the precise meaning of the author’s
statements It is plain, however, that he is not dealing-
with names given Jo J^dia gerfeially but only -with those
used in "Chinese hooks Then his ivoids would seem to
mdicate that he legaided T‘ien-chu, Shen-tu, and Sien-tou
as only dialectical vanehes or mistaken tianscnptions of
Yin-tu, which was the standard pronunciation Further
his language does not seem to intimate, as Julien under-

132

THE NAME ‘INDIA*.

Stood it to intimate, that Yin-tu the name for all
India used by the inhabitants of the country. In some
other works we find it stated that Yin-tu was the native
name for the whole country, and Indu-de^a given as the
original Sanskrit" term. Our author may have had this
opinion hut this does not seem to be the meanmg of his
statements . here. On the contrary he apparently wishes
us to understand that the natives of India had only
designations of their own States, such as Magadha and
Kausambhi, and that they were without a general name
under which these could be included. It was the peoples
beyond, as for example the Turks, who gave the name
Ym-tu, and the Hu who gave Sm-tu, to a great territory
of uncertain limits. Then the Buddhist writers of Kashmir,
Oandhara, and other countries beyond India proper, seem
also to have sometimes used the name Yin-tu But, as
I-chmg tells us, although this word may mean “moon’’
yet it was not the current name for India. In Buddhist
literature India is called Jambudvip^ and poitions of
it Aryade^a and Madhyade^a.^ One of the other names
for India to be found m Buddhist hterature is Indra-
vardhana But m the Chinese accounts of letters or
missions sent by Indian rajahs to the court of ,Ohiiia
the rajahs are only represented as styling themselves
kmgB of special countries m India Thus the great
Siladitya, who treated our pilgrim with great honour,
18 made m Chinese history to call himself king of
Magadha.

Let us now examine in detail Yuan-chuang’s statements
about the terras he quotes as used m China to denote
India and the history of these terms. The old name, as
he tells us, is that which he, following precedent, writes
Shen-tu as the characters are now pronounced

This word emerges in Chinese history m the account
which the famous envoy Chang Cb'ien (Kien) gives of his
experiences in the Ta-hsia country (Bactria) In that we

1 Nan-hsu-ch'i-kuei, ch 26, Hunter’s Ind Emp p 83.

OLD CHTNESE NAMES FOB INDIA

133

read that when Chang returned from his mission to the
West he reported to Han Wu Ti (apparently about B. C
123) that when m Ta-hsia he had seen bamboo poles and
cloth from a district which is now comprised in the Pro-
vince of Ssuchuan He had been told, he relates, that
these commodities had been obtained at Shen-tu, as the
name of the place is given in the ordmary texts of his
report to the Emperor Kow Ohmese writers tell us,
and Western scholars have adopted and repeated the
statements, that the Shen-tu of this story was India, and
that all the other designations for that country m Chinese
books such as Hsien-tou, Hsien-tu, Kan-tu, Khan (or Yuan)-
tu, T‘ien-cbu, T‘ien-tu, and Yin-tu are only phonetic cor-
ruptions of Shen-tu. These opimons seem to hare been
lightly formed and heedlessly followed, and it may be use-
ful for us to enquire whether they have a good basis.

In the first place then we find that there is doubt as
to what was the precise form of the name of the country
in Chang-'s statement So instead of the character for
jS7iln in Sh§n-tu given above we meet with several various
readings Such are and which piobably represent
one sound, something like Oet or K^at Now a foreign
name like K^atu or Gachu as a name for India seems to
have been m use. Then a third various reading for the
Shen of Sh§n-tu is K'len oi Elan (^) which may have
been originally a copyist’s shp for one of the characters
read We find also a fourth various reading for

the syllable Shen of Shen-tu, viz — ^KQan or Yun
But the country descnhed m Chmese hteratuie under the
name Yun-tu was evidently one to the east or north-east
of all that has been called India,3 Then acceptmg the
charactei now read Sh§n as the genume text of Chang’s

1 Shih-chi |E)i 123, Commentary In the T'nngf-cluen-

kang mu, ch. 4, Yuan-shou (% 3^) J i this passage of the Shih-
ohj is quoted with the reading San~tu instead of Shen-tu

See also EAnghsi Diet s v ^

2 Han-Shu, c7j 96

3 T‘ung-chih-bao, the Tu-jn-hao, ch I, Han-Shu, 1 c

134 :

DISOUBSION OF OLD

repoi-t we are told that in this name it is to he pronounced
like in or yviu This does not seem Y%vy improhahle. But
an etymological authority tells us that the character in
question has, in this name, the sound There may

he some truth m this statement. But it is not supported
by authority, and seems rather fanciful.

The district or region which the envoy Chang reported
as named, let us continue to say, Shen-tu, is briefly
described by him and others of the Han period. It was
seveial thousand li south-east from Bactria, near a rivei
(or sea), its mhahitants used elephants m fightmg. Some
writers describe them as Buddhists; and they were m many
respects like the people of Bactria, or like the G-eti
(Yue-ti) according to another account. Their country was
about 2000 li south-west from what is now the Oh‘eng-tu
and jNing-yuan districts in Ssuchuan, and it had a regiliar
trade with the merchants of the Ch‘eng-tu district, some
of whom seem to have settled m it. Turthei, this country
was not far from the ^western border of the Chinese empire
in the Han time, and it was on the way fi.om China to
Bactna. So though the name Shen-tu came to be after-
wards given to India yet in its fiist use it apparently
denoted a small region in what is now Yunnan and
Bunnah ^

The name Hsien-tou was apparently apphed to a region
different from that designated Shen-tu 3 Like Hsien-tu
CW, I^)> which term it is perhaps only a vanety, this
name was probably used fust by the Chmese for the Indus,

1 "Wen-cli'i-tien-chu (f^ ^ & |£), ch 2 p. 22. The change of
Shen-tu into Tien-tu nrjay point to a Burmese pronunciation of Smilu
as Tbindu

2 Han-Shu, ch 95, Hou Han-Shu, ch 88, Ma T L ch 338 gives

much luformation about India compiled not very carefully from
previous authorities, his account is translated in Julien’s Melanges
p 147. _

3 But Hsien (JE[ien)-tou came to be used as a name for

India, and we find it described as a native designation for the whole
country properly called Indravardhana. Su-kao-seng-chuan, ch 2.
See also Bang-chih ch 3

CHINESB NAMES FOB INDIA.

136

called Smdhu in Sanskrit. The name was aftei wards
extended by them to a mountainous region, perhaps Ladak,
through which the Indus flows. We find the Hsieu-tu
country mentioned in the same passages of'the Han History
with Shen-tu.

We next come to Then-chu ^ and T‘ien-tu (^)
said to represent only one name pronounced something
like Tendu or Tintok. We are told by one Chinese writer
that the name T‘ien-chu was first applied to India m the
Han Ho-Ti period (A.H. 89 to 106) but the authonly for
the statement is not given. A.nother account makes Mdng
K‘an (about A.D. 230) the first to identify Then-chu with
Shen-tu, but this likewise is unsupported by authorify.
We are also told that the cliu of T‘ien-chu is a short
way of wntmg iu ()^), a statement which is open to very
senous doubt i This word tu occurs m the ancient clas-
sical literature, and native students declare that it repre-
sents an earlier chu. This is specially noted with reference
to the occurrence of tu in b wellknown passage of the
“Lun-Yli”. Then as to the first part of the name there
seems, to have been an old and perhaps dialectical pro-
nunciation of the character as SRen or Hin This pro-
nunciation IS found at present in the dialect of Shao-wu
foo m the Provmce of Fuhkeen in which ^ is read
Exen-tu."^

But what was the sound originally represented by the
character now read Chu in the compound T‘ien-chn? It
seems that no satisfactory and decisive answer can be
given at present to this question We find that in the
Han period the character represented several sounds which
cannot be said to be very hke each other. The upper
part chu meaning iamboo is not significant here, we are
told, but only phonetic; and the lower part is significant,
and refers the word to the category earth. The character
might then be read something like du, but this account

’ Shih-ohi, 1 c.

^ The Ohineae Recorder for September 1891, p, 408

136

DISCUSSION OF OLD

of tKe syllable may be doubted, as we leam also that the
character was read like tek, an old and stHl current pro-
nunciation of the word' for bamboo. Then this same
charactei was also read as chali, tuh, Icat, and Itc or gou ^
Something like the last was perhaps the earhest pro-
nunciation of the character, and this is probablyja cor-
ruption or abbreviation of a form like kao (^) or kung
This last form, unknown to the dictionaries apparently,
occurs often in Japanese- texts of Buddhist books instead
of the character* for chii. l^ow in the fact that ko or gou
was an old sound of this character we have an explanation
of a proper name found in the Tibetan version of the
Buddhist ‘•Sutra m Forty-two Sections”. One of the two
Indian monks who came to China in the time of Han
Ming Ti. and translated or drew up the above scripture,
is styled in Chinese text Chu Fa-Ion. These words ap-
parently represented an Indian name like Bharma-pushpa,
that is, Flower of Buddhism. How the Tibetans transcrib-
ing the sounds of the characters for Chn Falan according
to their own language wrote apparently Oo-ba-ran and this
became in the modem transcription Qdbliarana. This last
word is neither Sanscrit nor Tibetan, hut it has been
adopted by Feer who has been followed by Beal and
EiteL That Chu in such expressions as Chu-Fa-lan
^ is not part of the name, bnt means “India” or
“Indian” ’we know from its occurrence in other expressions
of a similar kmd. We may also infer it, in this case,
from the fact that it does not occur in some old editions
of the above-mentioned scripture, which have only Fa-lan
as the name of the Indian monk. So also in another
Tibetan work we find him described as “BhSxana Pandita”^
There is also, another word m which we may perhaps

1 Shuo-vren. ed Kuei Ftr-lialo, b. v. In the Po-kuo-chi this

character must be proneunced like TuJi or Tak as it forms the first
syllahle Of the name Takshasila -

2 Peer s Le Sutra en 42 Artides p 47, Ssu-shih-erh-chang-ching,
and Bun No 678 and Appall col I; Journal Bengal A. S. No. LI.
p 89 , Huth, Geschichte d. Bud m d. Mongolei, tr from Tibetan, S. 101.

OHCNESE NAMES FOE INDIA.

137

recognize the ko pronunciation of our character dm This
word 18 the old “Tangut”, more correctly Tan-ku, which
was the Turkisli-Persian designation for the country now
called Tibet.' It is not improbable that, as some have
supposed, this Tan-ku is simply the T‘ien-chu of Chinese
writers. And so this last may have been originally a
Turkish terln, used to denote a country immediately
to the west of China, and between that country and
Bactria.

T‘ien'tu, on the other hand was the name of a place
in the Eastern Sea mentioned in the “Shan-hai-ching”
along with Chao-hsien or Korea, This place was after-
wards identified wrongly with the T^en~chu of writers on
India and Buddhism. 2 But we find mention also of another
Then-tu (written in the same way), a small country to
the west of Chma, which has been supposed by some to
be the Sh§n-tu of Chang Ch*ien.

Whatever the name T^ten-chu may have signified ori-
ginally, however, it came to be given by the Chmese m
their hterature to the great extent of territory between
the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea, and reachmg
from the Kapis country in the north to Ceylon in the
south Thus used it supplanted the old Shen-tu, and all
other names for India among the Chinese, and it contmued
to be the general literary designation for that country
down to the T‘ang period when the new name Yin-tu vras
brought into fashion. We even find the term T‘ien-ohu
used with a wider apphcation, and it is employed as a
synonym for “Buddhist countries”, for example, m a title
given to the “Eo-kuo-chi” of Fa-hsien. Nor has the term
been qmte put out of use by Yuan-chuang’s correct name
Yintu, and Yuan-chuang himself continues to use it
occasionally. We find also each of its component parte

1 Georgi’s Alph Tib p 10 In ilie Hoi-kuo-t'u-chili it is ex-
preB*ly stated that T‘ien-ohu has been identified with the modern
Hsi-Tsang or Tibet

* Shan-hai-ching, ch 18.

138

WHY IS INDIA A MOON.

sometimes made to do duty for the whole This Ohung-
T‘ien and Hsi-T'ien aie respectively Middle and West
India, while Chu in the Han and Ch‘in periods and later
was commonly used for India or Indian, a way in which
Rs7~T'ien is also used.

Leaving T‘ien-chu to continue as a Chinese name for
India, Yuan-chuang puts aside what he considers to be
the corruptions of the term Yin-tu, and proceeds to use
that form as the correct designation of the country. He
goes on to suggest a reason for this word, meamng “moon”,
havmg come to be so employed His explanation is ap-
parently as follows —

The unceasing revolutions of mortals’ existences are a dark
long night, were there not a warden of the dawn they would
be like the night with its lights which succeeds the setting of
the sun, although the night have the hght of the stars that is
not to be compared to the light ef the clear moon Hence
probably India was likened to the moon as [since the son of the
Buddha set] it has had a succession of holj and wise men to
teach the people and exercise rule as the moon sheds its bright
influences, — on this account the country has been called Yin-tu.

The comparison and explanation of our author, it must
be admitted, are sorry things; and they are not improved
in .any of the translations But the passage has probably
some copyist’8''mistakes, and we must at least supply a
clause which apparently has dropt out of the tgxt. This
clause IS the important phrase Fo~jih-chi-ytn (f^ 0 ^
which means “when the sun of the Buddha set”. I have
restored these words within square brackets m the body
of the pilgrim’s explanation, but it is probable that they
occurred at the head of it also. The “long night” of the
text IS the interminable succession of renewed existences
to non-Buddhists, and to the Buddhists the period between
the death of one Buddha and the advent of another,
but it IS rather a state of affairs than a tract of time.
It denotes a condition of spiritual darkness to mankind,
an endless repetition of mortal life in many varieties ; each
life ignorant of the one befoie, and without any hint of
the one to follow. There is no Buddha m the world; and

THE NAME T‘lEN-CmJ

139

so there is no one to end the night, and bring in the dawn
of Nirvana, The Buddha is the SsU-cli'en (^ _^) oi
Warden of the Dawn, the ofiicei in charge of daybreak
who ushers in the light • of intelligence and the perfect
way.

Now on earth, when the ‘‘hghts of night” succeed the
setting of the sun, there are stars, and there is the moon.
The stars, however, have only a shining, the briglitness of
a glow. But the moon has a hght which illuminates and
mfluences the world, and which transcends in bnghtness
all other hghts of the mght. So othei lands have had
sporadic sages who made a glory for themselves revolving
each in his own pecuhar eccentric oibit But India had
a regular succession of great Sages who ‘followed the
great wheel’ of ancient authority, each successor only ex-
poundmg, renewmg, or developing the wise teachings of
his divine or human predecessors; thus keeping the hght
of primitive revelation shining among mortals, in Buddhist
wntmgs the Buddha is often compared to the moon, while
the stars are sometimes the nval teachers of his time, and
occasionally his own great disciples.

A later Chmese writer, apparently under the impression
that he had the authority of Yuan-chuaug for the state-
ment, tells us that T'len-chu means moon But he, hke
several other authors explains the giving of this name to
India m a different way fi.om that described by the pilgmn
He says that the country was called T'len-chu or Moon
because it was as great and distinguished above the other
countries of the world, as the moon is great among the
stars of mght — “velut mter ignes Luna minores”. Other
wnters, like I-ching for example, aie more discreetly wise,
and lefram from proposmg any explanation ’of the names
for India Admitting, they say, Tin-tu to be a Sanskrit term
denotmg the moon, yet it was not for that reason that the
Chinese gave it a** a name to the country, nor is the name
the umversal one, JUn-tu is the Chinese name ^or India
as Chi-na and Clien-tan are terms used m that country
to denote China, and axiaii; from such use these names

140

THE BRAHMIN COtiNTET.

have DO sigmfidation i This is going too far, and the
word India at least has a satisfactory explanation. When
oni pilgiim enquiied about the size and form of the
country, he was told that it was shaped hke a crescent
or, as it 18 in the text, a half-moon. The term used was
apparently Indu-kala, transcnbed Tzn-t^i-ka-lo (PJJ # 'fe
J^).2 This word means a digit of the moon or a crescent, '
but it IS rendered m Chinese simply by yiieh or thootu
It was peihaps this fact which led to the absurd com-
paiison and explanation of onr text.

Oui authoi in this passage mentions another general
name for India, viz — Country of the brahmins (P*o4o-
m^n-kuo)

Among the various castes and clans of the country the brah-
mins, he says, were purest and in most esteem. So from their
excellent reputation tlie name “Brahmana-country” had come to
be a popular one for India.

Now this 18 also a foreign designation, and one used by
the Chinese especially. It does not seem to have been
ever known, or at least current, in India, in Chinese
literature we find it employed durmg the Sui penod (AJD.
589 to 618) but it is rather a hterary than a popular
designation. In the shortened form Pan kuo g),
however, the name has long been in common use in all
kinds of Chinese hterature.

The territory which Yuan-chuang calls Tin-tu was
mapped off by him, as by others, into five great divisions
called respectively North, East, West, Central, and South
Ym-tu. The whole territory, he tells us,

was above 90000 h in cirouif, with the Snowy Mountains (the
Hindu Blush) on the north and the sea on its three other sidei
It was poJitically divided into above seventy kmgdoms, the heat
of summer was very great, and the land was to a large extent
marshy. The northern region was hilly with a brackish sbfl,

1 Nan-hai-ch‘i-kuei L c.^

2 Supplement to I-ch‘ie-chpig-yin-yi, ch 8. This of course is not
the ongin of the name for India, but it may account for the Ohinese
use of Ym-tu as a designation for the country

INcfAIf JtEASURSS.

141

the east was a nch fertile plain, the southern division had a
luxuriant vegetation , and the west had a soil coarse and gravelly

Indian Measures of Space

Our author now proceeds to give the names of measures
of space and time which were m use among the people
of India or were taught m their standaid books of learning
and religion

He begins at the top of the gradation with the Yojana which,
he says, had always represented a day’s journey for a royal
army The old Chinese equivalent for it, he says, was 40 h, the
people of India counted it as thirty h, while the Buddhist books
treated it as equal to only sixteen li

We are not told, however, that in India the Yojana
vaned in different places and at different times

Then the Yojana, he states, was divided into eight Blrosa, the
Kro^a into 600 Bows, the Bow into four Cubits, and the Cubit
into twenty-four Fingers Forgetting, apparently, to mention
the division of the Finger into three Jomts Yuan-chuang pro-
ceeds to state the division of the Fmger-joint into seven Wheat
(properly Barley)-grain8 Thence the subdivision by sevens is
earned on through the Louse, the Nit, Crevice-duat, Ox-hair
[Dust], Sheep-wool [Dust], Hare-hair [Dust], Copper [Dust],
Water [Dust], and Rue Dust to Extremely Fine Dust This
last IS the -ultimate monad of matter and is indivisible

This enumeration of Indian measuies of space was ap-
parently written down from memory, and it does not qmte
agree with any of the other accounts we have In the
Ahhidharmamahavibhasha-lun, > compiled by the 600 Arhats
and translated by Ynan-chnang, we find a similar enume-
ration, leaving it undecided, however, whether “seven copper-
dUsts” made one “Water-dust”, oi seven of the latter made
one of the former. In this, and m the other hooks in which
we find the measures of space given, the word for dtist is
added to each of the terms Ox-hair, Sheep-wool, Hare’s-
hair, Copper, and Water, and I have accordingly inserted
it m the version here given of Yuan-chuang’s account
Instead of Pung, the^D text has chtit, gold, perhaps

^ Abhidharmft'ta-vibhasiiia-Iun, ch 136 (Bun No 1268).

U2

INDIAN MEASUBE8.

used in the sense of metals and this is the reading of
Yuan-chuang’s “Abhidharma-tsang-hsien-tsnng-lun” Then
the “Ahhidharma-ko^a-lun”, which also has chin instead
of t^ungi makes seyen “metal-dusts” equivalent to one
“water-dust” thus reversing Ynan-chuang’s arrangement ^
The word dnst here should perhaps be replaced by at(m
or particle.

Another enumeration of Indian measures of space is
given m the Lalitavistara and its translations Tibetan and
Chinese, and another in the Avadana XXXIII of the
Divyavadana of Mess" Cowell and NeiL^ Tho latter is
represented m the Chinese collection of Buddhist books
by four treatises, in none of all these works is there
anything corresponding to the words “copper” and “water”
of our author’s list Moreover each of them makes the
'W'mdow-Dust or Sunheam-mote — the “Crevice-Dust” of
our authoi — to be one seventh of a Hare (or Moon)-Dust
and equal to seven particles 'of Fme Dust. Julien took
the “copper water” of our text to be one term and trans-
lated it by “I’eau de cuivre (Tamrapa?)”, but this is un-
doubtedly wrong.3 In this gradation of measures the
“Extremely Erne Dust” is a monad of thought, a logical
necessity, and has no separate existence in matter. The
lowest actual unit of matter is the anu of the Divyavadana,
which is the “Fine Dust” of our author. This too, however,
though visible to the deva-sight, is mvisible to the human
sight and impalpable to the other human senses But it
IS a material substance, the most mmute of all material

1 Abiudhirma-tsang-hsien-tsong-lun, cA 17(No.l26Q; Ahhidhanna-
ko^a-lnn, c7i 12 (No 1267)

2 IiolitGvaetara ch 12 Foucaux’s ilgya-cher-rol-pa, p 342 and
note, Pang-knang-ta-cliuang-yen-chmg, ch 4 (No 169), Dnynr
p, 644, Matenga-sUtra, ch 2 (No 645)

3 See also the T8a-abhidhan]nH-lftieu-lun„.cA 2 (No 1288), Albe-
rum, ch” XXXIV and XXXYII, Abhidnanna-Bhnn-ohcng-li-lQDi
cTi, 32. In this treatiBO have all the measures of space given by
‘Xnan-chuang but the “Metal-dust” is one-seventb of the “Water-
dust”. It gives also the divisiou of the Finger into three Fingsi*
joints

INDIAN MEA8UBES

143

sizes and quantities, and the ultimate atom mto which dust
or metal or water can he analysed It takes seven of
these, accoi ding to some, to equal one Atom (tmti oi tu-
ti), and seven of these to make one Sunbeam -mote If
we omit the two words “Copper” and “Water” from oui
text, and remove the term “Oievice-Dust” to its place, we
have an enumeration of measures which agrees substan-
tially with that of the Divyavadana up to the Ej:o§a.
Some of the Chinese texts repiesent the Kro?a, tianslated
by sMng (^) a sound to be 2000 Bows, and in some the
Barley-gram is subdivided, not as by Yuan-chuang, but
into seven Mustard-seeds

Measdues of Pime

Our authoi next goes on to describe the measures of
time in India, beginning with the divisions of the Day-
night period. Here also he mainly follows Sanghahhadra’s
treatise i, and differs from most other writers, Buddhist
and orthodox.

He calls the Kshat'a the shortest space of tune and makes
120 of It equal to one Tatkshana. Then 60 Tatkshanas make
one Lava 80 Lavas make one Muhurta, fiVe of these make one
“tune” and six ‘tunes’ make one Day-night The six ‘tunes’
of this last are, we are told, distributed equally between the
day and the night But the non-Buddhist people of India,
Yuan-chuang tells us, divided the day and night each into four
“tunes”

It will he seen -that Yuan-chuang here puts the Klsha^ia
below the Tatkshaqa, in this agreeing with the Abhidharma
treatises of Sanghabhadra and Dharmataia The DivyS-
vadSna, on the other hand makes 120 Tatkshanas equal
to one Bfshana, and 60 Kshanas equal to one Laya. In
some Chinese Torsions of the sacred books the tatkshana
18 not mentioned. Tho kshana is defined as the time
occupied by a woman in spinning one hstln (^) of thread,
but the word is generally used by Buddhist writers in

1 Abhidharroa-shun-chSiig-h-lun. 1 c Poi th© measures of Tune
generally see the references in the above note 3 on p 142

144

INDIAN MEAStTEES.

the sense of an instant^ the twinkling of an eye, the very
shortest measurable space of time.

'The word ksha^ia is commonly transcrihed m Chinese
books as in oiu’ text, and it is rarely translated. The lava
IS sometimes rendered by shih hme, and sometimes
by fen (^), a Sivtsion So also Muhurta is sometimes
translated by shih, hme, but more frequently by hsa-yii
(M. instant or moment, such being also the original

meaning of muhurta. But hsu-yii when used as a trans-
lation of this word does not denote an instant but a period
of 48 mmutes, the thirtieth part of<a Day-night The day
IS divided into three “times”, viz. forenoon, noon, and
afternoon, and hence it is called Trisandhya. In like manner
the might IS divided into three “times” or watches and
hence it is called Triyama.

Our author next goes on to enumerate the divisions,
natural and artificial, of the month and the year in India.
He distmguishes between the common four-fold division
of the seasons, and the three-fold one-^used by Buddhists.
The latter - division was into a hot season (Grishma)
followed by a rainy season (Varsha), and then a cold
season (Hemanta). We have next the names of the months
of the year in their order beginnmg with Chaitra. Then
comes an interesting passage which, as it appears in our
texts, presents some difficulty. The meaning seems to be
something hke this —

“Hence the profesBod Buddhists of India, complying with the
sacred instractions of the Buddha, observe (ht sit) two periods
of Retieat, either the early or the later three months. The
former period begins on our day of the month, and the
latter on the 16Ui of the month. Previous translators of ike
Sutras and Vmaya use “Observe the summer*’ or “Observe the
end of the winter” These mistranslations are due to the people
of outlying lands not understanding the standard language, or to
the non-harmonizing of provincialisms”

The filst sentence of this passage evidently means that
the Buddhist monks of India could make either the former
or the latei three mouths of summer their period of
Retreat. My interpretation of the passage differs a little

THE KAINY SEASON

145

%

from that of Juben who substitutes (^) for the
Ivmg (^) two, of the text, supportmg his change of read-
ing by a quotation of the present passage in a Buddhist
Cyclopedia. But one of two copies of this Cyclopedia in
my possession gives lumg and the other has Ivm (^).
Moreover all texts of the “Hsi-yii-chi” seem to agree in
having Imng here, and we read m other books of two and
even three periods of Retreat. For the monks of Bidia,
however, these were all included withm the Ram-season,
the four months which began with the 16**' of their fourth
month and ended on the 15*^ of the S*** month. The full
period of Retreat was three months, and Buddha ordained
that this period might be counted either from the middle
of the fourth or the /middle of the fifth month The con-
jecture may be hazarded that Tuan-chuang originally
wrote liang-yVitx^ '^yan~chil that is “two Ram-Retreats”
and that a copyist thinking there was a mistake left out
the second character. This restoration does not make
good style but something of the kind is apparently needed
as Yuan-chuang s expression for the Retreat was yu-an-chu.

The Sanskrit term for the Retreat is YarshS (m Pah
Yassa) which means simply rains, the rainy season, from
vaisho) which denotes, along with other thmgs, ram and
a yea). The usual expression for “keeping Retreat” is
vaishdm vas (m Pah, vassam vasati) or varshdm stkd,
meaning respectively to reside, and to rest, during the
lainy season. For these terms the Chinese give various
equivalents such as the Tso-hsia and Tso-la of some, and
the Tso-an-chil or Tso-yit-an-chil of Yuan-chuang and
others. For the Buddhists of India as for the other
people of that country the “ramy season’ began on the
16*^ of the month Ashadha (the fourth of their year), and
continued for four months. This was chiefly for rehgions
purposes, but to the non-Buddhists of India three xnontlis
of this period formed also their summer. This may help
to explain the use of the phiase Tso-hsia which is a snort
form for the full expression Tso-hsia-yil-an-diU meaning
“to observe the Summer Ram Retreat”. Then Tso-hsfa

K

146

THE BAINY SEASON.

and Tso-la mean also to pass a year m an ordained
moni^ the precedence of a brother bemg settled by his
“years in religion”. The phrase TsQ-la or Tso-la-an-chU is
used specially of the strict anchorite who observed two
Retreats, one in the summer and one in the winter. It
might be also applied to ’brethren in strange lands, Tokhara
for example, whose Rainy season occurred at the end of
the winter. Yuan-chuang seems to think that the terms
Tso-Hsia and Tso-La are not correct rendermgs from the
Sanskrit and they certainly are not hteral trai^lations.
He supposes- the mistakes to have arisen either from the
translators having been natives of countries remote from
Mid-India, and so ignorant of the correct term and its
proper pronunciation, or from the use of an expression
which had only local apphcation and currency. But the
“ndn-harmoniziDg of provincialisms” denotes not only the
misuse of local terms, but also ignorance of the idioms in
one language which should bfe used to represent the 'Cor-
respondmg idioms of another. Thus a Chmese or Indian
scholar translatmg a Sanskrit book into Chinese without
a thorough knowledge of the Sanskrit and Chmese idioms
would not harmonize the countries* languages. Julien
takes “Mid-kingdom” beta to mean China but it certainly
denotes Mid-India, in that region people called the
Rainy season Yarshs, but in other places the word was
pronounced vasso, or harhy or "bdrlchy or harsh. So trans
lators, Yuan-chuang thinks, may have in some cases mis-
taken the word, or they may have misunderstood eithei
the onginal, or the Chmese term they were using in trans-
lation. Thus the important fact that the Retreat was
ordained on account of the Rains is put out of view by
the renderings Tso-Hsia and Tso-La. There was not,
however, any ignorance of Sanskrit or Chmese in the use
of these terms, and good scholars in the two languages
such as Fa-hsien and I-chmg use. Tso-hsia and An-ohil
indifferently. In countries m which iihere was no long
regular Rmny season the Retreat became of importance
as a time for spintual improvement by study of the sacred

CITIES AI«D HOUSES

147

books and prolonged meditation, and as giving a year’s
seniorily to the brother among his brethren.

CmES AKD Houses.

We h^rve next a short descnption of the general cha-
racters of the cities and buildings of India. The passage
IS an^ interesting one and the meaning may be given some-
what as follows —

“Afl to their inhabited towns and cities the quadrangular walls
of the cities (or according to one text, of the various regions) are
bioad and high, while the thoroughfares are narrow tortuous
passages The shops are on the highways and booths (or, inns)
line the roads Butchers, fishermen, public performers, exe-*
cutioners, and scavepgers have their habitations marked by a
distinguishing sign They are forced to live outside the city and
they sneak along on the left when going about m the hamlets
As to the construction of houses and enclosing walls, the country
being low and moist, most of the city- walls aie bmit of bncks,
while walls of houses and inclosures are ’vattled oamboo or
wood Their halls and terraced belvederes have wooden flat-
roofed rooms, and are coated with chunam, and covered with
tiles burnt or unbumt. They are of extraordinary height, and
in style like those of China The [houses] thatched with coarse
or common grass are of bncks or boards , their walls are orna-
mented with chunam, the floor is purified with cow-dung and
strewn with flowers of the season, in these matters they differ
from ns But the Buddhist monastenes are of most remarkable
architecture They have a tower at each of the four comers of
the quadrangle and thref high halls in a tier The rafters and
roofbeaihs are carved with strange figures, and the doors,
Windows, and walls are pamted in vanous colours The houses
of the laity are sumptuous inside and economical outside The
inner Tooms and the central hall vary m their dimensions, and
there is no rule for form or oonstmction for the tiers of the
terraces or the rows of high rooms Their doors open to the
east, and the throne faces east.

For seats all use corded benches The royal family, the
grandees, officials and gentry adorn their benches in different
ways, but all have the same style (or form) of seat. The sover-
eign’s dais 18 exceedingly wide and high, and it is dotted with
small pearls What is called the “Inon’s Seat” (that is, the
actual throne) is covered with fine cloth, and is mounted by a
jewelled footstooL The ordinary officials according to tneir

148

DRESS IN IltDIA.

fancy carve the frames of iheir seats id different ways, and adorn
them "With precious substances

Dress and perbonad characteristics.

The inner clothing and outward attire of the people have no
t-ailonng, as to colour a fresh white is esteemed and motley is
of no account The men wind a strip of cloth round the waist
and up to the armpits and leave the right shoulder bare. The
women wear a long robe which covers both shoulders and falls
down loose. The hair on the crown of the head is made into
a coil, all the rest of the hair hanging down. Some clip their
mustaches or have other fantastic fashions Garlands are worn
on the head and necklaces on the body
The names for their clothing materials are Krao-sM-ys (Kau-
sheya) and mushn (fieh) and calico (pit), Kausbeya being silk
from a wild silk- worm, Oh'^u for Ch^iCymo (Xshauma), a kind of
3men; San (or Kany-po-lo (Eambala) a texture . of fine wool
(sheep’s wool or goat’s hair), and (Hal?) a texture made

from the wool of a wild animal— this wool being fine and soft
and easily spun and woven is pmed as a material for clothing
In North India ' where the 'nhifiate is very cold closely fitting
jackets are worn somewhat like those of the Tartars (Hu)

The garbs of the non-Buddhists (rehgieux) are varied and extra-
ordinary' Some w ear peacocks’ tails , some adorn themsel p-es with a
necklace of skulls^ some are quite naked, some cover the body with
grass or boards , some pull out tbeir hair and clip their moustaches ,
some mat their side-hair and make a top-knot coil Their cloth-
ing IS not fixed and the colour varies

In this passage, it will be noticed, the clothing materials
used by the lay people of India are arranged m four
groups The first is called by the pilgrim “Kausheya'
clothmg and mushn and cloth” (f^ ^ ^ ^)*

Kow kausheya (or kau^eya) is silk made from the cocoon
of the Bomhyx Mon, and tich-pz^ is cotton-doth or tidi
and cotton doth It is perhaps better to regard tieh and
pu as names of two materials, and m another treatise we
find Kausheya, iielu and tsha (^) grouped together. ‘ This
ts'ut was apparently a kmd of coarse cotton cloth, and
we find a ts‘m-ka-pei or “rotfgh cotton” used to stuff
cushions. The term kausheya was apphed not only to

' Ta-fang-teng-ta-chi-ching, ch 11 (No 61 tr cir AD. 400).

DRESS IN TNDIA.

149

Silk stufls but also to mixtures of silk and linen or cotton. i
Oui pilgrim evidently makes one group of “silk olo tiling”
and cottons. This is not to be much wondeied at when
■we reflect that he, hke the other Chinese of hiS time and
district, knew nothmg of the cotton plant and the cloths
derived from it Moreover -we should probably regard
this description of the dress of the natives of India as
derived from an eailier account

The second kind of clothing matenal here mentioned
IS the Kshauma or Lmen. This term also is to be re-
garded as denotmg a class It comprehends, we must
suppose, the fabrics made from the K-shuraa or flax, the
^ana or jute, and the bbanga or hemp. These three plants
aie mentioned m Clunese translations from the Sanskrit
as yielding stuffs from which clothes •were made. This
word kshauma denotes not only linen but also silk textures.
The third group is the kambala This word, which
denotes “woollen cloth” and “a blanket”, is here evidently
used in the sense of fine woollen cloth lor makmg cloth-
mg Like the kausheya and the kshauma the kambala
clothing was allowed to the Buddhist Brethren.

The fourth kmd of stuff mentioned as used for clothing
matenal is called by Yuan-chuang Ho-la-h
There does not seem to be any known Sanskrit word ■v\ath
which this can be identified. As Yuan-chuang spells
foreign words the throe characters may stand for Hal, a
Tibetan word meamng ‘goat’s hair”, from E-a, a goaf.
This Ho-la-h or Eal is also probably the Lo-t (j^ or
“Lo (Ea) clothes” of other Buddhist texts In Sansknt
also we find rallaka which denotes a wild animal and a
stuff made from its hair, and ralldka-kamhcda which is a
fine woollen cloth

Our pilgrim’s description proceeds —

The clerical costume of the Sha-men (Sramanas) is only the three
robes and the Seng-kio-ki and Ni-p'o-so-na. As to the three
robes the Schools adhere to different styles havmg broad or

1 Sar Vm vibh&sha, ch, 6 (No. 1135) Seng-chi-lu, ch 9.

160

DEESS OF TEE BBOKSHUS.

narrow fringes and 'small or large folds The seng-kio-ki goes
over the left shonlder covers the armpits, jomed on the right
and opening on the left side and in length reaching to below
the waist As to the Ni-p'o-so-na, since no belt is worn when
it le put on, it is gathered into plaits and secured by one of
these, the size antt-'fcolour of the plaits vary m the different
schools

For tiie first part of tins passage Julien has the follow-
ing — “Les CJia-men (Qramanas) n’ont que trois sortes de
vetements, savoir le Seng-kia-tchi (Sanghafi) le Seng-kio-la
(Sankakchika), et le Ni-po-ne-na (Nivasana). La Coupe et
la faQon de ces trois vetements vanent smvant les 6coles.
Les uns ont une hordure large on etroite, les autres ont
des pans petits ou grands”. Here the translator spoils
the description by mterpolating the words “savoir le
Seng-kkirtclit (Sanghsti)”? leaving out the word for “and”,
and inserting “ces” jn the clause “La coupe et la facon
de ces trois vetements”. The “Three robes” of the Buddhist
monk are quite distinct from the two articles of his dress
here mentioned by name The “three robes” are always
given as the Antaravasaka, the Sarnghafi, and the Uttara-
sanga. Of these we have already met with the second
and third in onr traveller’s account of Balkh, and there
we met also with the article of clothmg called Seng-kio-hi
This last word is apparently for the origmal which is
Samkachchika m Pali and Julien’s Sanskrit Sankakshika.
This is translated in a Chinese note to our text by
“covering armpits”. Professor Bhys Davids translates the
Pali word by “vest”, hut the description given seems to
suit a rude ' shirt or jacket with one sleeve which was
buttoned or looped on the left shoulder. One name for
the vestment as worn by monks in China is P^ien-shan
or “one-sided jacket”.' The other article of monk’s
costume mentioned by name here is the Ni-p'o-so-na or
NrvSsaua. This is rendered in Chinese by ckiin (^) an
old native term denoting a “skirt” on the lower part of

Shih-ahib-yao-jtn ^ ^ ch 1 , Vinaya VoL u, p 272
and Viaaya Texts YoL iii, p 35J , l^ng-chi-lu L o.

DBESo OF THE B m KHH Il fts

151

a robe ol ceremony. NivSsana is a common term for an
nnder-robe or lower garment, but it is here used m its
restncted sense as designating the particulai Idod of skirt
or under-robe worn by Buddhist monks^ This waa, accord-
mg to regulation, four ells long by one and a half in width,'
and it reached from the waist to about three finger-breadths
above the ankle. As Yuan-chuang here tells us the Schools
were distmguished by differences in the wearing of the
Nivasana.* Thus, as I-ching tells us, the Sarvastivadins
wore the skirt with a pair of plaits turned out on both
sides of it, and the Mahasanghikas crossed the end of the
right side to the top of the left side, tucking it m to keep
the skirt m its place. This skirt or Niva^a hsid no" atnng
or girdle and it was evidently somethmg bke the Malay
Sarong which, as Colonel Yule, tells us, is an old Indian
form of dress. This garment also is self^jecuiing, and is
not in need of a belt or girdle. The two articles of dress
here mentioned and described, viz. the Sankakshika and
the Nivasana were in addition to the Three JRobes which
Formed originally the foil clerical costume of the bhikshu.
They are often mentioned m the canonical books, having
been allowed apparently as soon as Buddhism began to
spread. The mode of wearing the NivSsana and its colour
and fashion caused much discussion and unpleasant feeling
m the early church.

The pilgrim’s description continues —

The SshatxiyaB and Brahmma aie olean-handed and nnosten-
tations, pare and eunple in life and very frngal. The dress and
ornaments of the kings and grandees are very extraordinary.
Garlands and tiaras with precious stpnee are their head-adorn-
ments, and their bodies are adorned with rings, bracelets, and
necklaces "Wealthy mercantile people have only bracelets. Most
of the people go barefoot and shoes are rare. They stam their
teeth or black, wear their ban* cut even, bore their ears,
have long noses and large eyes, such are they in outward ap-
‘ pearance

» Ssu-f&n-ln, cA. 10. Nan-hai-oh*i-knei, ch 10, 11 and Takukosaj
P^i-iu-mv-ohiBg, cA A,

PUEmOATION HABITS.

^162

They aic puie of fhemselves and not frojn compulsuon Before
every meal they must have a vrash, the fragments and remains
are not served up again, the food utensils are not passed on,
those utensils -which, are of pottery or -wood must be thrown
away after use, and those which are of gold, silver, copper, or
iron get another polishing As soon as a meal is over they
chew the tooth-stick and make themselves clean; before they
have finished ablutions they do not come into contact with each
other, they always wash after urinating; they smear their bodies
with scented unguents such as sandal and safiron "When the
king goes to his bath there is the music of drums and stnnged
instruments and song , worship is performed and there are bath-
ing and washing

The last sentence of this passage is^in Jnlien’s version —
“Quand le roi ae dispose k sortir, des mnsiciens hattent
le tambour et chantent aux sons de la guitare. Avant
d’offrir un sacrifice, ou d’adresser des priferes faux dieux),
ils se lavent et se baignent”. Here Julien evidently bad
for the first clause the B reading chun-wang-chianff-ts%
meaning “when the king is about to go out”. But in the
A, C, and D texts the reading instead of ts^v is yU, mean-
ing “to bathe”, and this is evidently the correct readmg.
Then Jjilien seems to change 'the author’s meamng by
making the second clause a new sentence and introducing
■flie word “avant”. The author’s meaning seems to he
that when the kmg took his bath there was the per-
formance of certain acts of worship. ^

Weitten and spoken La^tguage &c.

The description next proceeds to tell of the writing and
learning of the Hmdus.

Their^-Bystem of wntmg was invented, as is known, by the deva
Brahma who at the beginning instituted as patterns forty seven
[written] words. These were combined and applied as objects
arose and circumstances occurred; ramifying like streams they
spread far and^ -wide becoming modified a little by place and
people. In language speaking generally, they have not vaned
trom ^e original source, but the people of “Mid India” are

"VramUG AltD LANGUAGE,

163

preeminently explicit and correct in speech, tueir expressions
being harmonious and elegant, like those of the devas, and their
intonation dear and distinct, serving as rule and pattern for
otheiB The people of neighbouring territories and foreign
countries repealing errors until these became the norm, and
emulous for vulgarities, have lost the pure style

The statement here made to the effect that the Saushnt
alphabet was invented by the god BrahmS is repeated in
several other hooks by Buddhist writers Some tell us
that Brahma was once a rSjah on earth, and that he then
invented an alphabet of 72 letters called the “Elaru writ-
es” M JDisgusted with the bad treatment given
to these letters he proceeded to swallow them all; but
two, a and au escaped from his mouth aud remained
among men.^ But we are also told that Brahma invented
the Brahma^ writing first and that afterwards Kharoshtha
produced the senpt which bears his name.2 Another ac-
count represents the Brahman wntmg (or Bevanagan) to
have been the mvention of a wise (kovida) Brahmm, and
the ICharu writing to have been the work of a stupid
(kharu) nshi This Kkaru writing is that mentioned in
the Lalitanstara and other books under the name Kha-
roshtha (or Kharosta). This word is translated by “Ass-
ear”, and is the name of an ancient nshi who was a great
astronomer and astrologist In some Buddliist treatises
we find the invention of letters ascribed to the Buddha,
and m some Siva, as in Indian tradition, is credited with
the first teaching of spelling and wnting.^ The “forty
seven words’ of our passage are the twelve symbols which
represent the ten vowels and anusvSra and visarga, and
the thirty.-five consonants, and so constitute the alphabet.
The letters admit of endless combinations to make words
as objects require names and circumstances need expres-
sion Some authors give the number of the letters in the

1 Pai-lun-su ("Q

^ Liu-shu-bao (7^ ^ BJ), ch b ^

3 See Ta-pan-nie-p'au-ching, ch 8 (No. 118), Si-t'an-Ban-mi-ch'ao

Si-t'an-tsang, ch 1; Si-t‘an-tzu-chi (i^ ffi).

164

ARCHIVES Am) RECORDS.

Sanskrit alphabet as less, and others as more, than the
number here given; but this is generally legarded as the
correct number With the statements here made by
Yuan-chuang about the Sanskrit alphabet and language
vre may compare the more detailed account given in the
third chuan of the Life;i

It is evident that Yuan-chuang, like other non-Ihdiaii
Buddhists, had been taught to regard the spoken and
written language of “Mid-India” as at once the parent
and the standard of all the dialects of “North-India”.
These latter had departed a little from the correct form
in their writing, some of them, as in GandhSra, havmg
written alphabets so unlike the parent one that they had
special names. In oral speech the border lands and
outlymg regions generally had come to differrmuch from
the people of “Mid-India”. They had lost the rich purity
of the standard language, and had persisted in erroneous
forms of expression until these had come to be taught as
the rule

The descnption continues —

As to their archives and records there are separate cuatodians
of these The official annals and state-papers are called collec-
tivelly m-lo-pi-txi (or in these good and bad are recorded,

and instances of public calamity and good fortune are set forth
in detaiL

The Nirlch;pi4^u of this passage has been rightly restored
by Julien as Nllapita, and the Chinese annotator tells us
the word means “Dark-blue store”. We find the word
Ndapita lu our Sanskrit dictionaries, but the P. W. gives
only one illustrafion of its use, and that is the passage
before us.

Proceeding to the education and learning of the people
of India our author writes —

In beginning the education of their children and wimung them
on to progress they follow the “Twelve Chapters”. When the
Children are seven years of age the great treatises of the Five

1 ^nhen I, p. 166,* cf Albemni VoL i, p. 170, Bhhler’s Ind. Palsef)-
graphie p®. 1 and 19 to 80.

EDUOAKOKr m INDIA.

156

Sciences are gradually communicated to them. The first science
IB Grammar which teaches and explains words, and classifies their
distinctions The second is that of the skilled professions [con-
cerned with] the principles of the mechanical arts, the dual
processes, and astrology. The third is the science of medicine
[embracing] exorcismg charms, medicine, the use of the stone,
the needle, moxa The fourth is the science of zpasoning, by
which the orthodox and heteiodox are ascertained, and the true
and false are thoroughly sought out The fifth is the science
of the Inteynal which investigates and teaches the five degrees
of rchgious attainments (ht the “five vehicles”) and the subtle
doctnne of karma.

The “Twelve Chapters” of this passage is m the original
Sht-^K-chang (+ H :^) and Jnlien anslates this by “un
livre en douze sections”. In a note to this rendeiang he
translates a short passage from a well-known Buddhist
Dictionary about a book called the “Siddham-chang”
This 18 doubtless the sort of work to which the pilgmn
refers as the first book which the children of India learned.
The name is made up of Siddham which means, we are
told, “Perfection” or “May good fortune be attained”, and
chang the Chmese word for a “section” or “chapter”. But
Julien mahes the whole stand for a Sanskrit compound
Stddhavastu, a term apparently known only from his use
of it. Prom a passage in I-chmg’s “Nan-hai-cb'i-kuei” and
from other works we learn that the Siddham-chang was
the name of a child’s pnmer ABC , the first chapter of
which was headed by the word siddham. ^ This word forms
an “auspicious mvocation”, and the Buddhists used it alone
or with “Namo SarvajnSya Praise to the omniscient
[Buddha]” prefixed, at the beginnmg of their primers.
They used it in a similar way to head such documents
as deeds of gift to rehgious estabhshments Li these
places Biihler took the word to mean “Success”, i. a
may there be success, an interpretation which agrees with
the accepted Chinese rendering But Fleet thinks that
siddham m these places is to be understood as meaning
“Perfection has been attamed by Buddha”, an inter-

^ Nsm-hfti-cb'i-kuei, ch 84, Si-t‘iui-saji-mi-ch*ao, L c.

156

•WETTING IN INDIA.

pretatioi which does not seem to be so good.i Instead
of siddham the non-Buddhist teachers m India placed
“siddhir-astu” meaning “May thore be success (or accom-
plishment)” at the head of their ABCs. Thus these books
came to be called Siddham or Siddhir-astu, the former
bemg the name by which they became known to the
Chinese. There are many varieties of them and the
number of chapters or sections ranges from nine to eight-
een, the latter bemg the number in the work which may
be regarded as the standard one in China. This is the
Si't^an-Uvrchi ^ ^ tt) ^7 monk Chih-kuang
of the T‘ang period taken from the Siddham of Prajna-
bodhi of South India, A Siddham gives the Sanskrit
alphabet, beginmng with the vowels and proceeding m the
order in which the letters are given in our Ssnsknt gram-
mars, then the combinations made by smgle consonants
and vowels, and then those made by two or more con-
sonants with a vowel. In some of the Siddhams made
for Chinese use we are told that this word denotes “the
alphabet”, while m others we are told that it is a designa-
tion for the twelve so-called vowels, but the statements
are not borne out by any authority, and are evidently not
correct. It may be interesting, however, in connection
with subject to quote a statement from Alberum. He
relates — “The most generally known alphabet is called
Siddha-matriks, which is by some considered as originat-
ing from Kashmir, for the people of Kashmir use it But
it is also used m VarSnasi. This tcwn and Kashmir are
the high schools of Hindu science. The same "wntmg is
used in Madhyade^a, i. e. the middle countr} , the country
all around Kanauj, which is also called ArySvarta”.^
According to I-chmg a child began his prunei when he
was SIX years of age and learned it within six months.

After mastering the Siddham the Indian child, accord-

1 Bdhler in Ind Ant. Vol x, p. 273, Fleet in Corp. Insa Ind.
VoL lu, p 26.

3 Alberum Vol. i, p. 173.

THE FIVE yrorAS.

167

mg to Yuan-chuang, was introduced to the “great ^Sstras
of the Five Sciences ( Wu-nnn^-ta-lun !&)• The

■word minff of this phrase is often used to translate the
Sanskrit -word vidya, hut a five-fold classification of vidya
does not seem to he kno'wn to Indian liteiature. We
find, ho'wever, om pilgnm^e list m certain Chinese trans-
lations of Buddhist hooka and the “sciences” are there
acouired by aspiring Bodhisattvas ^ They are called the
“Five Science places” or the “Five Science ^astras”. In
his translation of the present passage Julibn has treated
the name of each mznff as the name of a treatise. This
18 evidently a mistake, and the context she'ws that rntfiff
here denotes a department of knowledge^ and that the Wa-
rning named are the literatures of five categories of learn-
ing and speculation. Yuan-chuang properly places at the
head the S 1 i%ng-ming or “Science of Sounds”, i e. Grammar.
Juben agrees -with I-ching m giving Sahdavidyg as the
onginal for this term. But Sabdavidya was apparently
the Buddhist name for Grammar which by the people of
India generally was called Vyakarana. It is this latter
word also which Yuan-chuang elsewhere uses as the ori-
gmal for Sheng-mmg The next group is called Ohvvo-
or m some texts Kung-cdnao{Ji Vf)-mmgy the “Science of
the Arts and Crafts”. Julien retranslates the Chinese
name by Sdpasthanavidya, which seems to be rather the
original for the “Arts-place Science” of the sutra. The
third group is the Lfang^imng^ “Healing-presonptions
Science”, that is Medical science in all its branches.
Julien gives as the Sanskrit original for the Chmese name
ChikitsSvidya or Science of Medicine, but this seems to
be only a conjecture The fourth group m our passage
is the Yin{^)-mmg or the Science of Eeasomng. Juben
restoies the Sanskrit eqmvalent as Hethvidya -which, like
Ytn-mxng, means literally “Science of causation”. • But
Yin-vnitig is the technical term used to translate 'the

1 Fan - wang - ching, ch 2, Glosaary, Toga - shih - ti - Inn, ch. 88
(No 1170), P‘u-Ba-ti-chih-chiDg, ch 8 (No 1086 tr. oar. AJ>. 415).

158

eduoahoh of buddhists.

Nyaya or Logic of iadian writers, and Julien learned
afterwards that it was Nyaya which was the original for
yin-imng. The fifth is the Nd{f^)-ming or “Internal
Science”; Julien translates “la science des choses in-
tfineures” and gives as the Sanskrit original Adhyatma-
vidya. This word adhyatma means (1) the highest spirit
and (2) hdonging to onesdf. In' Kapila’s system adhyat-
mika means sdf-caused (m Chinese i-nei and it is

opposed to that which is due to external infiuences. But
in the present passage, as the context shews, and as we
learn from other authorities, the nei-ming or Inner science
is Buddhism. The son of Buddhist parents went through
a course of secular instruction like other boys, and he
also studied the hooks of his rehgion including ihe meta-
physical and argumentative treatises of the great Doctors
of Abhidharma. In these he learned all about the Five
degrees or “Five Yehicles, the fivefold gradation of moral
beings. These “vehicles” or progressive stages are given
as lay believer (or “inferior degree”), ordained disciple,
Pratyeka Buddha, Bodhisattva, Buddha, They are ^so
said to be Men, Devas, ordained disciples, Pratyeka
Buddhas, and Bodhisattvas, and there is further difference
of opinion as to the classes of beings which form the
successive groups.^ In the Buddhist SSstras moreover the
student found the doctrine of karma stated, defended, and
illustrated with a subtlety of intellect and boldness of
imagination almost matchless. All the five groups of
learning here enumerated were apparently comprised in
the training of an Indian Buddhist; and no one could be
a leader in the church, or an authority on dogma, who
did not shew himself a proficient in these departments of
learning. We are told of KnmSrajlva that he studied the
fiastras of the Five sciences, and of Ghmahhadra it is
recorded that in his youth he learned ah the Astras of
Ihe Five sciences, astronomy, arithmetic, medicme, exor-

1 Shih. - ohiao - fo - shu, ch» Ij Ts-mjag-Ean-tsang-fa-oliu, cA. 23
(No. 1621).

THE PBIBSTIfY BOOKS.

169

cisms. The religious training in the Tripitaha was accord-
ing to some authorities a separate affair, while others
treat it as a part of the “Inner Science”.

Our aulhor^s descmption proceeds.

The Brahmins learn the four Yeda treatises The first called
Short “Longevity" (the Aynr-Yeda) tells of nourishing life
and keeping the constitution in order, the second called TzH
(S9)» “"Worship” (the Tajnr Yeda) tells of the making of offer-
ings and oupphcations; the third called JPHng (^) “Making
even” (the Ssma Yeda) descnbes ceremonied etiquette, divination,
and mihtary tactics, the fourth called Shu or “Arts” (the
Atharva Yeda) tells us of the vanons skilled arts, exorcisms,
medicine The teacher must have a 'wide, thorough, and minute
knowledge of these, with an exhaustive comprehension of all that
is abstruse m them

The words here rendered “the four Yeda treatises” are
m the origmal “BBUrfei-t‘e4un (© 5^ S^). Julien trans-

lates them simply by “les qnatres YSdas”, and Beal by
"the four Ysda Ssstras”. Neither of the translators
attempts to explain why the first Yeda is here not the
Rig but the Ayur. The latter term denotes life or long-
evity, as Yuan-chuang translates, and there is an Ayur-
Yeda. But this is only a supplement or appendix to the
Atharva-Yeda, and denotes rather the science of medmne
than any particular treatise. "It is reckoned as Yeda, we
learn, because its teachings have been found by experience
to be wise and beneficial Yuan-chuang knew that the
Rig was the first, the original Yeda, yet he does not
even mention it here. "FTis descriptions of the other Yedaa
also are not good, and it is plain that he knew very little
about them and the great hterature to which they had
given rise. The Sama Yeda, for example, with its B^ah-
manas and Sutras, has nofiiing to do with the subjects
which Yuan-chuang assigns to it, and it is concerned only
with the worship of Indra, and Agni, and the Soma.
When writing this passage Yuan-chuang may have had
in view only those Yedic work? whicl^ were m wntmg, and
were known to or owned by the Brethren in “North India”.
Some of these Buddhists were converted Brahmins, and

160

METHODS OP TEACmNO.

it was perhaps hy some of them, as has been suggested,
that the Vedas were first reduced to wnting. The Rig.
veda itself still existed only m the memories of the Brah-
mms, and it was taught entirely by oral commumcation,
but there were commentaries and other Vedic treatises
in writing. Moreover we are probably justified in treating
the word “Veda” in our text as denoting a group or col-
lection of itreatises, each Veda being a title under which
several departments of learning were classed. The trans-
latois into Chinese sometimes render Veda like vidya by
ming (fljj) which simply means knowledge, science, intdligence,
as with the Brahmins the Trayi- vidya or “threefold
Science” denotes the Rig, Yajur, and Sama Vedas. The
reader also will observe that Yuan-chuang here does not
use the words hoolcs, treatises with the terms for Ayur,
Yajur, Sama, Athaiwa

Our author proceeds to sketch the Brahmin teacher’s
way of educating his disciples.

These teachers explain the general meaning [to their disoiplesj
and teach them the minatim; they rouse them to activity and
skilfully win them to progresB; they instruct the inert and
sharpen the dull When disciples, intelhgent and acute, are ad-
dicted to idle shirking, the teachers doggedly persevere repeatmg
instruction t until their traimng is finished When the disotples
are thir^ years old, their minds being settled and their educa-
tion finished, they go into office j and the first thing .they do
then IS to reward the kindness of their teachers

"We have next some account of a kmd of men peculiar
to India and long famous in the world. Our author
writes —

There are men who, far seen in antique lore and fond of the
refinements of learning “are content in seclusion”, leading lives
of continence. These come and go (ht. sink and float) outside
of the world, and promenade through life away from human
afiairs Though they are not moved by honour or reproach,

1 The ongmal for “doggedly persevere repeating instruction 10
^ ^ This in the reading of the D text but instead of /utt'

fe'ai the Ming edition has ^ ^ and Julien translates the four words
-ils Jes attachent et lea tiennent enferm^s”

THE "WANHEBEBS.

161

iheir fame is far spread The rulers treating them with ceremony
and respect cannot make them come ic court Now as the
State holds men of learning and genius in esteemf and the people
respect those who hare high intelhgence, the honours and praises
of such men are conspicuously abundant, and the attentions
private and ofhcial paid to them are very considerable Hence
men can force themselves to a thorough acquisition of know-
ledge Forgetting fatigue they “expatiate in the arts and sciences”,
seeking for wisdom while “relying on perfect virtue” they “count
not 1000 h a long journey” Though their family be in affluent
circumstances, such men make up their minds to be like the
vagrants, and get their food by begging as they go about. With
them there is honour in knowing truth (m havmg wisdom), and
there is no disgrace in being destitute As to those who lead
dissipated idle lives, luxurious in food and extravagant in dress,
as such men have no moral excellences and are without ac-
complishments, shame and disgrace come on them and their ill
repute is spread abroad. ^

Buddhism.

Our author passes on to make a few general observa-
tions about the mtemal condition of Buddhism as he
heard about it and found it m India. His statements on
the subject are meagre and condensed to a fault, and the
precise meaning in some cases has perhaps not yet been
ascertained The whole passage should be regarded as
forming a separate section, and should not be divided as
it has been by the translators For the present the m-

1 The ‘content in Beolueion’ of thiB passage is in the Chinese /et-
t'un (flE 5®) which is the fei-twi of the commentary to the

83»d Diagram of the Yih-Ching. The phrase means “to bo com-
fortable and nappy in a life of reurement”, to be content and cheer-
ful m a voluntarj seclusion, in a hfe of final withdrawal from the
contact of bad men in the hurly-burly of an official career

For the words ‘seeking for wisdom while reljing on perfect
virtue’ the ongfinal is fanff-tao-j/t~jen ^ fz) The phrase yi~

jm, “depending on (or following) benevolence” is a quotation from
the Lun yu, so also is the expression for “expatiate in the arts and
sciences, then “count not 1000 k a long journey” is from the first
chapter of Mencius, and ‘acquired accomphshments’ is for the shiJt-
hst ^) or “constant practise” of the first chapter of the Luu-yu

L

162

IHUmW BTTDDBISM.

format on which it gives may be roughly mterprotod to
the following ejffect. —

As the rehgiouB syctem of Jolai is apprehended by people
according to their kind, and as it is long since the time of ^e
Holy One, Buddhism now is pure or diluted according to the
spinttial insight and mental capacity of its adherents The
tenets of the Schools keep these isolated, and controveriy runs
high, heresies on special doctnnes lead many ways to the same
end. Each of the Eighteen Schools claims to have intellectual
supenonty, and the tenets (or practises) of the Ghreat and the
Small Systems (lit, Yehicles) differ widely. They have sitting in
ailent reverie, the walking to and fro, and the standing Stfll;
Samadhi and Prajna are far apart, and many are the noisy dis-
cussions Wherever there is a commnmty of Brethren it makes
[its own] itiles of gradation. The Brother who sjqjonnds orally
one treatise (or class of scripture) in the Buddhist Canon, whether
Vinaya, Abhidharma, or Satra, is exempted from serving under
the Prior, he who expounds two is mvested with the outfit of
a Superior, he who expounds three hsis Brethren deputed to
assist him, he who expounds four has lay servants assigned to
him , he who expounds five ndea an elephant j he who expounds
S’x ndes an elephant and has a surrounding retinue Where ths
spiritual attainments are high, the distinctions conferred are
extraordinary.

The Brethren are often assembled for discussion to test m-
tellectual capacity and bring moral character into prominent
distmction, to reject the worthless and advance the inteDigent
Those who bring forward (or according to some texts, estunate
anght) fine pomts in philosophy, and give subtle principles their
proper place, who are ornate in diction and acute m refined
distinctions, nde richly caparisoned ^phants preceded and
followed by a host of attendants But as for those to Vvhom
religious teaching has been ofiered in vain, who have been
defeated in discussion, who are deficient m docfrine and redundant
in speech, perverting the sense while keepmg the language, tho
faces of such are promptly daubed with red and white clay»
their bodies are covered with dirt, and they are driven out to
the wilds or thrown into the ditches As the moral are marked
off from the unmoral so the eminent (the wise) and the stupid
have outward signs of distmction. A man knowing to de%ht
m wisdom, ai home diligenUy intent on learning, may bo mfinlc
or layman as he pleases

Eor offences against the Vinaya the Community of Brethran
has a gradation of penalties. If the offence is slight a ropnniand
IS ordered. For an offence next above this in grsnty there iS

INDfAi; BUDDHISM

163

added a ceisation of oral intercourse -witli the Brethren When
the oflfence is serious the punishment is that the community
■will not live with the offender, and this involves expulsion and
excommunication Expelled from a Community, the monk has
no home, he then becomes a miserable vagrant, or he returns
to his first estate

This passage contains several phrases and expressions
which may seem to require some comment or explanation
Thus in the first sentence we are told that Buddha’s
“religious system is apprehended by people according to
their kind (^|i ^ M every one

understands Buddha’s teaching according to his individual
nature and capacity. The statement is derived from the
canonical Scriptures in which we are told that the Buddha
preached in one language, but that all lands of creatures
understood him m their own ways He spoke, we are
told, the “Aryan language’* but Chinese, and Yavans, and
the peoples of Bactria and Bokhara, heard him as speak-
ing in their own tongues Moeover each man in a con-
gregation which the Buddha addressed heard his own
besettmg sm reproved, and the same words called the
unchaste to chastity and the avaricious to libeiabty i This
may have been nght, and attended with only good con-
sequences while the Buddha was bodily present among
men, teaching and preachmg and giving rules and precepts.
But at Tuan-cbuang’s time a long period had elapsed
smce the decease of the Buddha. His teachings had been
collected, committed to writing, transmitted and preserved
with very unequal faithfulness. Grieat differences of opinion
also had arisen as to whether certain doctnnes were or
were not the Buddha’s teachmg Hence in Yuan-chuang’s
time the orthodox religion as piofessed m India was
genuine or adulterated accordmg to the moral and in-
tellectual characters of its professed adherents. Some
held to what they were taught to beheve was the original
Canon settled by the first Council Others doubted and

1 Abhi-ta-Yibh-lun, ch. 79, Hua-yen-yi-sbfing-cluao &c , cA 1
(No 1691).

164

THE EIGHTEEN SCHOOLS.

argued, wested Scripture from its proper meaning to suit
tbeir personal views, and lightly admitted spunous texts
to }iav6 ’authoniy.

We next have mention of the Eighteen Pu or Schools
which had arisen in Buddhism and of their rivalry. These
Schools were famous in the history of Buddhism, and
various accounts are given of their origin and growth.
We know that the first split in the Church after the
Buddha’s death led to the formation of ihe two great
Schools of the Sthaviras and MahSsanghik'as. The former
in the course of time yielded eleven, and the latter seven
Schools; and so there were actually Twenty Schools, but
the total number is generally given m the hooks as
Eighteen. Each of these Schools became famous for the
propagation and defence of some peculiar doctrme. In
Professor Bhys Eavids’s articles on the Buddhist sects *
there is an excellent summary of what we know of these
Eighteen Schools, with references to other authonties.

Then we have mention of another famous division in the
Buddhist Church, viz. the Great and Small Vehicles.
Yuan-chuang teUs us that “the tenets (or practises) of
the Great and the Small Vehicles differ widely”. Ta-
hsiao-erh-' sheng-chii-chih-chii-pie ^ ^ -it

^ ^Jj). Julien translates — “Les partisans du grand et du
V^ide ferment denx classes h part”, hut this does
not seem to give the author’s meaning. The term chU-chih.
lit. resting or sojourning denotes here tenets, or outward
observances or practisesj and ch^u^ie means verg unlike or
genertcaUy different, Yuan-chuang does not state that the
adherents of the two systems formed two classes apart
he knew that in some places th^ even hved together in
one monastery. But he tells us that the tenets of the
two Systems, their ways of belief and conduct were far
apart It is a pity that the word Vehicle has come to
he generally used as the rendenng for the Sansknt Yana
in the words Mah3.yana and Hinayana. We shonld often

1 Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Soc. 1891 and 1892

THE TWO SYSTEMS.

166

substitute for it some term like Creed or System, and
HlnaySna should be the Primitive and Mahayana the
Developed System As is well known, it was the adherents
of the latter who gave the name “Small Yehicle” to the
creed from which their own grew. Their doctrines and
rehgious observances came to differ very widely from
those of the early system. The Mahayamsts had a more
expansive Creed, a different standard of religious perfection
and a more elaborate cult than the Hinayamsts As to
particular tenets, they differed very much from the early
Buddhists m such matters as opinions about arhats and
Bodhisattvas, their views of the relation of the Buddha
to mankind, of the efficacy of prayer and worship! and of
the elasticity of the Canon. Our author lUustiates his
statement ae to differences ‘in the Great and Little
Systems by one or two examples, at least such is the
general opimon as to the passage which follows. In the
lendermg here given its reads — ‘They have sittmg in silent
revene, the walking to and fro, and the standing still.
Samadhi and PrajnS are far apart, and many are the noisy
discussions’. Julien’s translation, which seems to be the
result of a serious nusconstruction of the passage is~
“Les uns meditent en silence, et, soit en marchant, soit
en repos, tiennent leur esprit immobile et font abstraction
du monde; les autres fiiffbrent tout h fait de ceux-ci par
leurs disputes orageuses”.^ The text, given below, plainly
does not adihit of this rendering which does great violence
to meaning and construction. In this passage ting, or
‘^absorbed meditation” (Samadhi), seems to be declared to
be far apart from prajnS, hut or “transcendental wisdom.
But samSdhi, although known to early Buddhism, is
characteristic of Mahayanism, and is often found, as here,
with hm, which is strictly Mahayanist. We read of a
great controversy which was earned on between two
Hinayana Schools as to the relative merits of samadhi

» The text is— ^

6^ .R 5^*

166

BASIS OF THE HTEBAKCHY.

and prajna. But we should perhaps understand our author
here as stating that the Hlnayanist practices of quiet
thought, walking up and down, and standing still were far
removed from the Samadhi and Prajha of the Mahayanists.

For the sentence — ‘Wherever there is a community of
Brethren it makes rules of gradation’ the original is ^ ^
^ ^ M and Julien translates — “Suivant le lieu

qu’ils habitent, on leur a fait un code de reglements et de
defenses d'une nature speciale.” This is not m accordance
with Buddhism, and it is not a fair rendering of the
author’s words. These mean that each commumty of
Biethren had its own hierarchy promoted according to a
recognized system. The system of promotion, Yuan-chuang
explains, v/as briefly this— 1 the Brethren m any estabhsh-
ment were advanced according to their abihty to expound
and teach the canonical treatises of the Vinaya, Abhid-
harma, or Sutras. In the D text the original is “without
distinguishing Yinaya, Abhidharma, Sutra, in Buddha’s
canon-(^ ^ ®

words chi-Jan Jh) after Fo’CJnng, and 0 adds the word
after fan. Julien having the reading of the B
text translates — “Lea regies de la disciplme (Yinaya), les
Traites philosophiques (Ssstras), les textes sacrds (Sutras),
les Predictions (Vyakaraiias), Ac. sont tous dgalement des
hvres du Buddha*’. He tells us in a note how he gets
“les Predictions” viz by altenng the of the text to IB-
This emendation is quite untenable and unnecessary, as
IS also the insertion of ‘ &c ’’ by the translator. There is
no classification of the Buddhist Scnptures which contains
the four heads of division given m Juhen’s translation
All the candn is contained in the Three Baskets (or
Stores), Ymaya, Sutra, and Abhidharma, and tlie Chi (|B)
or “les Predictions” constitute one of the subdivisions of
the sutra ^ In the passage under consideration the words

I But m the passage quoted by Julien and in other places cfiiwy
or sUtra is given as one of the classes of Scripture along with ®
ShoUtrcht or Predictions, the clung is the first of the twelve classes
of BCnptures the Ghi (or Shou~chx) being also one of the twelve

PBIVILEGB8 -or THE LEAENED.

167

OMrJan are not wanted; they were probably inserted to
satisfy the demands of style.

The first step in promotion, Yuan-chnang relates, was
that a Brother who conld teach one treatise (or class of
wntmgs) in the Canon “was exempted from serving under
the Prior”. For the words within inverted commas the
original iB—‘]Vai~mien-8tng-chth-sliih (75 fi" ^ ^)> and
Jnlien translates — “est dispense des devoirs de religieux
et dinge les affaires du convent”. This faulty inter-
pretation, it will be seen, puts the disciple of one talent
above the disciples of two or more talents The 8^ng~
ch'^shih or Karmadana' m a Buddhist monastery had
control of its secular affairs, and the common monks were
under his orders for all kinds of memal work. "When a
Brother proved himself well versed m one subject or
department of the canon, and skilled m eloquent exposition
of the same, he was, as a first step in advancement,
exempted from performing the ordinary work of the
establishment. This exemption was granted also m
monastenes to which the learned Brother went as a guest.
There is an Abhidharma treatise in which we find an
illustration of our text A stranger monk arrives in a
monastery and is treated as a guest at first Afterwards
the Pnor tells ,hitn that according to his semonty he is
to take part in the daily routine of the establisment But
the guest said — No, I am not to work, I am a Ph. D.,
a Lun-shih, and his claim to be exempted was allowed. i

For the words here rendered by ‘But as for those to
whom rehgious teaching has been ofiered in vam’ the
original is ^ 75 ^ Jnhenwrongfy connecting these

words with what precedes translates “A son arnvfee, il
ppisse sous des portes tnomphales”. It wiU be readily
admitted that yi-mSn cannot be translated “triumphal
gates” and that cannot possibly be rendered by

“il passe sous”. The teim yi-men, ht. “door of meaning”
18 used in tne senses of article of creed, essential doctrine.

' Sar. Vin Bfu-te-ka, ch. 6 (No 1184), Abhi-ta-vib-lun, e/’ 118

168

THE F0T7E CASTES.

course of instruction. In ordinary Chinese literature the
term is not unknown and it is an honourable epithet or
distinction. A yi-m^n is an unselfish or publw-spiniudl
dan, as a family which keeps together for a long time,
five or six generations, living and messing on the same
premises. But here yi-mhi has a Buddhistic use and
means “cause of religious instruction”. Then hsh'jfi is
“vainly open”, and the clause means “as for those to whom
religious teaching has been offered to no purpose”. It
introduces the words which follow, telling the dreadful
fate of the man who does not learn, and yet pretends to
be wise.

The Castes of India.

Our author passes on to give a few particulars about
the division of the people of India into castes. His
statements may be loosely rendered as follows —

There are four orders of hereditary clan distmctions. The first
18 that of the Brahmins or “purely living”; these keep their
principles and live continently, strictly observing ceremomal
purity. The second order is that of the Kshatnyas, the race of
kings; this order has held sovereignty for many generations, and
its aims are benevolence and mercy. The third order is that of
the Vaisyas or class of traders, who barter commoditieB and
pUrsue gam far and near. The fourth class is that of the SUdras
or agnculturists ; these toil at cultivating the soil and are m-
duBtnous at sowing and reaping These four castes form classes
of vanons degrees of ceremonial punty. The members of a
caste marry within the caste, the great and the obscure keeping
apart. Relations whether by the father’s or the mother's side
do not intermarry, and a woman never contracts a second
marnage. There are also the mixed castes, numerous clans
formed by groups of people according to their kinds, and these
cannot be described.

It will be seen from this passage tbat Yuan-cbuaug,
like other Chinese wiiters on India, understood the term
Brahman as meaumg those who had hrahman in the sense
of a chaste continent habit of life. The Kshatriyas were
the hereditary rulers, and as such their minds were to
be bent on benevolence and mercy. This is in accordance

rSTERSIAERYINGS.

169

■with Manu who lays it down that the king should be a
protector to his people.' Yuan-chuang here puts the 'castes
in the order given in brahmin books, but lu the Buddhist
scriptures the ELsbatnyas are usually placed above the Brah-
mins. The phrase which he applies to the Vai^as, whom
he calls the tradmg caste, viz “they barter what thej
have not” is one of some interest The words are mao-
chHen-yu~wu ^ ^ and; they are to be found m the
Shu-ching with the substitution of ^ for , the two
characters having the same sound but very different mean-
mg8.2 Our pilgrim, it will be noticed, makes the 6udras
to be farmers. But m Manu, and m some Buddhist works,
the Yai^as'are farmers, and the busmess of the Sudras
is to serve the three castes above them.''

The sentence here rendered “The members of a caste
marry within the caste, the great and the obscure keep-
mg apart” is in the.onginal liun-chd^'urig-cliHn-fe^-fvryt-lu
^ iE ^ ^ M “marnages go through the

kindred, flying and prostrate different ways’ . tTuben
translates the words — “Quand les hommes ou les femmes
se manent, ils prennent un rang 61ev6 ou restent dans
une condition obscure, suivant la difference de leur engine ”
This rendermg seems to be absuid and it does violence
to the text leaving out the two words Pung'Ch‘m and
mistranslating yi-lu. What our author states seems to
be clear and simple. Marriages take place within a caste,
and a Yai^a man, for example, may marry any Yai^ya
maid. And he will marry other To Tuan-chuang a
caste was a gens or a clan denoted by one surname (^)
and all who belonged to the gens were kindred, they were
of one jdit. So members of the caste might intermarry
provided they were not already related by marriage. But
though a man might espouse any maid of his caste, the
nch and great mamed among themselves, and the poor

> C% 1. 89 et al

* L 0 C Yol 111 , p 78, Shu-Ching, ch 2
3 Oh*Sng-shih-lun, ch 7 (No 1274), Manu 1, 91

170

THE AEMT Hf INHIA.

and obscure kept to themselves in their marriagee. The
words fei, “flying” and fu “prostrate”, used for pro^enm
and obscure have a reference to the* first chapter of the
Tih-chmg: With what Yuan - chuang tells us here wt
may compare Manu who lays down the law that “a father
ought to give his daughter in marriage to a distinguished
young man of an agreeable exterior and of the same class”,
and of the lady he says — “let her choose a husband of
the same rank as herselfi’’^

T^e “mixed castes (tsa-hsing ^ ^)” are properly not
“castes”, but guilds and groups of low craftsmen and
workmen. These include weavers, shoemakers, hunters,
fishermen, and also water-carriers and scavengers. Albe-
mni’s account of these and his description of the four
castes may be used as a commentary to the short account
given by our pilgrim.^ *

The Abmt.

We have next a short notice of the army of India
■ beginning with its head, the Sovereign. Of the latter
Yuan-chuang states according to Julien’s rendering — “La
s^rie des rois ne se compose que de Kchattnyas, qut, dans
Vorigine, se sent 6iev6s au •pouvovr par I’usurpation du
trone et le meurtre du souverain. Quoigidils sont issus de
families etrang^res, leur nom est prononc6 avec respect .
The italics are mine and they indicate interpolations, tin-
necessary and unwarranted, made by the translator, who
seems to have forgotten the passage he had just trans-
lated What our author states is to this effect —

The sovereignty for many eucoesBive generations has been exer-
cised only by Kshatriyas rebelliOD and regicide have occaeionaHy
arisen, other castes assuming the distinction

that is, callmg' themselves kings. The sovereign de sure
Yuan-chuang thought, was always of the Kshatriya caste,
and it was that caste alone which could lawfully produce

1 Manu IX, 88
- Alberuni, ch. IX

S0C5IAli AOT> LEGAL MATTEE8.

171

a kmg, but there were instances of men of other castes,
^udras for example, raismg themselves to the throne.

Our author proceeds.

The National Guard (lit •warriors) are heroes of choice valour,
and, as •the profession is hereditary, thej become adepts m
military tactics. In peace they guard the sovereign’s residence,
and in war they become the mtrepid vanguard
The army is composed of Foot, Horse, Chariot, and Elephant
soldiers. The war-elephant is covered with roat-of-mail, and hio
tusks are provided with sharp barbs On him ndes the Com-
mander-m-chief, who has a soldier on each side to manage the
elephant The chariot in which an officer sits is drawn by four
horses, whilst mfantry guard it on both sides The infantry go
lightly into action and are choice men of valour, they bear a
large shield and carry a long spear, some are armed with a
sword or sabre and dash to the front of the advancing line of
battle They are perfect experts vnith all the implements of war
such as spear, shield, bow and arrow, sword, sabre &c havmg
been drilled in ihem for generations >

Social awd Legal Maiotbes.

Our pilgrim next sums up the character of the Indian
people.

They are of hasty and irresolute temperaments, but of pure
moral principles Thej will not take anything -wrongfully, and
they jaeld more than fairness requires. Tney frar the retribution
for sins in other hves, and make hght of what conduct produces
in this hfe They do not practise deceit ana they keep their
sworn obhgations

He then describes the judicial processes and modes of
punishment

As the government is honestly admimstered and the people live
together on good terms the criminal class is small The statute
law 18 EomctirooB ■violated and plots made against the sovereign.

* For ‘They are perfect experts with all the implements of war’
the onginal is and .Tulien translates

“Toutes leurB'‘atme8 de guerre sont piquantes on tranchantes” But
this IB manifestly ■VTTong and a httle reflection should have shewn
Juhen that shields and slings, two of -the armes de guerre^ are not-
ptgwintes or tranchantee On p. 77 of this volame of the Mfemolres
diflien translates /STig-jut by “la supenontfi”

172

SOCIAL Am> LEGAL MATa?EBS.

when the crime n? brought to light the offender is unprieoned
for hfe, he does not yuffer any corporal ;^u*iBhment, but alive
and dead he is not treated as member of the commumty (ht as
a man) Por offences against social moraUty, and disloyal and
unfihal conduct, the punishment is to cut off the nose, or an
ear, or a hand, or a foot, or to banish the offender to another
country or into the wilderness Other offences can be atoned
for by a money payment

The narrative proceeds to describe the four ordeals by
which the muocence or -giiilt of an accused person is
determined.

These are by water, by fire, by weighing, and by poison. In
the water ordeal the accused is put m one sack and a stone in
another, then the 'two sacks are connected and thrown into a
deep stream, if the sack containing the stone floats, and the
other smke, the man’s guilt is proven. The fire ordeal reqmrefl
the accused to kneel and tread on hot iron, to take it in his
hand and hck it, if he is innocent he is not hurt, but he is
burnt if he is gmity. In the weighing ordeal the accused is
weighed against a stone, and if the latter is the hghter the
charge is false, if otherwise it is true. The poison ordeal
requires that the right hind leg of a ram be cnt off, and ac-
cording to the portion assigned to the accused to eat, poisona
are put into the leg, and if the man is innocent he survives, and
if not the poison takes effect.

Julien takes a very different meaning out of the text
for the last sentence. He understood the author to state
that the poison ordeal consisted in placing in the incised
thigh of a ram “nne portion des aliments que mange le
prevenn”, poisons having been previously spread over the
“portion”, and if the ram then died the accused was guilty,
and if the poison did not work he was innocent. But
this cannot he regarded as the meamng of the text (which
IS not, however, very clearly expressed). Our anthor^s
account of these trials by ordeal in India differs both as
to the actual ordeals, and the mode of procedure with
them, from the descriptions to be found m other works.
Mann, for example, does not give either the weighing or the
poison ordeal, but these are mentioned by other authorities.*

1 Mauu Vlll, 114, Alberuni Vol. u, p. 169.

METHODS OF SALUTATION.

173

Acts op salutation acjd eeveeence

Our author next tells us about the ways of shewing
respect and doing homage among the people of India,
He relates—

There are mne degrees m the etiquette of shewing respect
These are (1) greeting with a kind enquiry, (2) reverently bow-
ing the head, (8) raising the hands to the head with an inclina-
tion of the body, (4) bowing with the hands folded on the breast,
(5) bending a knee, (6) kneeling with both knees (lit. kneeling
long), (7) going down on the ground on hands and knees, (8)
bowing down with knees, elbowsp and forehead to the ground,
(9) prostrating oneself on the earth The performance of all
these nine from the lowest to the highest is only one act of
reverence To kneel and praise the excellences [of the object]
IB said to be the perfection of reverence If [the person doing
homage] is at a distance he bows to the ground with 'folded
hands, if near he kisses (bt. licks) the foot and rubs the shkle
(say, of the king) All who are dehvenng messages or receivmg
orders tuck up their clothes and kneel down The exalted
person of distinction who receives the reverence is sure to have
a kind answer, and he strokes the head or pats the back [of the
person paying respect], giving him good words of advice to
shew the sincerity of his affection Buddhist monks receiving
the courtesies of respect only bestow a good wish Kneeling is
not the only way of doing worship. Many ciroumambulato any
object of reverential service, making one circuit or three cironita,
or as many as they Wish if they have a special request in mind.

Our author’s statement here that the mne degrees of
showing respect enumerated by him made one act of
worship or reverence does not appear in Juhen’s trans-
lation. The original is fan-'Ssu-chiu-teng-chi-wei-yi-jpat (IL
M ‘IB - Juhen connecting this with the

words which follow renders the whole thus — “La plus
grande de ces demonstrations de respect consiste k s’age-
nomller devant quelqu’un aprfes I’avoir salud une fois et h,
exalter ses vertues” This sentence cannot possibly be
regarded as a translation of the text which Juhen evidently
did not understand According to Yuan-chuang’s state-
ment there were mne degrees of showing respect but to
go through all these constituted only one service of worship

174

DISPOSING OF THE DEAD.

or reverence. Perhaps no one of the nine Tvas ever per-
formed alone as an act of respect, we often find m
Buddhist literature four or five actions performed to make
one service of reverence.^ But we may doubt whether
the whole nme acts were often gone through as one act
of worship. The Buddhist Brother, however, spoke of
performing the cJiiu-pai or “nine reverences” to his abbott
or other senior m rehgion. This phrase is found in
popular literature, e.g. in the Shui-hu-chUan, and it is
apparently sometimes used like our “your obedient humble
servant”. Although Yuan-chuang does not state so ex-
pressly, yet his language seems to indicate that the refer-
ence in this passage is to the reverence or worship paid
to kings, great Brahmins, and the Buddha It will be
noticed that he does not make any mention of the signs
of respect to a superior shev/n by taking off one’s shoes,
or by uncovering the right shoulder

Sickness and Death.

We have next a few particulars as to the ways m which
the people of India treat their sick and dead. Our author
tells us —

Every one who is attacked by sickness his food cut off for
seven days. In this interval the patient often recovers, but if
he cannot regain his health he takes medicine Their medicines
are of various kinds, each kind having a specific name. GHieir
doctors differ in medical skill and in prognostication
At the ohseouies for a departed one [the relatives] wail and^/
weep, rending their clothes and tearing out their hair, strik-
ing their brows and beating them breasts. There is no distmction
in the styles of mourning costume, and no fixed period of
mourning For disposing of the dead and performing the last
ntes there are three recognized cnstoms. The first of these is
cremation, a pyre being made on which the body is consumed.
The second is water-bunal, the corpse being put into a stream
to float and dissolve The third is bnnal in the wilds, the body
being cast away in the woods to feed wild animals.

* Pfl-ni-mu-ching, cA. 4 (No 1138); Iiife cA. Ill and Jnhen I,
p. 144.

SUIdDB OP THE OLD.

176

When the sovereign dies the first thing is to place his suc-
cessor on the throne in order that he may preside at the reh-
gions services of the funeral and determine precedence. Men-
tonons appellations are Oonferred on the living, the dead have
no honorary designations Ko one goes to take food in a family
afflicted by death, but after the fnneral matters are again os
hsual and no one avoids [the family] Those who attend a
funeral are regarded as unclean, they all wnsh outside the city
walla before entering [the city].

As to those who have become very old, nnd whose time of
death is approaching, who are afflicted by incurable disease and
fear that their goal of life has been reached, such persons tire
content to separate from this world, and desire to cast off
humanity, contemptuous of mortal erastence and desirous to be
away from the ways of the world. So their relatives and friends
give them a farewell entertainment with music, put them in a
boat and row them to the middle of the Ganges that they may
drown themselves in it, saying that they will be bom m Heaven;
one out of ten wfll not carry out hi3 contemptuous views.

The Buddhist Brethren are forbidden to wail aloud ^ e. over
a departed one), on the death of a parent they read a service
of gratitude, their “following the departed” and “bemg earnest
about his death” are securing his bhso in the other world

The clause “one out of ten will not carry out his con-
temptuous views” is a literal rendering of the original
Shih-yu-ck‘z^yi-wei-chzn’-pi-chien ^ ^ if! ^)*

Julien, connecting the first paxt of this with what precedes
and the latter part with what follows, translates — “ On en
compte un sur due 11 y en a ffauties gxii, n’ayant pas
encore coinpl6tement renonc^- omx erreurs du si&cle, sortent
de la famille et adoptent la vie des religieux”. The words
which I have placed in italics axe the translator’s inter-
polations, and the last clause is for the words CTi'w-chia-
8^g~ckunff which belong to the next sentence. This
treatment of the teict quite destroys its meaning. What
the author states is that out of ten old men who declare
that they are sick of life, and want to leave it, only one
IS found acting inconsistently at the critical moment, say-
ing that he is sick of life, and yet shrinking from suicide
by drowning in the Ganges.

The Buddhist Brother, we are told, may not lament

176

EEVENTTE AlCD TAXATION.

over the death of a parent, but he shews his grateful
remeiubiance by a religious service, and his fihal piety by
obtaining for a deceased parent a ha2ipy hereafter. The
expressions “following the departed’ and “being earnest
about his death” are taken from the first chmn of the
Lun-yu There Tseng-tzu says that “if there be earnest-
ness about the death [of a parent] and a following of the
departed one (i. e. parent) the moral character of the
people will return to a state of thorough goodness”. By
“earnestness about the death of a parent” the Confiiciamst
meant being careful to have all the funeral ntes duly
observed, and by “following the departed parent” he
meant keeping up the solemn services of worship to the
deceased. These were services in which a man shewed
his perfect fihal piety, but the professed Buddhist earned
out his views of filial piety and a fixture state in securing
to his parents happiness in other spheres of existence.^
To the Confucianist the death of a relative was the “end”
of the relative, but to the Buddhist death was only a
passing to another life.

Revenue and Taxation.

Our author next gives us a few particulars about the
fiscal matters of Government in India.

As the Government is generous official requirements are few
i'amilies are not registered, and individoals are not subject to
forced labour contributions Of the royal land there is a four-
fold division one part is for the expenses of government and
state worship, one for the endowment of great pubhc servants,
one to reward high intellectual eminence, and one for acquiring
religious ment by g’fts to the various sects. Taxation being
hght, and forced service bemg sparingly used, every one keeps,
to his hereditary occupation and attends to his patrimony The
king’s tenants pay one sixth of the produce as rent. TradeBinea
go to and fro bartenng their merchandize after paying light
duties at ferries and barrier stations Those who are employed
in the government semce are paid according to their work.
They go abroad on military service or they guard the palace,

1 Lun-Yu, ch. 1

GENERAL PR0DF0T8 OF INDIA.

177

the Bununonsos are issued according to circumBtanccs and sdter
proclamation of the reward the enrolment is awaited. Mmistero
of state and common officials all have their portion of land, and
are maintained by the cities assigned to them.

In this passage the words for “every one attends to
his patrunony” are in the original chu-Pipn-Tc^ou-f^n
ftB P Jniien translates “tons cultivent la ierre

pour se nourrir”. This is not a correct rendering of the
words and is at variance with what follows .about the
traders. The l^ou-fen in China was ongmally the farm
of 100 molt given out of government lands to a married
coupler to maintam the family and keep up the ancestral
worship This form was called kou-Jhi-shiJi-ye-chih-t'ien
(P^i£^;^ffl) or “the arable land which is hereditary
property for the maintenance of the family”. Then t^ien
(fg}) which means “to cultivate”, means also “to administer”
or “manage”, and Pten-Tc^ou-f^n is “to look after the family
property”, kou~fin bemg used in a general sense

As to one sixth of the crop being paid by the king’s
tenants as rent we find mention of this in Mann and other
authorities. i

General products op India.

Our author now proceeds to tell us something of the
commodities which India produces and first of its vege-
table products. He writes —

Afl tbe districts vary in their natural quablies they difi'er also
in their natural products There are flowers and herbs, frmts
and trees of different kinds and with various names There are,
for example, of fruits the amra or mango, the arola or tamarind,
the Madhoka (Bassia latifoha), the badara or Jujube, the kapittha
or wood-apple, tbe amala or myrobalan, the tinduks or Dios-
pyros, the udumbara or Ficus glomorata, tbe mocha or plantain,
the nankela or Oocoa-nnt, and the panasa or Jack-fruit It is
impossible to enumerate all the kinds of fruit end one can only
mention in a summary way those which are held in esteem
among the inhabitants [Chinese] jujubes, chestnuts, green and
red persimmons are not known in India From Kashmir on, pears,

1 Mgnu VIL ISO, ISl, YIH 308.

M

378

FOODS AHD DBINKS.

ploms, peaches, apncots, grapes are planted here and there;
pomegranates and sweet oranges are grown in all the countnes

As to agncultural operations, reaping the crops, prepanng the
soil (ht ploughing and weeding), sowing and planting go on m
their seasons according to the industry or laziness of the people.
There is much rice and wheat, and ginger, mustard, melons,
pumplans, kunda (properly the olibannm tree) are also culti-
vated Onions and garho are little used and people who eat
them are ostracised

Milk, ghee, granulated sugar, sugar-candy, cakes aud parched
grain with mustard-seed oil are the common food; and fish,
mutton,^ venison are occasional dainties (ht are occasionally
served in joints or shoes) The flesh of oxen, asses, elephants,
horses, pigs dogs, foxes, wolves, lions, monkeys, apes is forbidden,
and those who eat such food become pariahs.

There are distinctions in the use of their wines and other
beverages The wines from the vine and the sugar-cane are the
dnnk of the Kshatnyas, the YaiSyas drink a strong distilled
spint, the Buddhist monks and the Brahmins dnnk syrup of
grapes and of sugar-cane, the low mixed castes are without any
distinguishing dnnk.

As to household necessanes there is generally a good supply
of these of vanous quahties. But although they have different
kinds of cooking implements they do not know the steaming
boiler (i. e. they have not lar^ boilers such as are used in large
households in China) Their household utensils are mostly
earthenware, few being of brass. They eat from one vessel m
which the ingredients are mixed up; they take their food with
their fingers Generally speaking spoons and chop-sticks are
not used, except'in cases of sickness when copper spoons are used.

Gold, silver, tfu-ehtk (bronze?), while jade, and crystal lenses
ore products of the country which are very abundant Bare
precious substances of vanous kinds from the sea-ports (ht. sea-
bays) are bartered for merchandize But in the commerce of
the country gold and silver corns, cowries, and small pearls are
the media of exchange

The words “From Kashmir on” in the first paragraph
of the above passage seem to mean “from Kashmir on
towards China”. But Julien understood the words in a
very different sense and translated the passage containing
them as follows^ — “Depiiis que les deux especes de poiners

1 The words arc

mUlT TEEE8 OP ISDIA.

179

li et nat, le ploher, I’amandier, la Tigne et autres arbrea
it fruits onfc 6t6 apportSs du royaume de Oachemire, on
les Toit croitre de tons cdtfis. Les grenadiers et lea
Grangers k fruits doux se cultivent dans tons les royaumes
de I’Inde.” In this, not to notice other faults, we have
the words “ont 6t6 apportes” interpolated to the serious
detriment of the author’s meaning. Yuan-chuang knew
better than to state that pears, and plums, and the other
frmts mentioned had been brought from Kashmir into
India and there cultivated everywhere. Throughout the
Records there is only, I believe, a single mention of any
of these fruit-trees m India. This one instance is to be
found m the account of Oht-^a-po-h in Chuan IV (Julien
II, p 200), and there the peach and pear are represented
as havmg been first introduced into India from China. In
no account of India, so far as I know, down to the present
time are the above trees enumerated among those grown
commonly throughout the country. Ibn Batuta does not
mention them and they are not given in Sir. W*. Hunter’s
account of India. But they are grown in many countries
between Kashmir and Ohma, and in Chuan XII of the
Records we find several instances mentioned. On the other
hand pomegranates, which are said to grow wild in the
Himalayan region, and sweet oranges have been extensively
cultivated in India for many centuries.

ML*

CHAPTER VI

CSUAN U COST^.

LAMPA TO GAinDHAEA.

OuB pilgrim lias now reached the territoiy which he,
like others before and after him, calls India. But it
is important to remember that the countries which he
describes from Lan-p‘o to Rajpur both inclusiye were not
regarded by the people of India proper as fonmng part
of their territory. It was only by foreigners that these
districts were mcluded under the general name India.
To the inhabitants of India proper the countries in question
were “border lands” inhabited by barbarians. This was
a fact known to Yuan-chuang, but he named and descnbed
these States mainly from information obtamed as he
trayeUed. The information was apparently acquired chiefly
from the Buddhist Brethren and beheymg laymen resident
in these countries. To these Buddhists Jambudylpa was
India and- the miracles and ministrations of the Buddha
extended oyer all the great region yaguely called Jambu-
dylpa. Moreoyer the great foreign kings who had inyaded
India from the north had included these States in their
Indian empire and the memory of these kings surviyed in
the Buddhist religious estabhshments.

LAN-P‘0 (LAMPA).

From Slapui the pUgnm contmued hia journey going e»at
mbove 600 through a very mountainouB region; then crowing
a black range he entered the north of India and arrived in the
Xon>p'o country.

LAMPA TO GANDHARA

181

Yuaii-cliuang wiites this name and this apparently

18 for him tlie name both of the country and its capital.
Some other authors write ^ and the local pronun-

ciation was pel haps somethmg like Lampa or Lumba.
Tlie word is supposed to represent the old Sanskrit Lam-
pdka, and the Larnhatai of Ptolemy," and the district has
been identified with the modern Laghinan (or Lughman), the
Lamghanat of Baber. This emperor mentions the curious
tradition which derives the name Lamghanat from Lam,
father of Noah, whose tomb was supposed to be in the
country. 3 But no probable explanation of the name
Lampa (or Lumba) seems to have been given, and the
word IS probably foreign, that is, non-Indian

Lampa is desonbed by the pilgnms as being above 1000 ft in
ciromfc, having on the north the Snow mountains and on the
other Bides black ranges

Another writer of tlie T'ang penod represents this
countiy as of much greater dimensions than those here
given and as extending on the north to Kimdnz and lying
west of tlie Wu-^e-chzh or Anavatapta Lake.* So also in
Baber’s time Lamghanat was a large region of much
greater extent than Yuau-ohuang’s Lampa or the modern
Lughman.

The capital, Yuan-chuang teUs us, was above ten ft m circuit
For several centuries the native dynasty had ceased to exist,
great famuies fought for preeminence, and the state had recently
become a dependency of Kapis. The country produced upland
nee and sugar-cane, and it had much wood but httle fruit, the
climate was mild with little frost and no snow, the inhabitants
were very musical but they were pusillaaunous and deceitful,
ugly and ill-mannered, their clothing was chiefly of cotton
(pat-ttc/i) and thej dressed welL There were above ten Buddhist
monastenes and a few Brethren the most of whom were MahayS-
nistc The non-Buddhists had a score or two of temples and
they were very numerous

1 See Q g Sung-Shih, ch 490.

a A G I. p 42 Orindle’s India from Ptolemy p p 104, 106.
5 Baber p 141—148
* Fang-chih, ch 1.

182

LAit&A.

In tiie cojnmon texts here the author is made to, state
that the non-Buddhrsts were very few ^ but the old reading
is found in the A text, viz. to, “many” and it is evidently
the right one. This reading moreover is confirmed by
the Bang-chih which quoting from our pilgnm’s account
of this country tells us that in it “the non-Buddhists were
remarkably numerous’^

This country does not seem to have ever been much
known to the Chinese generally; and it is rarely mentioned
even m the translations of the Buddhist books, or in the
accounts of the travels and in the biographies of eminent
worthies of the Buddhist religion. There was, however,
at least one distanguished Buddhist scholar who is called
a Brahmin from the Lampa country and who is recorded
as having visited Chma. This pious and lekrned Brother,
we are informed, in the year AD. 700 assisted m the
translation from Sanskrit into Chinese of a celebrated
treatise of magical invocations. » Lampa was evidently a
district of some importance and it may have been tmown
by some native or local name,

NAGAE.

The pilgnm, according to the narrative in the Eecorda, pro-
ceeded from liampa south-east above 100 Zt, crossing a high
mountain and a large river, and reached the Na-Jne(Jcayio-ho
country.

The Life here represents Tuan-chuang as going south
from Lampa and crossing a small lange on which a tope
to commemorate the spot at which the Buddha having
travelled on foot from the south rested on arrivmg lu
these regions. Then the Life makes the pilgnm continuo
bis journey from this range still ^oing southward for above

1 The title of this treatise is “Pu-k‘ang-chfian-so-t‘o-]o-ni-ching

(Bun. No 314) The translator’s name is given as Li-wn-t‘ao and he
IB called a brahmin of Lan-p‘o in “North India”. It is doubtfu ,
however, whether the Chinese text of No. 814 was actually the worx
of this man, see the note appended to the work. See also Su-kn-
chin-yi-ching-t*u-chi (No. 1488).

NAGABA-fcOT.

183

twenty li, descending the hills and crossing a river into
thei Na-TcOr-lo-'ho country.

Tins country, which we may suppose to have been called
by a name hire Nagar, is one of considerable mterest; and
as the account given of it in the Records and the Life
IB peculiar, and rather puzzling, it may be useful to exa-
mine the account at some length.

In the Recoil s Ynan-chuang desonbes Nagar as being above
600 h (about 120 miles) from east to west and 260 or 260 h
(about 60 miles) from north to south. The country waa sur-
rounded on aU Sides by high mountams steep and difdcult of
passage Its capital -was aboye 20 h in circmt, but there woo
no king and the State was a province of £apis. Grain and
fruits were produced in abundance, the climate was mdd, tne
people were of good character, courageous, slighting wealth
and esteemmg learning, reverencing Buddha and having little
faith in other rehgious systems But although there were
many Buddhist estabhahments the Brethren were very few
Ibero were five Dova-Teraples and above 100 professed non-
Buddhists

About two h to the east (m the Life, south-east) of the capital
stood a great stone tope above 300 feet high which had mar-
vellous sculptures Close to this tope on the west side was a
vihara and adjoining the vihsra on the south was a small tope
The former of these two topes was said to have been built by
king Asoka at the place where Sakya P'usa, having spread in
the mud his deer-skm mantle and his hair for Dipankara Buddha,
received from the latter the prediction of Bnddhabood. At the
periodic annihilations and restorations of the world the traces
of this incident are not effaced, and on fast days showers of
flowers descend on the spot, which is regarded with great reverence.
The small tope was at the spot where the mantle and hair were
spread on the mud, |the other tope] having been erected by
king Asoka in a retired place off the highway.

Yuan-ebuang next takes ns into “the city” and tells us of the
foundations which still remained of the grand tope which, ho
was informed, had once contained a tooth-rehc of the Buddha.
Close to these was a remarkable small tope of unknown ongin,
and popularly supposed to have come down out of apace. The
narrative in our text next takes us to a tope above ten h
south-west of “the city”. This tope marked the spot at which
the Buddha ahghted finm his aerial voyage from Mid-India to
this country Near the tope of the Descent on the east side
wos another tope to commemorate the spot at which, on the

384

THE BUILDINGS AlH) BELICS.

\

occasion of the meeting, the P'nsa bought five lotus flowers for
an ofiering to Dipankara Buddha.

Continuing m a south-western 'direction from “the city", and
at a distance of above twenty h from it, the pilgrim takes us
to a small range of rocky hills containing a stone monastery
with lofty halls and tiers of chambers all silent and unoccupied.
Within the grounds of this establishment was a tope 200 feet
high built by king Asoka.

Gbmg on again south-west from this monastery we come to
a ravme with a torrent the banks of which were steep rocks
In the east bank was the cave inhabited by the Gopala dragon,
very dark and with a narrow entrance, and with water tnckimg
from the rock to the path. In this cave the Buddha had left
his shadow or rather a luminous image of himself in the rock,
once a clear and perfect resemblance, but at the period of our
pilgrim’s visit to the district the wonderful likeness was only
dimly visible and only at certain times and to certam persons
Outside the Shadow Cave were two square stones on one of
which was a hght-emittmg impress of the Buddha’s foot. On
either side of the Shadow Cave were other caves which had
been used by the Buddha’s great disciples as places for ecstatic
meditation (samadhi) In the immediate neighbourhood of the
Shadow Cave also the pilgnm found vanous topes and other
objects associated with the Buddha’s personal visit to this
district.

Following the narrative m the Eecords we have now to return
to “the city". Storting agam from it and going in a south-east
direction for above thirty h we come to a city called jSi-fo (or
JBk-fo). This city, which was four or five h in circuit had a
strong elevated situation with charmmg gardens and ponds.
'W’lthm it was a two-storeyed building m which were carefully
preserved the UohnJsha-bone of the Buddha, his skull, one of
his eyes, his mendicant’s staff, and one of his clerical robes. To
the north of this Belic-house was a wonder-working tope which
could be shaken by a touch of the finger.

There are one or two discrepancies between the account
here given and that in the Life. Thus in the Records
tiie Buddha conies to Nagar country throngh the air and
alights at a spot ten li south-west from “the city”, but in
the Life he arrives on foot at a place north of Nagar.
Then as to Hilo, the Life differs from' the Records in
placing this city at about 12 li distance south-east from
the Flowers Tope.

THE MAGAE AND HILO.

185

The Nagar of our text, it is agreed, is represented b}
the region m modern tunes called Nungnehar, that is,
Nine Kivers. In Baber’s time Nimgmhar, “in many
histones witten Nekerhar”, was a tuman of Lamghan
(Lampa).* The Nagar country thus included the present
diskict of Jelaiabad, the valley of the Cabul River from
Darunta on the west to Mirza E^heyl on the east and,
according to M*" Simpson, it “might reach from about
Jugduluck to the Khyber".2 Our text makes Yuan-chuang
visit two cities of this countrj^ the capital and Hilo the
former capital As to the latter all mvestigators seem to
be agreed that the Hilo of Yuan-chuang and the other
pilgnms is represented by the modem Hidda (or Heida
or Hada), a place situated about five miles south of
Jelaiabad.

As to the site of the cily called Nagai supposed fo
have been the capital of the country “in the Buddhist
penod” there is some diversity of opmion. The Na-kie
(ka)-lo-ho of Yuan-chuang is evidently the Na-kie(ka) of
Fa-hsien who uses the name for city and country It is
also the Na-kie city and the Na-ka-lo-ho of the Sung-yun
narrative in the “Ka-lan-chi”, and also the Na-kie of 'a
Yinaya treatise tianslated m A.D. 378.s

Juhen makes Na-ka-lo-ho stand for Nagarahara, and in
a note he tells us that m the Sung annals we find Nang-
go-lo-ho-lo which answers exactly to the Indian ortho-
graphy furnished by the inscription discovered by Captain
Kittoe. Julien is of coui’se followed, and his identification
accepted, by subsequent waiters, and on his and Lassen’s
authoiity the P. W. gives Nagarahara as the name of a
kingdom. But this word cannot be made out of Yuan
chuang’s four characters which apparently give the full
name Then as to Nang-go-lo-ho-lo the unter in the

1 Baber p 141.

2 J R A S Vol xiii Ai-t Vn

s Fo-kuo-obi, ch 13, Ka-laa-chi, cli 5, Pi-m-ye-ching (the “Chia-
yin-yuan-cbang”. Bun. No. 1130)

186 rDEKTmCATIONS OP NAQaB, '

“Sung Shi” quotes a Buddhist monk who evidently wrote
without knowledge. The jiassage referred to by Juhen
puts UdySna, which was immediately to the north of
Gandhara, twelve days’ journey to the east of that country.
Then it places Gandhara at' a distance of twenty days’
journey eastward from Kang-go-lo-ho-lo and it malces the
latter to be ten days’ journey to the east of Lampa,* But
Yuan-chaang’s Nagar 'vias only five or six days’ 'journey
noith-west from Gandhata and about twenty miles south
or south-east* from Lampa. Thus Nang-go-lo-ho-lo does
not agree with Nagar either in distances oi directions
and its situation is imaginaiy and impossible. Then the
Nagarahara of Kittoefe Sanskrit inswiption of about the
Qth or 9^^ centmy is evidently not the Nagar of Yuan-
chuang and the other Chinese pilgrims. The mscnption
represents ^iradeva, son of Indra Gupta a Brahman of
Bengal, as becoming a Buddhist and going to the “holy
convent called Kankhka” (^iimat E[amshkam upagamya
mah&-viharam) in Nagaiahara.2 Now there is no mention
by any of the pilgrims of a great Kanishka monastery in
Nagar, city or couatry. But there was a celebrated one
in Gandhaia nearPurushapur and the Nagarahkia of the
Kittoe inscription is evidently the Gandhara country.

Cunmngham places the capital of Yuan-chuang’s Nagai'
“at Begram, about two miles to the west of Jalalabad”. ^
Samt Maiim supposes it to have been a little to the west
of this BegrSm. M' Simpson, who writes after careful
inspection and study of the locality, places the site of the
Nagar capital west of Begram on a rocky elevation at
the junction of the Surkhab and Cabul nvers. No one
of these identifications meets all the requirements of the
descriptions, but each is supported to a certain extent by
the statements in the Records.

If we take the nariative in the Records and read it in

1 Sung-Shib, 1. c.

2 J. A. S Ben. Yol xvu, p. 494.
2 A.. G. 1. p 44.

IT "WAS A FOETEESS

187

connection with that in the Life we find that there were
three cities m this district visited hy the pilgrim These
are the capital, the city of the Dipankara Buddha, and
Hilo the city' of the TJshnlsha lehc. Now as the Records
make mention of only the first and third of these by name
it may perhaps be taken foi granted that Yuan-chuang
mixed up in his mind the first and second when wntmg
out his notes So the teim “the city” seems to stand
sometimes for the capital but more frequently for the city
of Dlpankara. The contusion apparently affected the
compilers of the Life also.

Combinmg the two narratives we find that Yuan-chuang
on entering the country apparently went duectly towards
the capital. This he describes, as has been stated, as
“above 20 Z 2 [in circuit]” The word Gliou foi “m circmt”
IS found only m the D text, but some such term is needed
and the use of Chou agrees with Ynan-chuang’s usual way
of describing towns and districts. The reader will observe,
however, that we are not told anythmg about the natural
and artificial characteristics of the capital, about its
situation or suiToundmgs. This silence is very extra-
ordinary if we regard the city to have been on the site
proposed and described by Simpson.

Now the description of the place which this explorer
gives seems to be that of a fortress rather than a city.
And Nagar was perhaps at this time a strong foi-tress,
and it was called the capital because it was the official
residence of the Governor appomted by the kmg of Kapis.
Yuan-chuang apparently did not enter this city' as he
begms his descnption of the sacred objects of the country
with those outside of “the capital”". The last character
in Yuan-ohuang’s Na-ka-lo-ho may stand for kot vhich
means a fortress, and names like Nagkot, Nagarkot are
met with m several regions of “North India”.* The Nagar
of our text may be the Nagaikot which Albenmi mentions
as containing the annals of the Shah dynasty of Kabul.

1 See e g. Kagarkot in Alberuni, Yol 11, p. 11

r*

188

dipankara’s city

Moreover the Admapur of Baber was apparently on the
site of Yuan-chuang’s Nagar (oi ISTagar-kot) and it was a
fort. Baber describes the foil as “situated on an eminence,
Y/hioh, towards the river, is foity or fifty gez (100 feet or
upwards), m perpendicular height”, a desciiption which
agrees with that given by Simpson of the !N"agar rock.
This fort Baber tells us was the official lesidence of the
darogha or commandant of the district. /

Let us now substitute “Nagar fortress” for “the Capital”
and “the citj” m the first pari of the pilgrim’s nariative.
We find then that the great Asoka tope was about tivo
U or nearly half a mile to the east (oi south-east) of the
foi tress. Turning to Masson and Simpson we find that
they give a tope called “Kagara Groondee” whicli is
apparently about tliree furlongs to the east or south-east
of the Nagar rock.i

Fiom the Flower Tope near the Asoka Tope the pilgrim,
according to the Life, set out south-east for Hilo, tlie
city of the'UshnIsha lelic. On the way apparently, hut
this IS not quite clear, ho learns of the Gopala Dragon
cave with the miraculous likeness of the Buddha. Wishing
to visit this, Yuan-chuang had to go out of his way to the
Teng-kuang )b) city lo order to obtain a guide. The
term Teng-kuang is used to translate the word Dipankaia,
name of a very early Buddha, but we need not suppose
that it represents the name of the city. Now the Teng-
kuang city was apparently that called Na-kie(ka) by
previous pilgrims, and it w’as apparently a little to the
west of the site of the modern Jelalabad One name foi
it was Parlmapur or Lotus city This is given by some
Chinese as Hua-slii‘Ch^eng, or Flower City; and it is said
to he anothei name for the capital of the Nagar country.
A more common name for Dipaukara’s City in Buddhist
books is Dipavatl from dzyia, a torch or hght We may
for the present, however, use Padmapur to repiesent the
name of the city, as w’e have no means of knowing what

1 Tiiasflon’fl Ar. Ant. p 100 et al.

THE SHADOW CAVE.

189

the name actually was, that is, supposing it not to have
been simply Nagar.

This Padmapur then, let us assume, was the Na-ka city
which had the rums of the Tooth-tope, a tope which had
been seen by Fa-hsien in perfect condition. It was this city
also from which Hilo was distant about 30 h to the south-
east. Then from it Yuan-chuang went south-west to the
Shadow-Cave, and from this south-east to Hilo.

Now gomg from Padmapur south-west at a distance of
above 20 h was a small rocky hill which had a great
Buddhist monastery with an Asoka tope above 200 feet
high. This monastery and tope may be repiesented by
the rmns at Gunda Chismeh of M' Simpson’s map, “the
smooth rounded mound of a tope and the rectangular
mound of a vihara”. Some distance from this on the e£ist
bank of a torrent was the Dragon’s cave with the luminous
picture of the Buddha on the rock. Pa-hsien places the
cave about half a Yojana south from the Nakie city.
His words are “Half a Yojana south of Nakie city is a
cave as you follow the course of the hiUs towards the south-
west" The words m itahcs are for the Chinese |lj W
which our translators understood to mean a gieai
mountain towaids the south-west. The phrase is

certainly used in the sense of a “great mountain’ and
this IS its proper meaning Here, however, as in some
other cases the construction seems to reqmre that the
words be taken m the sense of going along a hiU (or
senes of hills). This word poh is probably, as has been
stated already, the poh of hm-poh of Chuan I of

these Becords, and also the poh (^) of various passages
in the Fo-kuo-chi and other works.

There does not seem to be any satisfactory explanation
of the names Nagai and Hilo. If the foiraer be for
Nagara its memory may be kept up m the modem
designation Begram which like Nagara means a “city”.
Or the syllable Nag or Nak may possibly be for the
Indian word naga which denotes the sun, a snahe, a
mountain, an elephant. Masson says that the old name

190

HIIiO CAinSOT MEAN BONE.

for the coontry was Ajuna and Saint Martin and Cun-
ningham think this word may be a corruption of another
old name for it, viz. Udyanapur or “the city of the
Garden”. But no one seems to give any authority for
this last old name and it is apparently unknown to Chinese
authors and translators. It may be added that this district
IS referred to in some Chinese books as in the Yue-shi
(Getse) country of North India. It is also called Fe-p*o-
kap-t‘^ ^ p^), that is perhaps, Yavakiinda, and it

is said to be to the west of UdySna.

As to Bhlo, Cunningham would have us regard this
word as a transposition of the Sanskrit word Hadda,
meaning a “bone”. But there were sfeveral Hilos in North
India, and the rehc supposed to have given the name is
not called in Sanskrit by any term containing a word for
“bone”. It was the Ushnlsha of the Buddha that Hilo
contained along with other relics of the Buddha. Some
Chinese translators, it is time, call the relic “the bone of
the top of Buddha’s head,” but others give a different
rendering, or keep the onginal word. The full name and
some of the translations will be given a few pages farther
on. We may perhaps regard the name in our text as for
Hila which was probably a local pronunciation for oils.
This word means a rock or 7’ocky eminence^ and the name
suits the description of the place.

BODHISATTVA AND DiPANKARA.

From the account given of the Nagar country by our
pilgrim we see that the district had several objects of
attraction to a Buddhist. The prmcipal of these objects
were the mementos of the P'usa’s meeting with Dipankara
Buddha, the lummous image of Gautama Buddha in the
Dragon’s cave, and his Ushnisha-bone. A few additional
observations about each of these may be of interest to
the student.

The story of the P'usa m an exceedmgly remote period
of time m his existence as a Brahman student meeting
the Dipankara Buddha and giving him worship and service

LE&EKD OF DEPANKAKA.

191

IS a well known one It is found in the Sanskrit Mahs-
vastiii and Divyavadanaj^ m the Pali Jatakas,^ and in
several forms in Chinese translations fiom Indian hri-
gmals. No one of all these treatises, so far as I know,
places the scene of this meeting m a country called Nagar.
In the different accounts various names are given to the
city of the incident. Thus it is called Rammanagara (oi
Rammavati oi Ilammagama).^ This would seem to point
to.Ayodhya, the modern Oudh, but the Jataka places
Ramma-city in “the frontiei terntory*’. The city is also
called Dipavati or Dipavat s from dlpa, a liqhi. It is also
Padma-pui’a or Lotos-city, m Chmose Lien-hua-ch‘eng or
Hua-shi-ch‘eng ^ The last name means simply Flower city
and it is pioperly applied to Patalipur. It is said, hoi\
ever, as has been seen, to be an old name for Nagai city
and it was given on account of the Lotus Ponds of the
city.

The P‘usa as brahmin student, variously named Megha,
Su-medha and otherwise, on his way to see Dipankora
Buddha met a maiden carrying seven lotus flowei s for the
semce of a shiine in the palace grounds. The P'usa
bargained with the maiden for five of her flovers that he
might have them to thiow on the Buddha as he passed
in procession. At the spot wheie the flowers were bought,
an act involving great consequences m the distant fiituie,
king Asoka had built a tope. It is remarkable that the
Pall Jutaka does not make any mention of the purchase
and offering of the lotus flowers.

Then there was the place at which the P'usa spread
out his deer-skm mantle and his hair on the muddy road

1 Mahavaetu T. I, p 193

* Divyav. p 246

3 Kbys Davids’ Birth Stories p 7, Bigandet’s Legend, VoL i, p 7.

* Mabavamsa Int p XXXII

5 Yin-kuo-ching (Bun No 666)

« Fo-shuo-t'ai-tzu-sui-ying-pen-chi-cbing, ch 1 (Bun. No 666),
Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, cA 11 (Bun No 543) , Hsmg-chi-ching, ch* 2,3
(Bun No 680)

192

LEGEND OF DIPANKABA,

to preserve Dipankara’s feet from being defiled. On the
road by which this Buddha was proceeding to the capital
on this memorable occasion were several dirty muddy
places which the people were tiying to make clean. The
brahmin student, at his own request, was allowed to put
right a hollow in tlie road made by running water. Un-
able to fill up this muddy gap on the approach of the
Buddha, he spread out in it bis deerskin mantle, and then
lay down prostrate wnth his long ban spread out for the
Buddha to step on. Though the world had passed away
and been renewed since the time of Dipankara and Megha
(or Sumati) yet the depression in the road remained visible,
being renewed with the lenewal of the world. Close to
the spot was a small tope of great antiquify, the successor
of the onginal wooden stake, and not far from it was a
very magnificent tope bioit by king Asoka.

This myth of the P'usa and the Dipankara Buddha
seems to be very unbuddhistical, and its ongm should
perhaps be sought outside of religion. "We remember that
one of Gotama’s royal ancestors was a king Dipankara
who with “his sons and grandsons also twelve royal piinces
governed their great longdom m Takkasila best of towns '
A picture of this kmg, with a conquered chief prostrate
before him, may have suggested the story. Such a picture
may be seen m Plate VII fig. 5 of the “Ariana Antiqua.’’
Compare wuth this the illustration of Dipankara and the
P‘usa in Burgess’s “Buddhist Cave Temples” p. 66. Here
the Buddha does not tread on the hair of the prostrate
devotee at his side. The story is explained by some as
originally an allegory to express Gautama’s resolve to
undeigo all things in this world of impurities in order to
obtain perfect wisdom and teach the way thereof to mortal
creatures. A simpler theory is that the brahmin student
laid dovm his deer-skin mantle and his hair before the
Buddha to declare to the latter the student’s resolve to
give up Brabrainism and become a professed Buddhist.

1 Dip&vamsa p. 131

THE SHADOW CAVE

193

As such he must shave his head and cease to wear gar-
ments made of the skins of ammals

THE'SHADOW CAVE

According to Yuan-chuang’s account the Gopala-Diagon
cave, with the hkeness of the Buddha shining at times in
the lock opposite the entiance, was on the east side of a
torrent among the heights to the south-west of the Nagar,
that IS, the Padma city. M" Simpson thmks that the
range of bills which extends fiom the Ahm Posh Tope
south of Jelalabad south-west to Sultanpur does not smt
Yuan-chuang’s description of the surroundings of this cave.
But his objections seem to be based mainly on the oc-
currence of the words cascade and mountain in the tians-
lations There is nothing, however coiTesponding to eithei
of these terms in the onginal either of the Life or Re-
cords The road from the city was a bad one and
dangerous, but it led to a hamlet with a monastery. Not
far fiom this, above the steep bank of a foaming torrent,
was the cave.

The Gopala Dragon of this cave, Yuan-chuang tells us,
and the story seems to be his only, was originally a
cowherd m this district at the time of the Buddha.
Annoyed at a reproof from the king he vowed terrible
vengeance. Then going to the Tope of Prediction he
prayed to become a dragon; and immediately fulfilled his
prayer by committing suicide, and returning to the world
as a mahgnant demon determined to make havoc. Hear-
mg of his spiteful cruel designs, the Buddha came through
the air from Mid-India, converted the dragon, and left
him a lummous likeness of himself immanent in the inner
rock of his cave Yuan-chuang saw the likeness of the
Buddha and a great deal more. Accor^ng to the tra-
dition the Buddha was alone m the cave Avben he caused
his likeness to go into the rock, but Yuan-chuang saw
also m the wonderful manifestation the Pmsas and saints
who attended the Buddha in Tus ministrations

194

THE SHADOW CAVE.

In the “K^i-lan>chi” the narrative at the pait about the
Nagar country has this statement-— -‘On to ICu-lo-lo-lii,
saw the cave of Buddha’s shadow, advancing 16 paces into
the hill, the entrance facing west”. Burnouf, who keata
this short passage as cormpt, makes “Gopala Cave” out
of the four Chmese characters represented in the above
transcription. This he effects by treating the first lo as
a mistake foi p'o and the last character lu as a mistake
for cliUi a deer for a cave as he represents it. But if we
take the Chinese characters as we find them they give us
Kulala-lok, that is, the Pottery people. Now this rommds
us of an interesting passage in the Chinese version of the
Life of Eling Asoka.* There Yasa tells the to’ng how the
Buddha, just befoi e his death, converted the Dragon-king
Apalala, the Potter, and the Chandala Dragon-king.
Burnouf translating from the Sanskrit text of this passage
has “the potter’s wife the Chandali Gopah” while the
editors of the Divyavadana treat Kumbhakan (Potter’s wife)
as a proper name. 2

With reference to this cave and its suiroundinge the
following passage from the “Ariana Antiqua” may be found
of some interest — “Tracing the skirts of the Siah Imh, is a
road leading from Bdla Bdgh to Darunta, and thence across
the river of ICabul and Jelalabad to Laghman. Prom B41a
B^gh to the ferry atDamnta may be-a distance of seven miles.
At about five miles on this road, coming from Bdla Bagh,
we meet the topes of Kotpur, situated a httle on our right
hand. The first is in the midst of cultivation about one
hundred yards from Bie road; a deep ravine, through
- which flows a stream derived from the Surkh Eud (red
river), separates it from its two companions. These stand
on a d&k, or barren level, overspread with fragments of

* A-yil-wang-ching, ch. 2 (No. 1843) In Th- 6 of this trectico the
chandala Dragon-king is called Kti-p*o-lo (Gropala), and in ch. 1 of
the “A-y2-wang-chnan” he is the “Ox-Dragon” of Gandhavat. In
the “TBa-a-han-chmg”, ch 28 (No 544) Buddha subdues tiie dragon
Apalala, “the potter chandala”, and the Gopali dragon.

5 Bur. Int. p. 377 . Divyav p. 348 See Legge’s ‘Pa Hian’, p<

THE SHADOW CAVE

195

potter’s ware; and here coins, rings, and othei relics are
sometimes found The spot was, therefoie, an ancient
place of sepulchi e In the ‘Life of Asoka’, hoAvever, the
Gopala cave is located in Gandhara.

In another Chinese Buddhist work we learn that the
Buddha once went to "North India” to the^ Yue-shi
(Geta?) country and thence to the west of this Here he
overcame a nerce Avicked Rakshasi, spent a night in her
cave, and left his shadow on a rock in it like that in the
Gnjiala cave.2 in another Buddhist treatise moreover,
there is mention of a district called Na-kre-lo or Na-kie-
han (or a)-io Here also was a rakshas! cave, and BuddJia
came from India to conveii; the rakshasT and left his
luminous image in the cave ^ This cave was in the side
ol the mountain Ansu, in the Ohampak giove of the old
ii&lii, close to a Dragon’s lake, and north of the Blue-
Lotus fountain. The district in which this cave was
situated was evidently not the Nagar country of our
pilgrim. He also mentions two other caves with luminous
images of Buddha in other parts of India.

There is also something not quite clear in his location
of the cave in JNagar He seems to describe it as in the
east hank of a torient, yet he tells us that there was lo
the west of it a large fiat stone on which the Buddha
spread his robe to dry. According to Fa-hsien also there
Avas a tope, 300 paces Avost of the cave, which was made
by Buddha and his disciples as a pattern. Near this,
moreover, was a monastery with above 700 monks in it,
of Avhioh Yuan-chuang does not make mention

THE USHNISHA-BONE.

The next of the great objects of interest to Buddhists
in this country was the TJshnisha-hone of the Buddha in

i At Ant, p 64 The conolasion drawn in the last sentence of
thiB passage is not quite juctihed by the prenuBes.

* Ta*chih-tn'lnn, c/i 9 (Bun No 1169) /

® Kntm-Fo»Ban-inei-haj-ching, cA 7 (No 480)

196

THE USHNISHA BONE

Hilo. This IS called by Yuan-chuang and the othei pil-
grims Buddha's Ung-hu (][g or Bone of the ioj) of the
head. The Sanshiit tena is Ushnlsha-oirshas oi TJshnlsha-
^iraskata. As to the latter part of these compounds thei e
is no doubt, the words being from stras, tlie head. But
in the literature of India the word ushnisha has two
meanings. (1) the bail* done up into a coil on the top of
the head and (2) a peculiar kind of turban or other head-
dress. But the Buddhas cut oh their hair and did not
weal caps or turbans. ^ So a new use was given to the
term m Buddhism, and it was apphed to the cianial pio-
tuberance which was one of the thirty-two distmgmshing
marks of a Buddha. This protuberance was supposed to
be a sort of abnormal development of the upper surface
of the skull into a small tnmcated cone covered with flesh
and skm and hair. But some, like Yuan-chuang, regarded
it as a separate formation on, but not a part of, the top
of the skuU. This Ushnlsha-^irsha among the Buddhists
was one of the thirty-two marks not only of a Buddha
but also of a Chaki’avartin and a Mahs-pumsha. But,
as Senart has pointed out, it is not in the hst of the
signs. of the Great Man (MahS-purusha) in Brahminical
wntmgs such as the “Brihat Samhita”.^

Acpordmg to Yuan-chuang’s description the Ushnisha
in Hilo was

twelve incbcB in circumference, with the liair-pores distinct, and
of a jellowish white colour. It was kept in a casket deposited
in the small tope made of the seven precious substances which
was in the Second storey ot the decorated^ Hall. Pilgnms made
a fragrant plastei, and with it took a cast of the upper surface
of the bone, and according to their Karma read in the traces
on the plaster theti weal or their woe.

in addition to the term already given as a rendering
for Ushnisha theie are seveial othei Chinese tianshitions

1 In Max MuUer’a Dharma-eamgraha p 64 ushnisha is translated
by “Cap”. This rendering is not supported by any Buddhist authority;
and it 18 at variance with the descriptions and explanations given
m the Buddhist books.

2 Eesai eur la leg du Bud. p. 111.

THE USHNISHA BONE.

197

or interpretations of the Sanskiit woid. Thus Ave haye
ting-jou-cin QH #) is, “the flesh top-knot on the
top of the head”, and pi-cht-Jni or “the hone of the flesh
top-knot.” t The Buddha is also desciibed as haying, as
one of the thirty-two marks, “on the tpp of liis head the
ushplsha like a deva sun-shade V or as having “on the
top (»f his head the ushBisha golden skull-top bone”, 3 and
- we also read that on the top of the Buddha’s head is
“manifested the ushnisha”, that is, manifested occasionally
as a miraculous phenomenon. It is also stated that the
ushnisha is not visible to the eyes of ordinaiy beings ^
Nearly tiro hundred years before Yuan-chuang’s time
a Chinese pilgrim by name Cinh-meng had seen,

it is recorded, the Ushnisha-bone along vnth other lelics
of the Buddha in Kapilavastu, but this must be legaided
as a mistake of a copyist. 5 Two later pilgrims Tao-lin
and Hstlan-chao, the latter a contempoiaiy of Yuan-
chuang, visited Kapis and there paid leverence to the
ushnisha or skull-top bone of the Buddha.^ By Kapis
we are piobahly to undei stand Nagar then a part of the
Kapis kingdom. Then a century aftei Yuan-chnang’s time
Wn-k‘Hng Avent to see “Salcya Julai’s skull-top bone (or
TJshnisha) lelic” m the city of Ganclhara •

It is Intel esting to observe that avo do not hnd mention
of any Buddhist monks as being concenied in any way
Avith this .precious relic Fa-hsien, indeed, places it m a
ching-sJie or temple, but this was apparently only the name
which he gave to the building becaiise it contamed the
relic Yuan-chuang does not make mention of any sacied

' HBing-cni-ching, ch 9 Knau-Fo-spn-mei-bai-ching, ch 1, where
the Ung-sliang-joxtrcln le one of the 32 marks of a ta cliang-fu
orMahapurusha, Chang-chao-fan-chih-chhng-^en-cbing (Bun No 734)
* Fa-chi-mmg-shu-clung (No 81^2)

3 Chuug-hsu-ching, ch 3 (No ^9}

< Ta-ming-san-tsang-fa-shu, ch 48 (No 1621)

® Kao-aeng-chuan, ch 3
® Hsi-yu-eh'in, ch 1, 2
’ Shih-h-ehing, and J A T VI, p 357.

198

THE TJSHNlSHA HOME.

building; he refers only to a tall two-storey bxulding and
this is apparently the high two-storeyed Hall of Fa-lisieii.
The latter pilgrim also mentions tlie small tope of tlie
seven precious substances in wliich the casket containing
the ushnisha was kept. This little tope is described by
Fa-hsien as being moreover free, opcmng and shutting, and
about five feet in height. >

The official custodians of the relic paid all exjienses by
charging the devout pilgiims according to a fixed tariff
for seeing the relic, and for also taking an impression of
its upper surface in clay or wax, and they acted in like
maimer with the other Buddha relics under their care.

The “Bone of the top of Buddha’s skull”, in shape
like a wasp’s nest or the back of the arched hand,
which was shown to believmg pilgiims in Hilo was of
course an imposture It was perhaps the polished skull-
cup of some ancient Sakian chief preserved ongmally as
an heii-loom.2 We have seen that a segment of the
Buddha’s skull-bone was presented as a sacred rehc in
the Kapis countiy,

ganbhara.

The piJgnm’e narrative in the Records proceeds to relate that
“from tbisy (that is, from somewhere near the site of the modem
Jelalabad) he went south-east among hills and valleys for above
500 h and came to the Kan-i^o-lo (GandhSra) country This
country was above 1000 h from east to west and above 800 h
north to south, reaching on the east to the Sin (m the D text,

1 Fo-kuo-chi, cli XIII The term which is here rendered by "free"

13 cJne-t'oh In the translations of the passage the chtc-

Voh-i^a becomes "tours de delivrance”, “Final emancipation tower
and “Vimoksha tope” Nothing is known of such topes or towers,
and there is no meaning In the translations A ch^-t'oh-Va is ®
tope, not closed up, but provided with a door opemng and shutting
as required Other topes containing leJics were securely fastene ,
but this one was relmscd from the bonds of solid masonry so far
as the relic was concerned

2 It was made of tlesh and bone, was of 'the capacity
hollow of the hand, of a dark colour, round, and very beaoti u
(Abhi'la-vib ch 177j

GAJSTDHAEA.

199

Bin-iii) river. The capital Ftf-lu^sha^u^o (PuruBhapur) vraB
above 40 It in circnit, the royal family was extinct and the
country was aubject to Kapis, the towns and villages were
desolate and the inhabitants were very few; in one comer of
the royal city (Kunff~ch‘inff) there were above 1000 families. The
country had luxunant crops of cereals ai^d a profusion of fruits
and flowers, it had much sugar-cane and produced sugar-candy
The climate was warm vrith scarcely any frost or snow, the
people were faint-hearted, and fond of the practical arts, the
majority adhered to other systems of rehgion, a few bemg
Buddhists.

The Kan-Po-lo of this passage is doubtless the G-andhara
or GandhSra of Indian writers. In a Chinese note we
are told that the old and incorrect name was Gandhavat
(Kan-t^o-wei) and that the country was m “North India”.
But in several Chinese treatises Kan-Po-tvei or the short
form Kan~t‘o is the designation of a large and rather
vague legion which does not always correspond to the
Gandhara of our pilgrim. Thus Fa-hsien, for example,
uses it to denote a city and district m this region quite
distinct from the Pui'ushapur district * In the Ka-lan-chi
we find Gandha, and also Gandhara, used to designate
both a city and the countiy m which the city was situated 2
The Wei-Shu places the district ot Gandha to the west
ot Udyana and makes it quite distinct fiom Kapm.3 Then
Gandhavat and Gandhara are names of a vague “north
country” in which was the inexhaustible treasure-store of
the naga-iajaElapatra.'* In some books we find Gandhara
associated with Kapin (Kashmir) either as a part of the
lattci or as a neighhourmg state Thus the apostle
Madhyanlika was deputed to go to “Kapm Gandharas cha”,
and here I tlunk the syllable clie (or cha) m the Chmese
translations stands for the Sanskrit word cha meaning

1 Fo-kuo-cbi, cJt. 12

2 CT. 6 V

3 Ch. 102.

* See A-na-pm-ti hua-ch‘i-tzu-cbing <Ko. 849) Teeng-yi-a-ban-
chm, ch 49 fNo 543) Fo-ehao-Mi-le-ta-cb'eng-Fo-chiug (No, 209}
Divyav. p. 61

200

GANDHABA.

“aiid”.i In Wn-k'ung’s ‘Itinerary’ Gtendhara is described
as tbe eastern capital of Kapin, tbe winter residence of
the king of that country, but to the west of Kashmir.^
The name Gandhara is an old one in Buddhist hteratnre
and it is found in one of the Asoka Edicts.^ It is inter-
preted in some places as meaning “Earth-holder’V hut
while there is a Sanskrit word dhdra meaning “holding”
there does not seem to he any Sanskrit word like gan
meaning “Earth”. Taken as Gandhavat the name is ex-
plained as meaning Imang-Jwing or “scent-action”

from the word gandha which means scent, smtM, perfume ^
In some books we find the name Skih-shih{^ ^)-kuo
or “Cave country” applied to Gandhara and the capital
called Sh\h-sliih<l\^tng or Cave city,c and this is evidently
another name for Takshaiila. An old or native name for
Gandhara is gi\en as Te-p^o-lo ^ perhaps for Abar,
but this seems to have been local and temporary. We
are told, m fact, that it ceased to he used after the
country was conquered by the Te-ta @ or 'jfii) that
is, the Yets or Gats apparently near the end of our 5^^
century.’ Further m some Chinese hooks Gandhara is
said to be, the Es^cw-yue-U coimtry the distnct of the
offshoot of the Yue-ti or Getm, or at least to include the
region so called.^ The Te~ia, who ivere a powerful people
in Central Asia in the 5*^ centuiy, are also said to liave
been of the Yue-ti stock, » but some regard them as of
Turkish, and others as of Tibetan ongin
In the above passage tlie w^ords taken to denote that

> Shan-ohien-lU'Vib, ch 2 (No. 1125)* cf. Mali, ch XIII

2 Shih-li-ching

3 No. 6 of the Rock Edicts. Fleet in Ind. Ant, Vol. xsii, p 178
< A-ju-vrang-ching, c7i 10 (commentary)

B Su-kao-seng-chnan, ch 2 (No 1493)

G A-na-pin-ti-hna-ch'i-tzu-ching, A-ju-'^ang-hsi-hnai-mu-yin-yuan-

ching (No 1867A

■5 Ka-lan-chi, c7i. 5, We>*shu, ch 102

8 Wei-shu 1 c., T'nng-chih-liao a. v >]> ^

9 T‘ung*chien-kang-mu s Liang "Wu Ti Sfd jear.

PURTJSHA-PUEA.

SOI

Grandhara had “much sugar-cane and that it produced
sugar-candy (ht. stone-honey)” are ^ The

translators m their renderings heie have inserted a gloss
which makes Yuan-chuang state that the sugar-candy ivas
made by the people from the sugar-cane Julien trans-
lates the words — “il produit aussi beaucoup de Cannes a
sucre et I’on en tire du mid en pierre (du sucre solide).”
Here the words “I’on en'iire” are not warranted by the
tevt which has merely the oidinary word This word
here as in other passages of the Records simply means
“it (that IS, the country) yields or produces”. We know
also fi ora other sources that the Chinese at this time did
not know of sugar as a product of the sugar-cane. In
consequence of infonnation obtained from India the Em-
peror T'ang T‘ai Tsung sent a mission to that country
to learn the art of making siigai and candy from the
Sugar-cane. This candy was meiely molasses dned or
“sugar in pieces”. It was at first “hard (or stone) honey”
to the Chinese, as sugar was honey to the ancient westerns *
The Pu~lU"Sha-pu-lo or Purushapur of our text has been
supposed to be the Parshawai of later wnteis, the Pu-
rushavar of Alberuni, and the Peshawer of modem times 2
Fa-hsien uses the teim “Puiasha country”, and makes this
a distinct place four days’ journey south from his Candhavat
country. Sung-yiin does not seem to have known the name
Puiusha, and he uses Gandhara for country and capital
As has been stated, the NagarahSra of Kittoe’s Sanskrit
insciiption IS evidently the city and district called Pu-
rushapui. This name is interpreted as meaning “the city
ol the Hero”, in Chinese Chang-fu-lcung ^ or
Hero’s Palace, ^ the Puiusha or “Hero” being Vishnu as
the conqueroi of the temble Asura,

Yuan-chuang proceeds to state that

1 Pen-tfi'ao-kang-mu, cfi. 33, T'ang-Shu, c7» 221 oecond part.

2 A G I p 47ff. for this and Grandhara generally Alberuni
Vol 11 , p 11

3 Su-kao-seng-chnan, c/i 2

202

THE Buddha’s bowl.

of the Baddlnst Masteig in India who emce old times had
written sastras {hin |^) there w'cre Narayana-deva, Wu-cJu)
(Asaliga) P'usa, Shth-cJi^in (Yasuhandhu) P'usa^ Dhannatara,
]\ranoratha(?), and Parsva the Venerable w'ho were natives of
this distrW

JuLen translates this passage as follows — “Depuis I’an-
tiquite, ce pays a donnd le jour a un grand nombre do
docleurs indiens qui ont compose des Trait6s (Qastras);
par exempJe h Narayapa Deva, Asanga, Vasoubandhu,
Dliarmatiata, Manorhita, Arya Parcnka, &c. &c.” There
IS nothing in the text, however, corresponding to the
grand nombre, the par example, or the &c* &c. of this
rendering. Instead of the word pu (^), which is m Julien s
Chinese text, there should be i/j( (^), the reading of the
A and D texts Of the writers of Qastras or disquisitions
mentioned here only three are known as authors of Buddhist
books which have come dov.'n to us, mz. Asanga, Vasu-
bandbu, and DhaimatSra. The Narayana-deva appears
again in this treatise as a deva or god, and it is perhaps
the incamation of Yishnu so named that is I'epresented
here as a philosophical Buddhist wiiter. or Yuan-chuang
may have heard that the “Bharma-^astia” which bears
the name of Yishnu was written by the god. But we must
remember that !Narayana is a name common to several
ancient philosopheis of India. The other sastra-writers
of dandhara will meet us again as we proceed.

There were above 1000 Buddhist monasteries in the country
but they were utterly dilapidated and unienanted. Many of
the topes also were in rums. There were above 100 Beva-
templeSf and the vanous sects Jived pell-meU. In the north-east
part of the capital were the remains of the building w'hich
once contained the Buddha a Alms-bowl After the Buddha’s
decease the Bowl had wandered to this country, and after
having been treated with reverence here for some centuries, it
had gone on to several other countnes, and wos now in Jp-o-h'SSu
(Persia;.

The Buddha’s Bowl was seen by 3?a»bsien in a monastery
m Purusha, where it was in the care of the Buddhist
Brethren. Kumarajiva saw it in Bha-U or Kashgar, and

THE BUDDHAS BOVTIi

203

Chih-meng saw it in Kapin Our pilgi'im here represents
the Bowl as having passed way fiom Purushapur and as
being in Persia, but the Life instead of Persia has Benares
According to other authorities the Buddha’s Bowl moved
about from place to place, passing mysteriously through
the air, and working miracles for 'the good of the people
until it passed (or passes) out of sight in the palace of
the Dragon*bng Sagara. There it will remain until the
advent ofMaitreya as Buddha when it will appear agam
to be a witness. According to some tevts the Bowl was
broken once by the wicked king Mihirakula, but the pieces
seem to have come together again As no one less than
a Buddha could ever eat fiom this Bowl, so no one less
than a Buddha could move it from its resting-place, borne
by the hidden impulses of human karma it floated about
from one chosen seat to another as Buddhism waxed or
waned. 2

About eight or nine 1% to the south-east of the capital was a
large and very ancient sacred Pippbal Tree above 100 feet high
with wide-spreading foliage affording a dense shade Under it
the Four Past Buddhas had sat, and all the 996 Buddhas of the
Bhadra kalpa are to sit here, the images of the Four Buddhas
in the sitting posture were still to he seen, "WTien Sakya Julai
was Bitting under this tree with his face to the south he said
to Ananda— “Four hundred years after my decease a sovereign
will reign, hj name Kanishka, who a little xo the south of this
Will raise a tope in which he will collect many ot my flesh and
bone relics” To the south of the Pipphal Tren was the tope
ei'ected by Kanishka. Exactly 400 years after the death of
the Buddha Kanishka became sovereign of all Jamhudvipa, hut
he did not believe in Karma, and he treated Buddhism with
contumely "When ho was out hunting in the wild country a
white hare appeared , the king gave chase and the hare suddenly
disappeared'at this place Here among the trees the king dis-
covered a cow-herd boy with a small tope thiee feet high he
had made. “What ’s this you have made?” asked the king
The hoy replied telling the Buddha’s prophecy, and informing

1 Fo-kuo-chi, ch 12 Kao-scng-chuan, ch 2, 3
2* See “Fo-mie-tu-hou-kuan-hen-sung-ching” (No 124), Lien-hua
mien-ching, ch 2 (No 465).

204

THE KANISHKA TOJPE.

Kanishlva that be was the kmg of the propliccj , adding that he
had come to set in motion the fullfilment of the piophecy.
With tins the king was greatly pleased , he straightway became
a Buddhist and proceeded to accomplish the prediction. Trust-
ing to his own great merits, he set about building a great tope
round the site of the iboy’s small tope, which was to be con-
cealed and suppressed bj the great tope. But as the latter lose
in height the small tope alwajs topped it by three feet. The
king's tope was one and a half h in circuit at the base, which
was 350 teet high in five stages, and the tope had reached the
height of 400 feet. The boy’s tope was now suppressed and the
king was greatly pleased He completed his tope by the addition
of twenty five gilt copper disks in tieis, and having deposited
a/io of relics inside, he 2 )ioceeded to offer solemn worship But
the small tope appeared with one half of it out sidow’aye under
the south-east comer of the great base. The king now lost
patience and threw the thing up. So [the small tope] remained
as it was (i. e did not all come through the wall) with one half
of it visible in the stone base below the second stage, and
another small tope took its place at the original site Seeing
all this the king became alarmed, as he was evidently contending
with supernatural powers, so he confessed Ins erroi and made
submission. These two topes were still in existence and were
resorted to for cares by people afflicted with diseases South
of the stone steps on the east side of the Great Tope were two
sculptured topes, one three and the other five feet high, winch
were miniatures of the Great Tope There were also two images
of the Buddha, one four and the other six feet high, leprescnt-
ing him seated cross-legged under the Bodhi Tree. When the
sun shone on them these images were of a dazzling gold colour,
and in the shade their stone was of a dark violet colour The
stone had been gnawed by gold-coloured ants so as to have the
appearance of carving, and the insertion of gold sand completed
the images. On the south face of the ascent to the Great Tope
was a painting of the Buddha sixteen feet high with tuo heads
from one body Our pilgnm narrates the legend connected with
this very curious picture as he learned it at the place
Above 100 paces to the south-east of the Great Tope was a
white stone standing image of Buddha eighteen feet high, facing
north, which wrought miracles, and was seen by night to
circumambulate the Great Tope On either side of ^ the latter
were abo\ e 100 small topes close together The Buddha images
were adorned in the perfection of art Strange perfumes were
perceived and unusual sounds heard [at the Great Tope], ond
divine ond human genu might be seen performing prndaksbina
round it The Buddha predicted that when thin tope had been

THE KANISHKA TOPE

206

seven times Durned, and seven times rebuilt, his religion would
come to an end The Records of former sages stated that the
tope had already been erected and destroyed three times When
Yunn-chuang arrived he found there had been anothei burning,
and the work of rebuilding was still in progress

The desciiption of the origin and structure of the
Klanishka Tope in this passage is not very full or clear,
and the interpietation here given differs in some important
points from Julien’s rendering. There are, however, other
accounts of this umque building which may help to
supplement our author’s narrative. The white hare which
appeared to Kamshka and led him to the fated spot was
the agent of Indra; so alsQowas the herd-boy who had
made the small tope. Or rather the boy was Indra
himself, and as the bmlder and tlie material were not of
this world the tope could not be like the common build-
ings of its class One authority describes it as being
made of cow-dung, but when an unbeliever pressed it to
try, the hollow which he made with his fingers could not
be filled up, and remained to testify to the miraculous
character of the tope.^

Accordmg to our pilgrim Kanishka’s Tope was 400 feet
lugh "Witli a superstructure of gilt-copper disks, the base
being in five stages and 150 feet in height Julien makes
the words of the text mean that each of the five stages
was 150 feet high, but this is not in the oiigmal and does
not agree with the context Then the passage w^hich tells
of the miracle of the small tope coming out half-way
thiough the wall ot the Gieat Tope is thus rendered by
Julien — “Qnand il (i e the king; eut achev6 cette con-
struction, il vit le petit stoupa, qm se trouvait au has de
I’angle sud-est du grand, s’elever ^ cote et le d6passer de
moitie” But the text does not place tlie small tope at
the south-east corner of the gieat one, and the king 'is
described as building it “autour de I’endroit ou etajt le
petit sioupa’\ Then the woids pang-ch'u-ctiH-pan

I The Hfii-yU*chih qooted in Fa-j uan-chu-lm, ch 88

206

EAHISjtffiAS TOPE

M %') lit- “ side put out its half” cannot possibly be made
to mean “s’elcYei a cote et le depasser de moiti6”. This
lendeiing moreover spoils the story ■which tells us that
the king had finished his tope, and was pleased -mth his
success in enclosing the small tope, when the latter was
seen to thrust itself half through the stone wall of his
tope. Then vre learn that on seeing this “the king’s mind
was ruffled and he threw the thmg up”. The Chinese for
this clause is wang-ltsin-im-p^ing-j^n-dlii-^lnh-cli^t
^ ^ iM Julien translates: “Le loi en

eprouva une Mve contraricte et ordonna sui-le-champ de
I’ahattre”. Here the word ordonna is a had mterpolation,
and the teira cliili-cliH has been misundei stood. It means,
as usually, to giie up, renounce ahandon. The king had
built his gieat lehc-tope, hut he could not cany out the
ambitious design he had to mi- full by his power the
small tope which, unknown to him, was the woik of the
god Lidia, so he wanted to abandon the whole affair.
In the Fang-chih the king is wiongly repiesented as
putting aside (cliih-cldi) the small tope when proceeding
to hmld Ins o-mn At the time of Yuan-chuang’s ‘dsit
the small tope half-out thiough the wall still remained in
that position, and the second small tope was to be seen
at the oiiginal site of the first one. The position he
assigns to his second small tope does not agi'ee 'uuth the
statement that Elamshka enclosed the site of the origmal
small tope -vvithin the inclosuie of liis Gieat Tope. Per-
haps the small tope appealing half-wa} out through the
wall of the great one may have been a sculpture in alto-
rehevo in the latter. M*" Simpson in the XI Vol. of
the Journal of the R. A. S. has described such sculptured
topes, and given us a sketch of one

Yuan-chuang’s account of the Great Tope and tlie httle
one associated with it from the beginmng agrees in tlie main
with Fa-hsien’s account, but does not much resemble the
descriptions in other works. We must lememher, however,
that what he records is largely deiived from others, while
his predecessors saw the Great Tope in the splendour of

kakishka’s tope.

207

its perfect condition. One account represents the base
of the Tope as 30 (for 30u) feet in height, above tjiis was
a stnictuie of pobshed and sculptured stone m five store} s,
then a structure of carved uood j^bout 120 feet high, then
came the loof on which was erected a spire beaiing fifteen
gilt disks. Sung-yun, like Yuan-chuaug, makes the height
ot the mam building to be 400 feet; aboie this Sung-yun
saw an iron pillar 300 feet high siippoitiiig thiiteen tiers
of gilt disks (lit gold basins) He makes the total height
700 feet, while others make it 550, 632, 800, and 1000 feet.
One of the names by which the tope was knoivn was the
“Thousand Poot Tope” Cg" jfp 1^) It wns also called
the C]ito-h (^ Tope. This teira Chio-h we haie seen
was applied to the pan of viharas at Kuchili (Kutzfi), and
it IS used to designate other iiharas and topes If the
name weie alw'ays written as above we could legaid it as
a native term meanmg “piebald, blown and yellow”, dm
denoting a spaiiow and h an onole. But the characters
vaiY and the word is expressly said to be foieign and to
mean sbtjmd oi cheque) eel in tivo or more coloms This
sense would suit the (Jreat Tope with its dark-coloui ed
stone vanegated by yellow tiacings. It is appaiently this
building which is called in a Buddhist work the “Barth
and Stone Tope”. This will recall to the leader the veiy
interesting general descnptiou of the topes of this region
given in the Anana Antiqua, a desenption which also
illustrates oui pilgrim’s account of the Great Tope-i
In a Vinaya treatise the prediction of the building of
this tope IS made by the Buddha not to Anande but to
^the Vajrapam P'usa The Buddha gomg about with this
Pusa from place to place in “Horth India” came to the
hamlet of the Ho-slni-lo (Jg ^), that is, the Kharjura
or wild date tree. Here the two sat down, and Buddha,
pointing to a small boy making a mud tope at a httle
distance, told the P‘u8a that on that spot Kamshka would
erect the tope to be called by his name 2

t ■\Vci-Ehu 1 c , Ka-lan-chi, 1 c., Ar Ant. p. 50.

2 Saz. Vm. Yao-ahih, ch. 9.

208

kanishka's vihaka.

The description in the Records goes on —

To the west of the Great Tope was au old monastery built
by Kanishka, its upper storeys and many terraces were connected
by passages to invite eminent Brethren and give distinction to
illustrious merit, and although the buildings were in ruins they
could be said to be of rare art There were still in the inouasteiy
a few Brethren all Hinayanists. From the time it was built it
had yielded occasionally exti-aordina. y men, and the arhats and
sastra-makers by theii pure conduct and perfect virtue were still
an active influence

This old monasteiy is appaiently the “Kauik-caitya”
of Alberiini, the “vihara of Punishavar” built b} king
KaniL It was also the “Kanishka-maha-vihara” ol’Kittoe’s
inscription, “where the best of teachers were to be found,
and which was famous foi the quietism of its frequenters”.
Within the modern city of Peshawer is an old building
called the Ghor Khattri (the Gui’li-Katii of Baber; and
known also as the Caravanserai (or the Serai). Tins was
once a Buddhist monastery “with numerous cells”. Does
it represent the great Kanishka vihara’

In the thud tiei of high halls of the KanishKa vihaia was
the chamber once occupied by the Venerablo P’C-h-sSii-fo (Par^va)
it was m ruins, but was marked off This Pai’sva was oi iginally
a brahmin teacher and he remained such until he was eighty
years old Then he became converted to Buddhism and recerved
ordiuation The city boys hereupon jeered at him as an old
and feeble man, and reproached him with wishmg to lead an
idle life, unable to fulfill the duties of a monk m practising
absorbed meditation and reciting the sacred Sciiptures Stung
by these icproaches the old man withdrew into seclusion and
made a vow not to laj lus side on his mat until he had mastered
the canon, and had attained full spiritual perfection and poweia
At the end of three jears he had completely succeeded, and
people out ot respect called him Beverend Stde (or Ribs) because
he had not laid lus side on his mat for so long a time

The P'o-li-ssu-f6 (Par^va) of this passage is called in
other works P^o-she which may be for Passo the

Pall iorra of Parsva ’ As this word means side it
translated into Chinese by Hsie (|^) which also means

' Pi'P‘o-sha-lup, or Vibhasha-sastra, ch. 1 (No. 1279).

THE PATBIAEOH PlESVA.

209

Side or nbs. The Buddhist Doctor with this name was
al^o called Nan-sheng or “Hard to be bom”, which is
perhaps a translation of Dmjata. He was so called be-
cause, for misdeeds in a former existence, he was six (or
sixty) years in his mother’s womb, and was bom with gray
hair. Regarded as one of the Patriarchs he is placed by
some ninth, and by others tenth, m the line of successioh,
and as such he is said to have been a native of “Mid
India” and to have lived in the century B. C ’ But
these statements are to be set aside as comparatively late
mventions. Prom other sources we leam that Par^va
was a native of North India, and that he was a con-
temporary of king Klanishka, at whose Buddhist Council
he assisted. His date is thus the first century A.D., and
he IS said to have hved 400 years after the Buddha’s
decease. All authorities agiee that he was a bhikshu of
great zeal and devotion, an ardent student and an in-
defatigable piopagator of Buddhism, eloquent and expert
m argument. Among the numerous converts he made the
greatest was the celebrated Aivaghosha who was a brahmin
teacher having au unchallenged preemmence in his own
country m Mid India Par^va, however, defeated him in a
public discussion, and accoidmg to agreement Aivaghosha
became his disciple, and was ordained as a bhikshu.*
PSrsva is cited by our pilgnm as a maker of iastras; hut
no tieatise bearing his name is known to have come down
to us, and there does not seem to be any particular work
asciibed to him in the Chinese hooks although he is
often quoted m some of these.’ Nor is there anything,
so far as we know, to confirm or warrant Yuan-chuang’s
story of Parsva being oidained at the age of 80 years, and

i In “Fo-tsu-t'ang-cbi" (No 1661), cJi 34, and m “Fu-fs-tsang-yin- ,
ynan-chmg” (No 1340) Pariva is the ninth Patriarch ; m the “Chlh-
yne-lu”, ch 8, he la the tenth

* li£a-iiung-p‘u-8a-ohuan (No 1460). See also Tar S 59 end "Waa.

S 62 note and 231 _

3 E. g in the Abhi-ta-vib, and the Abhi-ohun-cheng-h-lun
(No 1265)

0

210

VASUBAlOJH'fr.

the city hoys jeering at him in consequence. We do read m
a work already cited that when Parsva was on his way
to Mid India the hoys at one town made fun of him for
wearing shoes, and caiued these off from him.

On the east side of Parsva’s chamber was the old home m
which Shih-ch'm ("{ff F^usia (Vaeubandhn) composed the A-
p^i-ta-mo-ht-sTii^un (Abhidharmako&i-^SBti:^, and posterity in
reverential remembrance had set a mark on the old honse

As Ynan-chuang has \told us, Yasuhandhu was a native
of this country, having been bom in Purushapur. His
father’s name was Kausika and his mother’s Bilindi, and
he was the second of three brothers all named Yasuhandhu.
The eldest became celebrated as the great Buddhist
teacher Asanga, the youngest was called Bilindibhava
from his mother’s name, and the middle one remained
Yasuhandhu simply. This last following the Example of
his elder brothei became a Buddhist monk, and was at
first ap adherent of the Yaibhashikas of the SarvSstivSdin
SchooL*

The Ahhidharanako^a-^stra, or “Disquisition on the
Treasury of Buddhist Philosophy”, mentioned herey-ongi-
nated with 600 aphorisms in verse composed by Yasu-
handhu as a Sarvastivadm YaibhSshika, These were sent
by the author from Ayodhya to the Kashmir Vaibhashikas
who were greatly pleased with them. But as the aphorisms
were very terse and hard to understand, the Brethren re-
quested the author to expand them into a readable form.
Yasuhandhu in the meantime had become attached to tho
Sautrantikas, and when he expanded his aphorisms into
a prose treatise he criticised some of the doctrines of the
Kashmir Yaibhashikas from the point of view of a Sau-
trantika. This hook also was wiitten in Ayodhya in tlic
reign of Yikramaditya or his son Baladitya. It was re-
garded by the Yaibhashikas of Kashmir as hostile to
them, and it was refuted by the learned Sangliabbadra

I Ta-sheng-pai-fk-iamg.inen-lun (No 1213) Into, P‘o-Bn-p‘aa-ton
(Ya6abandhu)-fa-Ehi-chuau (No. 1463); Wafl S 240

MANOEATHA.

211

who composed two 'treatises against it and in defence of
the Yaibhashikas. But Vasubandhu’s treatise contmued
to have a great reputation and it was held in esteem by
the adherents of both “Vehicles”. Several- commentaries
were written on it m Sanskrit, and it was twice trans-
lated mto Ohmese, the first translation bemg by the great
Indian Buddhist Paramartha, and the second by our
pilgrim. In this treatise the author does not shew any
hostihty to the VaibhSshikas, and he frankly acknowledges
his indebtedness to them.i

The Vasubandhu of this passage, who will meet us
again, is not to be confounded -with the Buddhist of the
same name who is given as the 21®* of the Patriarchs of
tl^e Buddhist Church.

A boat fifty paces south from Va8ubandL..’8 house was the
second tier of high halls, here the sJSstra-master Mo-nvi-ho-lorfa
^ 'fill) (Manoratha) composed a “vibbasha-lun”. This

Master made his auspicious advent within the 1000 years after
the Buddha’s decease, in youth he was studious and clever of
speech His fame reached far and clericals and laymen put
their faith in him At that tune the power of Yikramaditja
king of Sravasti was widely e'ctended, on the day on which he
reduced the Indias to submission be distributed five lakhs of
^ gold coins among the destitute and desolate. The Treasurer,
feanng that the king would empty the Treasury, remonstrated
with bun to the following effect — Your Majesty’s dread influenco
extends to various peoples and the lowest creatures I request
that an additional five lakhs of gold coins he distributed among
the poor from all quarters, the Treasury bemg thus exhausted
new taxes and duties will have to be imposed, this unlimited
taxation will produce disaffection, so Tour Majesty will have
gratitude for jour bounty, but Ifour Ministers will have to bear
lusultmg rteproaches The kmg rephed that giving to the needy
from the surplus of pubhc accumulation was not a lavish ex-
penditure of pubhc money on himself, and gave the additional
five lakhs in largesse to tlie poor On a future occasion the
kmg, while out hunting, lost trace of a wild boar and rewarded
the peasant who put him on the track with a lakh of gold corns.
Manoratha had once paid bis barber a like sum for shavmg his

’ See Abhi-ku-8he(kosa)-lttn (No 1267), and Abhi-kosa-shih-lun
(No 1269), Abhi-ko^a-lim-pSn-sung (No 1270)

O*

212

MANORATHA.-

head, and, the State annalist had made a record of the cironmstance.
Tins fact had wounded the king’s pnde, and he desired to bring
public shame on Manoratha. To effect this he called together
100 learned and eminent, non -Buddhistfr to meet Manoratha in
discussion. The subject selected for discussion was the nature
of the sense-perceptions about which, the king said, there was
such confusion among the various systems that one had no
theory in which to put faith. Manoratha had silenced 99 of liis
opponents and was proceeding to play with the last man on the
subject, as he announced it, of “fire and smoke” Hereupon the
king and the Non-Buddhists exclaimed that he was wrong m
the order of stating his subject for it was a law that smoke
preceded fire Manoi’atha, disgusted at not being able to get a
hearing, bit his tongue, sent an account of the circumstances to
his disciple Yasubandhu, and died Vikramuditya lost his kingdom,
and was succeeded by a king who shewed respect to men of
eminence. Then Vasnbendhu sohcitons for bis Master’s good
name came to this place, induced the king to summon to another
discussion the former antagonists of Manoratha, and defeated
them all in argument

The name of the great Buddhist master here called
3Io-nU'h~ho,-t% and iianslated by Yuan chuang tJu-i/i
(^ ■^) or “As you will”, has been restoied by me as
Manoratha. Julien here as in the Vie having the B
reading restores the name as Manorhita

This seems to be a word of his own inYention, but it has
been adopted by the P. W., and by subsequent writers
on our pilgiim’s naiTative. The Chinese characters of
Julieu’s text, however, cannot be taken to represent this
word, and they might stand for a word like Manoriddha,
This would perhaps smt Yuan-chuang’s rendering, and also
the Tibetan term Yid-on. But Manoratha is the name
given by Buraouf from the Abhidharma-ko^a-yyakhya, by
Paramartha, who translates it by Ssin-yuan oi “Mental
desire”, and by Schiefnei in bis translation of Taianatha,’
But the Tibetan books make the beaiei of the name to
be a native of South India and a contempoi ary of IfiigA-
sena This Manoratha is not to beiegarded ai the same

1 Bur Int p 567, Life of V suo-nudhu (No 1463) Tar. S. 3, 298

MANOBATHA.

213

pel son as the Manor or Manuia who is repiesented as
the 21*^ (or 22^) Patnarch.

Yuan-chuang here ascribes to Manoratha the composition
of a Yibliasha-lim, that is an expositoiy Buddhistic treatise.
Julien very natuially took this term to be the name of a
particular treatise which he calls the “Vibhasha, sastia”
There is a learned and curious woik in the Canon with
the name “Yibhashri-lun”, the authorship of which is
ascnbed to Sln4 o-pan-nh {p ^ J^) restoied by Juhen
as “Siddhapapi”, and by some to Bla,tyayam-putra, but not
to Manoratha.i 2;^or is this last the author of the treatise
bearing the name “Yibhasha-vinaya”, or of any other work
in the sacred Canon.

Accordmg to Yuan-chuang Manoiatha flourished (lit.
was seen to piofit, ^ a phrase from the Yih-Clung)
withm 1000 years after the decease of the Buddha. This,
takmg the Chinese reckoning, would place the date of the
^astra-master before A.D 150.

The pilgrim relates of Yikramaditya that “on the day
on which he reduced the Indias to submission he distn-
buted five lakhs of gold coins” — For these words the
Chinese is sh4i ~ch^^n-c!iH-In~tu-j7h-yi-wu-yih-chin-ch‘ien-
chou-lei J^hen,

who instead of dim, the reading of the A, C, and D texts,
had yi (|§) of the B text, tianslates — “Quand un de ses
envoy^s arnvait dans (un royaume de) I’Inde, il distnbuait
chaque jour cmq cent miUe pieces d’or pour secounr les
pauvifis, les orphehns et les hommes sans famiUe” This
is very absurd -and is not in the text The first chaiacter

w

heie dhih is not needed, and is not m the D text, and
the meaning seems to be very clear that, on the day on
which India beoame subject to him, the kmg distiibuted
five lakhs of gold coins among his owm needy and deso-
late. Then the narrative makes the Treasurer tiy to
frighten the king by proposing that he should distribute
anothei lakh, among the poor from all quaiters, thereby

» Bun No 1279 and 9 of Jap Beprmt

214

THE SENSES AND SENSE-PEECEPTION.

exhausting the Treasury and causing oppressive taxation-
The Treasurer's speech, •which is rather absui'd, seems to ‘
be cleaily expressed; but Julien does not seem to have
understood its meaning. A little farther on we have the
reasons alleged by the king for summoning the non-
Euddhists and Buddhists to a public debate. He said
“he •wanted to set right seeing and heanng and study
(lit. travel in) the real objects of the senses*' Jit ^ ^
^ It ^ J^), the diverse theories on sense perceptions hav-
ing led to confusion and uncertainty. The king's language
refers to the great controversies about the senses and
their objects, and the word he uses for the latter, chhig
(i^), is that employed in Ynan-chnang’s translation of the
Abhidharmako^-lnn. There were great differences of
opinion among the rival schools as to the relations be-
tween the senses and their respective objects. Thus, for
example, as to sight, it was discussed whe&er it was the
eye or the mind which saw, and whether the “true lealm."
of sight was colour or foi*m. For the purpose at least of
suppressmg Mauoratha, the philosophers at the debate
were agreed on the point that smoko should precede fire.

From the Kanishka Monastery Yuan-chuang went north-east
above 60 li, crossing a large river, to the city which he calls
Pu-se-ka-lo-ya-ii (Pashkaravati). U^iis was about fourteen or
fifteen li in circuit, was well peopled, and the wards were con-
nected by passages. Outside the west gate of the city was a
Deva-Tcmple with a marvel-working image of the Deva. To
the east of tho city was an Asoka tope on the spot where the
Four Past Buddhas had preached. The Buddhist sages who m
old times came from “Mid India” to this district and taught
mortals were very numerous It was here that Yasuimtra com-
posed his “Chuug-shih-fen-Abhidharma-lon”. Four or five
north of the city was an old monastery m rnins and with only
a few Brethren who were all Hlnayanists. In it Bharmatrata
composed the “Tsa-abhidharma-lun”

The Pushkaravafci of this passage, which the Eife makes
to be 100 Zi fiom the Kanishka Monastery, is evidently
the Fo-sha-fic of the Ka-lan-chi and the Pukaravati of
other works, and it is supposed to he represented by the
modem Hashtnagar. Here according to our text Yasn-

dharm:ateata.

216

mitra composed his ^'Ckung-shHi-f^n ^)-Abhi(ihama-
lon” or “Ahhidharma-prakarana-pada-^astra”. It is worthy
of note that Yuan-chnang, who is sparmg m his references
to his predecessors, nses here the translations of the title
of this work given by dopabhadra and Bodbiya^, the
first translators of the treatise. jPor his own version
Yuan-chnang used a more correct translation of tho title
“Abhidharma-Jp*^n-Ze^-feM(|fp ^ J£)-lim”^. Yuan-chnang here
ascribes to Dharmatrata the authorship of a work which
he calls “Tsa-abhidharma-lun”. But no treatise with this
name is known to the collections of Buddhist scriptures,
and it is perhaps a mistake for ‘‘Tsa-abhidharma-hsin(i2i)-
lun”; there is in the Canon a work with this name and it
is ascnbed to Dharmatrata (or Dharmatara) as author.*

Beside the monastery was an Asoka tope some hundreds of
feet high, the carved wood and engraved stone of which seemed
to be the work of strangers Here Sakya Buddha in his P'nso
stage was bom 1000 times as a king, and in each birth gave his
eyes in chanty. A httle to the east of this were two stone
topes, one erected by Brahma and one by Indra, which stfll
stood out high although the foundations had snnk At the
distance of BO K to the north-west of these wad a tope at tho
place where the Buddha converted the Kvei-tziirmu or “Mother
of Demons”, and forbade her to kill human beings The people
of the country worshipped this Demon-mother and prayed to
her for offspring

The word “thousand” m the stathment here about the
thousand gifts of his eyes ^y the Bodhisat^a in as many
previous existences as a king is perhaps a mistake. De-
scnbmg the commemorating tope our author tells us that
the tiqo-mu-wdn-shth-p'oh-gi^en-kung /fC ^

X)* These words seem to have the meaning given to
them above, bnt they have also been taken to mean “the
carved wood and engraved stone are superhuman work”
Julien’s translation, whmh is the tope “est fait en hois
sculpts et en pierres vein6es, les ouvrieis y ont d^ploye
un art extraordmaire” seems to be far wrbng.

The Kuei-tzu-mii or “Mothei of Demon-children” of
this passage is evidently the goddess whom I-chmg iden-

216

THE GODHSSS HAEITL

tifies Ila-li-ti (Hariti) of the Sarvastivadm Ymaya^

THIS goddess, in the time of the Buddha, was a Yakshml
living near Kajagriha, and mamed to a Yaksha of Gan-
dhara. Her name was Szian-lisi (Hands?) or “Jo/’, and
she was supposed to be a guardian deiiy to the people
of Magadha. But as the lesnlt of a spiteful wish in a
pievious life she took to stealing and eating the children
of Bajagaha. When the people found that then goddess
was secretly lohhing them of them offspring to feed her-
self and her 500 sons, they changed her name to Hailtl
or Thief. On the petition of the victims the Buddha
undertook to put an end to the Yakshini’s cannibal mode
of life.2 In order to convert her he hid her youngest and
favourite son, m one account called Pingala, in his ahns-
howl, and gave hnn up to the mother on her promise to
renounce cannibalism and become a lay member of his
communion. Then to piovide for the subsistence of the
mother and hei numerous offspiing the Buddha ordained
that in all monasteries food should be set out for them
every mornmg In return for tlus service the Yakshim
and hei sons weie to become and continue guardians of
the Buddhist sacred buildings. The Sar. Vin. does not
make any mention of Haiitl undertaking to answer the
prayers of haiien women for children, but in one of the
sutras the Kuei-tzu-mu agrees to comply with the Buddha’s
request in this matter. 3 I-ching tells us that the name
Kuei-tzu-mu was used by the Chmese befoie they had
the story of Hailtl, and a goddess of children with that
name is still worshipped by Chinese women. She is com-

1 Nan-iiai-cli'i'kuei, c/j 1 and Takakusu p 37.

2 Sar Vm Tsa-sluh (No 1121), ch 31.

3 See the “Kuei-tzu-mu-ching” (No. 769) inhere the scene is laid
in the ^ countrj', Taa-pao-tsang-chxng (No 1329) c/i 9 where
the baby is Pin-ka-lo (Pingala; and the name of the country is not
given, Tsa-a-han-ching, ch 49 where the scene is in JIagadha and
the demon-mother’s babj is PtAeng-ka See also Waddell’s Buddhism
of Tibet’ p 99, and Ch'i-Fo-Bo-ehuo-shen- choU"*ching, hist page
(No. 447).

SAilA JATAEA

217

moaly lepresented by a standing image with a btby m
her arms and two or three children below her Imees as
described by I-chmg. As the word Tmei only un-
pleasant associations ever smce the T'ang period the
Chinese have occasionally substituted for it in the name
of this goddess the word for nwe, callmg her Ktu-tsii-mu,
“Mother of nine (that is, many) sons”

Abo'^e 60 h north from the scene of the conversion of the
Kuei-tzu-mu was another tope This marked the place at which
the P‘‘u8a in his hirth as ^ama while gathering fruit as food
for hiB hlind parents was accidentally shot by a poisoned arrow
aimed by the king at a deer of which he was in pursuit The
perfect sincerity of the P'usa’s conduct moved the spiritual
powers and India provided a remedy which restored the son
to life.

It will he remembered that Brahmmical hterature has
a similar story about Krishna. The Jataka ]s a well
known one and is related in several hooks ^

From the Somaka (or Sama) Tope a journej of above 200 h
south-east brought the pilgnm to the city called JPo-lu-sha
(Pdlusha) To the north of this city was a tope to mark the
place at which the P‘uBa in his birth as Pnnce Su-ta~na
(Sudana) hade adieu on being sent into exile for having given
the elephant of the king his father to a brahmin At the side
of this tope was a monastery with above fiftj' Brethren all
adherents of the “Small 'Vehicle” Here the Master of Sastras,
Isvara, composed the "Abhidharma-mmg-cheng-lan”

The Palusha of this passage was apparently about
100 h to the south-east of Pushkaravatl Gunmngham
has proposed to identify it with the modem Palo-dheri
which IS about forty miles from Pushkaravatl or Hasht-
nagar. As it is also, however, apparently about forty
miles south-east from the Samaka tope, Palo-dheri may
correspond to the site of Palusha.

The name Sudaua of the text is explamed m a note as
meamng “having good teeth”, but this, as has been pointed
out by others, is evidently wrong Better lendeiings are
- _

1 See ‘Wilkius’ Hind Mjth p 188, 209, Jataka Vol VI p 71,
P‘u-sa-8an-tzu-ching (Ko 216), lau-tu-chi-ching, ch 5 (No 148).

fi

218

VESSANTABA JATAKA.

Shan-yii and SJianshih M or J H), both meaning
liberal or getierous. As Sudana is apparently an epithet
ibr the prince -whose name -was Yi^vantara (Wessantara),
so Shaii-y'a or “Good-teeth” may have been the name ot
the much prized wlute elephant -which the prince gave
away to the brahmin from the hostile country.

As to the Abhidharma treatise which Yuan-chuang hero
ascribes to the sastia master Kvara no work -with the
name “Abhidharma-ming-cheng-lim” seems to be known
•to the Buddhist canon. Instead of the ming-di^ng H)
of the ordmary texts the D text has miiig4eng (^), mak-
ing the name to be the “Abhidharma Shimng lamp
sastra”.

Outside the east gate of the Palnsha city -was a monastery
■with above 50 Brethren'^all Mahayanists, At it was an Asoka
tope on the spot at which the brahmin, "who had begged the
son and daughter of the Prince Sudana from him on the Tan-
to-lo-Aa (Dantaloka) mountain, sold the children. Above twenty
h north-east from Palusha was the Dantaloka mountain on
which was an Asoka tope at the place where Prince Sudana
lodged Near it was the tope where the Pnnce having given
his sou and daughter to the Brahmm the latter heat the children
until iheir blood ran to the ground, this blood dyed the spot
and tho vegetation still retained a reddish hue. In the clifF was
the cave in which the Pnuce and his wife practised samadhi-
Ncar this •v\as the hut in which the old rishilivedj above 100 K
north from it beyond a small hill was a mountam, on the south
of this was a monastery with a few Brethren who were Maha-
yanists, beside this was an Aeoka tope where the nsH TvrChio
(Ekasnnga) once hved, this nshi was led astray by a lustful
woman and lost his superhuman faculties, whereupon the lustful
woman rode on his shoulders into the city

lii their renderings of the text of the above passage
the translators have made a serious mistranslation which
injures the narrative. Th^ make the pilgrim state that
the tope at the east gate of Palusha was dt the place
where Prince Sudana sold his two children to a brahmin.
But the Prince never did anything hke this, and the
Chinese states clearly that it was the brahmin who sold
the children after having begged them from their father
on the mountam. This agrees with the context and -vnth

VESSiNTABA. JATAKA.

219

the story in tne ScnpEures. According to the latter the
brahmin on the instigation of his -wnfe to the Danta
mountain to beg the Prince to give him the son and
daughter of whom the Prince and his wife were very
fond, and by his uigent entreaty he prevailed on the
father, in the absence of the mother, to give up the
children to serve m his household. But wheu the Brahmin
brought them to his home his clever wife saw they were
of superior hirth, and refused to keep them as slaves.
Hereupon the brahmin took them away to sell, and against
his wiU, under the secret influence of Indra, he found him-
seK with the children at the royal city, where tliey felt
into the hands of the king their grandfathei This happy
incident led to the recall of the all-giving Prmce and his
faithful devoted consort

Then the stone-hut on the Danta mountam was not
merely one which had been inhabited by “a nsbi’'. It
wa^ the hut supposed to have been once occupied by tho
old nshi Akshuta, m Chinese transcnptiou A-chu-t% the
Acchuta of FausboU. This was the aged hermit who wel-
comed the banished Pnnee and family on their coming
to stay on Ins mountain.

The name of this mountam is given by ^uan-chuang
as Tan-tO'lO’ka, which Juhen restored as Pantaloka, the
restoration has been adopted by the P, W., and by sub-
sequent writers. But the old and common form of the
name in Chinese translations is T‘an4'eh !f^), and the
original may have been Daoda. The “Mountam of punish-
ment” would be an appropriate designation, and the
suggestion is strengthened by the Tibetan rendenng
“forest of penance”. Our pilgnm places the moimtain
at a distance of above twenty li noith-east from Palusha;
but instead of twenty we should probably read 2000 h
as m the Fang-chih. All the legends represent the
mountain of exile as being far away jErom any town or
place of human habitation. It was beyond the Chetiya
country, or in TJdyana, or in Magadha In the Jataka
it IB called Vamkaparvata, and a Chinese authority ex-

220

THE ISISINGA LEGEND.

plains T an-t’eh-shan as meaning “the dark shady mountain
(yin-shany\‘^

In his remaiKs about the rishi whom he calls “Single-
horn’’ (or Ekasringaj our pilgnm is apparently following
the “Jataka of Rahiila’s mother”. In this stoiy, the scene
ot which is laid in the Benares country, the ascetic of
mixed breed, human and cervine, is named Unicorn on
account of the horn on his forehead. He has attained
great power by his devotions and heconung offended he
stops tlie rain The king is told that m order to save
his country from a prolonged drought he must find a
means by which the iishi’s deyotions will be stopped A
very clever iich “lustful woman” comes forward and
undertakes to seduce the saint. She takes 500 pretty
girls with her, and by means of love potions, disgmsed .
wines and sti ong love-making she overcomes the nshi and
makes him fall into sin Beguiling her lover-victim to the
city of Benares she pretends on the way t'o be faint and
the rishi canies her on his shoulders into the citj.2 In
other veisions of this curious wellknowm legend the lady
who WOOS and wins the simple, innocent, but veiy austere
and all-pov/erful hermit is a good princess, the daughter
of the king of the country For her fatliei’s sake and at
his request she undertakes the task of wiling the samt
from his austerities and devotions he is captivated, be-
comes the princess’s lovei, marries her and succeeds her
father on the throne In most versions of the story the
samt to be seduced is called Sishyasrmga, the Bali
Isisinga; the lady who leads him astray is Santa in the
Chinese translations and some othei \eisions, but Nalinl
or Halinika m other versions.^ In the “Jataka of Rshula’s

1 Liu-tu-cbi-ching, ch 2 T ai -tzu-su-ta-na-ching (ITo 254) in this
■woik the elephant’s name is Sti~ tan-yen, Hardy M B p 118, Jat.
Vol YI last jataka v/here the mountain is Vamkapabbato, Beer’s
Chaddanta-jataka p 61, Schiefner Tib. Tales p 257

2 Ta-chih-tu-Iun ch. 17, cf Hsing-chi-ching, ch 16

3 Elshemendra’s Kalpalata in J B T S Yol i P II, p 1, here
Ihe nsbi is Eka^nnga, the ladj is the Princess iTahin, and the two

PANINI.

221

motber” tbe nshi and his tempter are respectively the
Bodhisattva and Ins Tvife Yasodhara, hut m the Jataka
it IS the -wise father of the iislii who is the Bodhisattva
and theiishi and the lady are a certain bhikshu and his
former wife

Above 50 li to the north-east of Palusha (.Tulien’s Varusha’)
was a great mountain which Lad a likeness for image) of
Mahesvara's spouse Bhima-devI of dark-blue stone. According
to local accounts this was a natural image of the goddess, it
exhibited prodigies and was a great resort of devotees from all
parts of India, to true behevers, who after fasting seven days
prayed to her, the goddess sometimes shewed herself and
answered prayers At the foot of the mountain was a temple
to Mahesvara-deva in which the Ash-smeanng “Tirthikas” per-
formed much worship

Going south-east from the Bhimala (or BhTma) Temple 160 It
yon come to T^u-to-la-Jian'ifu (or ch‘a) city, twenty It in circuit
and having the Indus on its south side, its inhabitants were
flourishing and in it were collected valuable rarities from various
regions

A journey of above 20 h north-west from Wu-to-JM-han t it
brought one to the P ‘0 (or Shayh-ht-Io city, the birth place of
the nshi Panini who composed a sWng-mtnff-lun (Treatise on
Etymology) At the beginning of antiquity, our author continues,
there was a very luxunant vocabulary Then at the end of the
kalpa, when the world was desolate, and void the immortals
became incarnate to guide mankind, and from this written docu-
ments came into existence, the flow of which in after times
became a flood As opportunity prose Brahma and Indra pro-
duced models The rishis of the various systems formed each
his own vocabulary, these were emulously followed by their
successors, and students applied themselves in vain to acquire
a knowledge of their systems When the life of man was a
century PSnini appeared, of intuitive knowledge and great eru-
dition he sorrowed over the existing irregularities and desired
to make systematic exclusions and selections In Ins studious
excursions he met Siva to whom he unfolded his purpose, the
god approved and promise*^ help So the nshi applied himself
eame'’tly to selecting from the stock ot words and formed an

are the Bodhisattva and Yasodhara of after births, cf App^ I of the
Dame Yol , Mahavastu T III, p 143, Bud Lit Nep p 63, Taha-
kubu in Hansel Zashi Yol xui, Ko 1, Jat Yol i p 123 \\hcie the
lady IS NalinikB, p 162 where she is the apsaia Alambusa

222

PAITINI.

Etymologj in 1000 stanzas each of 32 words; this exhausted
modern and ancient times and took in all the written language.
The author presented his treatise to the king who prized it
highlj’ and decreed that it should be used throughout the country,
he also offered a prize of 1000 gold coins for every one who
could repeat the whole work. The treatise was ti’ansmitted from
master to disciple and had great vogue, hence the brahmins of
this city are ‘studious scholars and great investigators
The pilgrim goes on to tell a story which he heard on the
spot "Within the city of P‘o (or Sha)-lo-tu-lo was a tope where
an arhat had conveii;ed a disciple of Punini. live hundred
years after the Buddha’s decease a great arhnt from Kaslimir in
his travels as an apostle arrived at this place. Here he saw a
brahmm teacher chastising a young^pupil in reply to the arhat’s
question the teacher said he beat the boy for not making pro-
gress in Etymology. The arhat smiled pleasantly and in ex-
planation said— You must have heard of the treatise on Etymology
made by the nshi PSnmi and given by him to the world for
its instruction The brahmin rephed — “He was a native of this
citj , his disciples admire his excellences, and his image is still
' here”. To this the arhat answered— This boy of jours is that
nshi. He added that in his previous existence Panim had
devoted all his eneigies to worldly learning but that from some
good Karma he was now the teacher’s son He then told the
teacher the story of the 500 Bats who long ago allowed them-
selves to be burned to death in a decayed tree through dehgnt
m hearing a man read from the Abhidharma' These 500 -Bats
came into the world in recent times as human bemgs, became
arhats, and formed the Council summoned by king Kanishka
and the Eeverend Pursva in Kashmir which drew up the
Yibhasha treatises. The arhat added that he was an unworthy
one of the Five Hundred, and he advised the teacher to allow
his dear son to enter the Buddhist church. Then the arhat
disappeared in a marvellous manner and the teacher became a
Buddlust and allowed his son to enter the Buddhist church, he
became a devoted believer, and at the time of tlie pdgnm his
influence in the district was slill-a very real one

The image or likeness of Bhlma-devT here mentioned
was appal ently a daik-hlue lock in the mountain supposed
to have a lesemblance to that goddess Julieu, however,
undei stood the passage to mean that there was a
and lie makes the author slate that the people said — •
“la statue de cette deesse s^est fonnee toute seule”. But
what the people said was that “this goddess' likeness (or

PiJflNI.

223

image) was a natural (or self-existing) one” — 5c ^

© ^ W *4* (“1 ® instead of j^).

Then the Bhimala of the next paragraph in the B text,
the others having Bhima, is taken by Julien to be a
mistake for Bhima. But the texts are quite correct,
Bhima and Bhimala being names of Sira. There is no
mention in the text of a temple to Bhima, but there is a
temple to Siva at the foot of the mountain and from it
the journey begms.

The name of the city here transcribed Wu-to-ka-han-tHi,
(or c7i‘a) ^ ^ ^ or ^) is tentatively restored by

Julien as Uda-khanda, but the characters give us a word
much liker Udaka-khai;ida, In two texts of the Life the ,
name of the city is given as Wu-to-korkan-p^eng (^).
Saint Martin and Cunmngham consider that thiS city was
on the site of the later Ohmd (or Waihand), but the
identification seems to be doubtful

In the next paragraph we have Pagani’s city called m
Juhen’s text P‘o-lo~tU‘lo. As the great (rrammanan is
supposed to have been a native of Salstura Juhen pro-
posed to regard P‘o here as a mistake for Sha; m thio
he is probably nght as the A text here has Sha. All
the other texts, however, have P*o (|^ or ^) and one
does not like to regard them all as wrong. Still for the
present it is better to regard Sha (^) as the correct
reading, the name transcribed bemg 6alatura. It is re-
markable that neither m the part of the Life which tells
of the pilgrim’s visit to Gandhara nor m the Bang-chih
have we any mention of Papini and his birth place But
in the third chuan (Book) of the Life wo read of “the
nshi Panmi of the P'o-h-men-tu-lo city of Gandhara m

North India” (4b ^ ^ ® ^ PI ^ E

^ -(llj). These words are id Julien’s rendenng “dans le
royaume de Gandhara, de Flnde du Nord, un BrShmane
nomm§ le Efchi P<Mn-m (Pfinini) de la ville de TovAo
(Salatoula)”. Here the learned translator must have known
that he was doing violence to the text and that the word
Po4o-vien or BrShmana cijuld not possibly be severed from

224

PAOTNI.

tu-lfj and made to apply to Papim who here, as in the
Pccords, IS styled a rishi. It is perhaps possible that the
men in the text is a copyist’s interpolation and that the
oiigmal reading was P^o4o4u-lo as m the common texts
oi the Ilecords.

IVTieh our author writes of the Immortals, the devas
of long life, becoming incarnate, he is referring to the
restoration of our world after its last destruction. The
first oemgs to occupy the new earth were the time espired
devas of one of the Heavens and they did not become in> -
camate in the ordinaiy sense; they came to earth witti
the radiance and beauty of gods and with the aerial ways
of celestial bemgs.i But they did not come to teach
men and it was a very long time after their descent when
human beings first began to have a wntten language.

The reader of this passage about Panini will observe
that the pilgiim gives the date ot king Kamshka as
600 years after Buddha’s decease. This is not in accor-
dance with the common Chinese chronology of Buddhism
which makes the death of the Buddha to have taken place
in the mnth century B. C.

* Ta-lu-t'an-ching, ch 6

CHAPTER Vn.

OKUAN CBOOK) IIL

UDYANA to KASHMIR

From Udakakhanda city a journey north over hiUs and acroaa
rivers (o^ valleys) for above 600 U brought the traveller to the
'W'ti-cAon^-JW country This country was above BOOO & in circuit,
hill and defile followed each other closely and the sources of
nvericourseB and marshes were unitedL "j^e' yield of the culti-
vated land was not good, grapes were abundant, but there was
httle sugar-cane, the countiy produced gold and iron (mthe D
text, gold coins) and safiron; there w'ere dense woods and fr nts
and flowers were luxunant The clunate was temperate with
regular winds and rain Thepeople were pusiflanimoue and deceit-
ful, they were fond of leaning but not as a study, and they
made the acquisition of magical formulte their occupation. Their
clothing was chiefly of pat'heh (cahco) Their spoken language
was different from, but hoin much resemblance to, that of India,
and the roles of their written language were m a rather un-
settled state

A note added to our text tells us that Wu-ebang-na
means *paxk”, the countiy having once been the park of
a king, (viz. Asoka, accordiig, to the ‘Life’). The Wu-chang-
na of the narrative is pehaps to be read Udana and it
stands for UdySna 'which means ‘•a park”. Othei forms
of the name in Ohinese 'warks are WvrVii or -c7?‘a or 5 ^)
perhaps for Uda ^ Wu’<itang (^) used by Fa-hsien, Wu-
(:^) in the Ka4an-chi, Wurtien (or yunynang (^
or Shithtt of the later Sung period, and

‘ T‘ung-chien-kang-mu,T‘ang Kao Tsung Tsung-ohang 2 ^ y

P

226

THE SWAT VALLEY.

the unusual form Wu~sun~ch^ang (9^ j^). But the territory
denoted by these varieties of name does not always corre-
spond to the Wzi~ckang^a of our text. In some Chinese
translations this country is vaguely denominated ^^Yue~ti
(Getse) Country”.* There may possibly have been a native
name hke Uda from which the Sanskrit form Udyana and
the Pah IJyyana were formed. Our pilgrim’s Udyana,
according to Cunningham, comprised the present distncts
of Pangkora, Bijawar, Swat, and 2 The country is

represented by Yuan-chuang as not yielding good crops,
and this is not m agreement with the accounts m other
works which describe it as a well watered region yielding
good crops of rice and wheat, s

The people of TJdyana held Buddhism in high esteem and
were reverential believers in the Mahayana Along the two sides
of the Su-p'o-fa-8u-tu nver there had formerly been 1400 Mo-
nasteries but many of these were novr in mins, and once there
had been 18 000 Brethren hut these had gradually decreased
until only a few remained, these were all MahSyanists who
occupied themselves with silent meditation, they were clever at
reciting their hooks without penetratmg their deep meamng;
they lived strictly according to their rules and were specially
expert in magical exorcisms. There were five reaacuons (pu) of
the 'Vinaya taught, vw the Fa~im (Bharmagupta), the Stta-it
(Mahisaaika), the Yin-kuang (E-asyapIya), the Shuo-yi’Ch^'P^
(SarvSstivadm) and the Ta-ckung (Mahflsangkiks) Tinaya Of
Deva-Temples there were above ten and the various seotanans
hved pellmell

The river here called Su-p*o-fa-su4u according to fhe
B, C, and D texts is the Subbavastu, the Swat of modem
geography. In the old A text the reading is Surp'o-surtu
representing a form like Svastu. The name Swat is applied
not only to the river but also to the district through which
it flows.

The five redactions of the Vmaya which the pflgri™
found m force in this country are the more or less hete-

1 E. g. in the Ta-chih-tu-luu, ch. 9.

2 A. U. I. p. 81. Eor recent observations on this country s*®
H. A. Deane in J. B. A. S for 1896 p. 655.

> "Wei-Shn, ch 102.

MAHATAIJISTS AKD HjNATaxOSTS.

227

rodox editions ascribed to five disciples of Upagupta.

Instead of Mahaaangkika we find Vatsiputra, but this

name is supposed to be used as an equivalent for Maba-

sanghka. This five-fold Ymaya is often mentioned m

Buddhist treatises and another enumeration of it is Stha-

vira, Dharmagupta, MahiSasika, Kasyaplya, and Sarvasti-

vSdin.^ I-chmg, who gives a fourfold division of the Vi-

nayas, says he never heard of the five-fold dmsioD in India;

his four chief schools (or ledactions) are the Sthavira, the

SarvSstivadm, the MahSsanglaka, and the Sammatiya.* It

will be noticed that according to our pilgrim all the

Buddhists m Udyana were Mahayanists and yet followed

the Vmaya of the Hmayanists; Fa-hsien represents the

Brethren here as Hlnayanists 3
/

This country had four or five strong cities of which Mcng~
kie (or ka)-h was chiefly used as the seat of government. This
city was 16 or 17 h in circuit and had a flonnshing population.

The Meng-he-U of the text may represent a word like
Mangkfl. Cunmngham has identified the city with the
modern Manglanr (or Minglanr), a large and important
village at the foot of one of the north-west spurs of the
Dosirri mountam between Swat and Boner, and Maior
Deane thinks that the identity is undoubted

Four or five h to the east of the capital was a tope of very
many miracles on the spot where the P'usa in his birth as the
Patiently- enduring rishi was dismembered by the JUt-h king.

Juhen understood the words of this passage, ^ ^

to mean that the nshi cut off his own hmhs
on behalf of the kmg. But the word wei (^) here, as
often, 18 used to convert the following active verb into a
passive one and has the sense of “was by”, so used the
word 18 said to be in the ch‘u-sMng and to be equivalent
to pel m the sense of “by”. The “Patiently-endunng
nahi” 13 the Kshanti or Kshunli-vadm fPab, Klhantivadi),

1 Fang-yi-ming-yi, ch 4 Sec. 41 Seng-chi-lu, ch 40,

* Nan-hai-ch'i-knei Ink, and Takakusu Ink p. XXI, and p. 7
3 Fo-kno-ohi, ch 8.

228

KKA.NTIVADA JATAKA.

or KshSnti-bala or Kshantivat of the Buddhist scriptures,
and called KuodalfakuniSra in the JatSka. The ^Ka4i
king” IS the king named Kali or the king of the country
named Kali or Kalinga. The word Kshflnti means “patient
endurance”, and Kali is interpreted as meaning “fighting’',
or “quarrelmg”. "We find the story of this wicked king
Kah hacking to pieces the good hermit who was endea-
vouring to make himself perfect in patient endurance told
m several Buddhist hooks with some vanations of detail
It forms the Kshantibala chapter of the Hsien-yu-cliing
or “Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish”,' and it is the
“Khantivadi Jstaka” m the Pali Ja.taka.2 In these books
the scene of the action is laid in the vicinity of Benares,
and in some of the other accounts the name of the loca-
lity IS not given. The Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish
calls the king Kah, but the Jataka and some other autho-
rities call him Kalabu, in Chmese transcription KaAan-Ju
The wording of our author’s text here recalls
the reference to the story in the 14*’’ chapter of the Chm-
kaug-chmg or Yajra-chchedika, and there the Sanskrit
text leaves no doubt as to the meaning of the words. In
the Jataka the king orders his executioner to flog and
mutilate the patient rishi and the king personally only
admmisters a partmg kick. But m other versions it is
the king himself who in his wrath hacks off tide various
limbs of the KshSnti rishi who is not in all versions the
P’usa destmed to become G-autama Buddha.

A note to the B text here tells us that there is a gap
after the words of this paragraph, but the note is not in
the other texts, and there is no reason to suppose that
anything has fallen out. It is to be observed that neither
Fa-hsieh nor Sung-yun makes any mention of the Kshanti
rishi tope in this country.

From Mangkil, the pijgnm tells us, a journey north-east of
about 250 U brongt him to a mountain in which was the A-p'O'

1 Hsien-yu-ching, ch 2: Der Weise u. d. Thor, S. 60.

2 Jataka, Vol, in, p 39

APAIiALA NAGA

229

lo-lo (ApallSla)-Dragon Spnng, tjje source of the SwSt nver
This nver flows away from its source south-west, it keeps its
coldness through spring and sumiuer, and morning and evening
(in one text, every evening) the flying spray, rambow-tmted,
sheds brightness on all sides The dragon of the spring in the
time of Kasyapa Buddha was a man named King (or Keng)‘ki
(Gaiigi ’ Julien), able by his magical exorcisms to control dragons
and prevent them from sending violent rams For his services
in this way the inhabitants had given him hxed yearly con-
tnbutions of gram But the contributions fell off, and the
magician, enraged at the defaulters expressed a wish to be in his
next birth a wicked malicious dragon, and in consequence he
was reborn as the dragon of this spnng, the white water from
which ruined the crops Sakyamuni Buddha came to this distnct
to convert the dragon, on this occasion the Vajrapam god struck
the cliff with his mace, and the dragon becoming terrified took
refuge in Buddhism On his admission to the church the Buddha
forbade him to injure the crops and the dragon asked to be
allowed to have these once everj' tw elve years for his maintenance ,
to this petition Buddha compassionately assented And so once
every twelve years the country has the “white water’’ infliction '

Major Deane says that the distance and direction here
given by onr pilgrim “bring us exactly to Kalam, the pomt
at which the Utrot and Laspur (Ushu in our maps)
streams meet. The junction of these is the present head
of the Swat nver”

The word Apalala means without sfiaw, and it is ren-
dered in Chinese by Wu-tao-kan fg* meaning “with-
out ncestraw” Another translation is Wu-muio
that IS “without sprouting gram” The name seems to
have been given to the dragon of the Swat on account
of the ravages among the crops made by the floods of
that river. "We read in the Sarvata Vmaya^ that the
Buddlaa, on a certain occasion near the end of his careei,
took with him his attendant Yakslia named Ckin-kang-shou
or Vajrapam, and went thiough the an to the country

For tbis Jataka see Fo - shuo - p'u - sa - pen - bsmg - ching, ch 2
(No 432), Ta-chib-tu-lun, ch 14, Liu-tu-chmg, ch 5 (No 143), Hsien-
cbie-ching, ch 4 (No 403) In the Oh‘u-yao-ching, ch 28 1821)

the story is told of SiddhSrtha while preparing to become Buddha,
a Sar Yin Yao-shih, ch 9

230

APAIiSl/A NiGA.

beyond the Indus to ^bdue and convert tliis dragon
“When Buddha arrived at the palace of the dragon the
latter became greatly enraged, and caused fierce showers
of ram and hail to descend on the Buddha. Determmed
to put the dragon in terror Buddha caused the Yaksha
to smite the adjoining mountain with his adamantine club,
whereupon a vast fragment of the mountain fell into the
dragon’s tank. At the same time Buddha caused a magic
fire to appear all around the place. Then the dragon,
frightened and helpless, came to Buddha’s feet, gave in
his submission, and was converted with all his family. It
IS worthy of note that in this Vmaya story the dragon-
king is lequired by Buddha to take ip his abode m
Magadha. This dragon is also called A-p*0’lo and we
find the Spring which was his residence located m the
“Yue-shi (Gletse) country of North India” or simply in
“North India”. The “A-yh-wang-chuan"' places the home
of this dragon in tldySna, but the “A-ya-wang-ching” and
the DivySvadSna do not mention his country. 'In a Vmaya
treatise, apparently from Pali sources, we read of a dragon
called Alapalu in Kapin (Ksishmir), wio is overcome and
converted by the great arhat Madhyantika (Maj)hantika)
who had come as an apostle to introduce Buddhism. *
This legend seems to be a version of the story here nar-
rated, Majjhantika taking the place of the Buddha
Julien in his translation of the description of the Swat
river here seems to have followed the text of the Life
rathei than that of his author. The latter does not state
that an arm of the river flows to the south-west; it is,
as the passage and context show, the river itself which
so flows. Nor does Yuan-cHuang state that “dans ce pays
il gele au printemps et en §te”, for that would be at
variance with his former statement about the chmate of
the country; it is the river which is cold through spring
and summer. Moreover, although fei-hsUe does mean
“flying snow”, it also means “flying spray”, and that is its

1 Shan-chien-lu-vibh&slm, ch 2 (No. 1125).

POOTl'EINTS OF THE BUDDHA^

231

meaning here. There was apparently a cascade near the
source of the river; and the mormng and evenmg (or, the
evemng) sun daily shone on the dense white spray tossed
up m the air, and made it bright and beautiful with the
colours of the lainbow.

The “white water' of this district is icferred to by
other authorities Thus Alberumi quotes Jivaiarman to
the effect that “in the country of Svat, opposite the district
of EJrl(?) there is a valley m which 53 streams unite;
dunng the 26^ and 27‘^ days of the month Bhadrapada
the water of this valley becomes white, m consequence of
Mahadeva’s washmg in it, as people believe”. According
to the Fang-chih it was the rams which the dragon sent
that made the water plague.

Above 80 h aouth-west from the A-palalc^ dragon spring, and
on the north bank of the nver, was a large flat stone with the
Buddha’s footprints, these, thei size of which vaned with the
rehgiouB merit of the measured, were left by the Buddha when
he was going away after having converted the dragon, a bmlding
had been erected over them and people from far and near came
to make offerings Above 30 If farther down the river was the
rock on which Buddha had washed his robe, the hnes of the
robe being still distinct like carving
Above 400 h south from Mangkil ^vas the JSz-lo mountain,
the stream of the mountain valley flows west, as you go up it
eastward flow'ers and fruits of vanous kinds cover the water-
course and climb the steeps, the peaks and precipices are hard
to pass, and the ravines wind and curve, you may hear the
sound of loud talking or the echo of musical strains squero
stones hke couches (in D, topes) made by art form an unbroken
senes over the gullej It was here that Ju-lai once gave up
hiB li^e for the hearing of a half-stanza of doctrine.

The stone wth the miraculous footprints of the Buddha
and the rock on which he had washed his robe and spread
it out to dry are described in the Fo-kuo-chi and the
Ka-lan-chi, and the accounts m these works should be
compared with our pilgrim's narrative. For the words
“the sti earns of the goige flow west and as you go up
chem eastwaid’, Juhen has “Les eaiix de la valine se

Alberum Yol ii, p 182

232

A CUEIOUS JATAKA.

partagent k I'ouest et remontent ensuite du c6t6 de I’oneni’^
This cannot’, however, he taken as the meaning of the
text which IS

the mountam-valley goes off to the west; gomg np east
against the course of the stream — The pilgrim is
probably here describing a part of his journey from Uda-
kahantu to the capital of Udyana. In the last sentence
of the present passage we have reference to a curious
Jataka. In a very far off time when there was no Buddha
in the world the P<usa was a brahmm student living on
the Himavat; he knew all secular lore, hut had never
heard the teaching of Buddhism. He expressed his great
desire to learn at any cost some of the doctnnes of that
religion, and Indra, wishing to prove the sincenty of the
brahmm’s desire, disguised himself as a hideous rakshasa,
came to the Himavat, and appeared before the Brahmin.
On behalf of the latter he uttered half of the stanza
beginning with the words “all things are impermanent”;
the brahmm was delighted and asked for the other half.
But the rakshasa refused to utter this until the brahmin
promised to give himself up as food to the rakshasa m
reward for the recital. When the second half of the
stanza was uttered the brahmin threw himself from a tree
towards the rakshasa; hut the latter in his form as Indra
saved the devotee’s life.^

Above 200 It south from Mangkil e,t the side of a monntam
■was the Mo-ka~fa-na (Mahavana or Great Wood) monastery.
Ju-lai long ago as P‘asa -wsis the Sa~fo~ta-chxh king, to avoid
his enemy he gave up his kingdom and going into obscurity
came to this place , here he met a mendicant brahmm, and hav-
ing nothing whatever to give the brahmin, he made the latter
Bind him and deliver inn up to the king his enemy, the reward
offered for the exiled king being the latter’s alms to the brahmm

The Monastery of the Great Wood according to Major
Deane “was apparently on the western, or north-western,
slopes of the present Mahaban Numerous rums exist on

1 See the Ta-pan-nie-p‘an-chmg, ch 14 (No 113), Hsuan-chi-pai*
yuan-chmg ch 4 (No 1324), Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch 12

THE GEEAT WOOD.

233

the lower slopes and also on the higher portions of Ma-
haban”. But Stem thmke that MahSban is too far
away, and that the MahSvana monastery was at Pinjkotai
at Sunigram.i In the B and I) texts the name of the
good kmg IS given as Sorfo-ia-chih ^ hut m-

stead of chih the other texts have ta lepeated. The name
IS interpreted as meamng “AU-givmg”, and the onginal
was either Sarvada, as m some places, or Sarvadada as
m other passages. Our pilgrim’s version of this pretty
jataka agrees with the story m the Buddhist hooks except
that m these the locahty is not given. 2

North-west from the Mahavana monastery, and 30 or 40 /t
down the monniain, was the Mo-yU (j^ monastery with a
tope above 100 feet high, and at the side of it a largo square
stone on which were the Buddha's footprints These were left
when the Buddha treading on the stone sent forth a Koti of ray
of light which illumined the Mahavana Monastery while he
related his former births to men and devas At the base of the
tope was a stone of a pale yellow colour yielding a conjtant
exudation, it was here that the Buddha as P'usa heanng Buddhist
doctrine wrote the sacred text with a sphnter from one of his bones.

A note added to the text here tells us that Mo-yu is
m Ohmese tou, a general name 'for all lands of pulse.
Julien reads the second character of the word as su and
regards the transcription as representmg the sansknt word
Masura which means lentils. But aU my texts have Mo^
yu and this agrees with the Glossary. The native inter-
pretation may be a mistake, and the Chinese characters
may represent Mayii for Mayukha, a word which means
hrightness, a ray of light. This suggestion is strengthened
by the statement which our pilgnm makes about the
Buddha here sheddmg a bright hght which ht up the
^ MahSvana Monastery. The mcident of the Buddha m
one of his previous births takmg a splinter of one of his
bones to write out a Buddhist text is taken from a Jataka
mentioned m several of the Chinese writings In some

1 Ind Ant Vol xxviii, pp 14, 68

2 See Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 12 and 38

234

THE DEVIL A3 BBAHMIN

versions of the story the Fusa’s name is Ai (or Lo)-/a
"Loving or Rejoicing in dharma”L hut in
other versions he is Yil-Mo (or Yic4o-U), and in the ‘Der
Weise u. d. Thor’ he la Udpala.2 As the pnce of hearing
a sacred text of Buddhism the P'usa agreed to vmte the
text witli a pencil made from one of his bones on paper
made from his skin and with his t]ood for ink. The
person who made this hard bargain w'ae q, brahmm or
the Devil disguised as such.

Sixty or seventy h to the west of the Mo-^i Monastery
an Asoka tope to Auark the spot at which the P'usa in his birth
as Shih-p‘i-ka (^ivika) king shced his body to ransom a pigeon
from a hawk

A note added to the Chinese text here tells us that
Shih-p‘hKa, the correct form for the old Shifi-p‘i^ means
‘‘giving”, but we are not bound to accept either the cor-
rection or the interpretation. The story of the Rajah of
Sm (or Raja ^ivi) saving a pigeon chased by a hawk,
and then cutting off portions of his own flesh to weigh
against the pigeon, and finally putting his skeleton in the
scales in ordei to have an equivalent in weight for the
bud which still remained heavier, is told or referred to
m many Buddhist books. It is found also in old Brah-
mmical literature and Dasaratha is reminded by his queen
how

“Ejs flesh and blood the trnthful Saivya gave
And fed the hawk a suppliant dove to save”

According to the common versions of the story the
hawk was Indra bent bn proving or temptmg the king,
and the pigeon is m some versions Agni, in others Visva-
karma, oi a “frontier king”.s In the “Liu-tu-chi-ching”
the king’s name is given as Sarvada In the “Hsien-yu-
ching”, and in other works, the capital of Sm is Dipavatl

1 Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 16 and 49

2 Hsien-yu-ching, ch 1, Der 'Weise -u. d. T., S. 15;
hsing-ching, ch 3 where the P'usa is the nshi Yu4o-h ^

5 Liu-tu-chi-ching, ch. 1.

SERPENT MEDICINE.

235

or Devapati, the Devawarta of “Der Weise u. d. Thor”.i
Fa-hsien makes the scene of this deed of chanty to have
been m the So-ho-to, that is probably Svat, country, to
the south of his Ifdyana.^ In some worts Sivi is a per-
sonal name, in others the name of a people or country,
and there is a king Sm among the supposed ancestors
of Gautama Buddha. ^ Yuan-chuang apparently understood
his Sivika to be a personal name or epithet.

Above 200 h north-vrest from the Pigeon-ranBom Tope and in
the Shan-m-lo-she valley was the Sa-pao-sha-U monastery with
a tope above 80 feet high. It was here that Ju lai in hia
existence as Indra encountered a year of famine with pestilence.
In order to save the people’s lives the P'usa as Indra changed
himself into a gieat serpent lying dead in the valley, the
starving and distressed, in response to a voice from the void,
cut from his body pieces of flesh which were at once replaced,
and all who ate were satisfied and cured. Near this Monastery
was the Su-mo great tope where Ju-lai m his Indra life in a
time of plague changed himself into a Np-mo serpent and aU
who ate his flesh were cured By the side of the cliff' at the
north of the 8han-m-lo~she valley was a tope with powers of
healing It was here that Ju-lai in his existence as a king of
peacocks pecked the rock and caused water to flow for the
refreshment of his flock, there was a spnng and the traces of
the peacock’s feet were to be seen on the rock

The Shan-ni’to-she of this passage may he, as Julien
suggests, for Saniraja, and the Sa-^^ao-sha-ti for the word
Sarpaushadhi. This latter means “serpent medicine”, and
this agrees with the rendering in the Chinese note to the
ordmary texts. The D edition gives the translation as
“Earth Medicme”, hut this is probably the result of some
copyist’s error The Su-mo of the text is perhaps for
Soma, although Jnben restores it as Stima and translates
Surmo-she by “water serpent”.

Major Deane supposes our pilgrim’s Saniraja to ,,he “the
Admzai valley entered from Swat at Chakdara”. In this

1 Heien-yu-ching, ch. 1; Der "WeiBe u. d. T., S. 16.
* Fo-kno-chi, ch. 9
> Dip. p. 182.

236

ttttasasena, KiNa or udyana.

Chakdara distnct, he tells us, there is a large tope which
is still known to some of the people by the name Suma.

in a Buddhist sutra^ we read of the Bodhisattva in his
birth as Ihdra becoming a great reptile called Jen-kang-
(hung (iz H interpreted as meaning “the reptile bene-
volent and of healing efficacy’’. When the Kuru country
was afflicted with plague Indra caused a voice from the
void to call the people to cut from his (that is, the
reptile’s) body, and eat the flesh, and be cured. The people
flocked to the carcase, and eagerly cut pieces of its flesh
which never suffered dimmution, new flesh replacing the
pieces cut away. A similar story is found in other books;
but the inexhaustible benevolent ammal is usually a large
fish. 2

About sixty h south-west from Maugkil city and on the east
side of a great nver was the tope erected by Uttarasena, king
of this country, to enclose his share of the relics of the Buddha’s
body, and near this was the tope which that king built to mark
the spot at which his large white elephant beanng the precious
rehcs had suddenly died and become a rock.

There does not seem to he any mention either 'of TJdyana
or of Uttarasena in the various accounts given in the
various Nirvapa treatises of the di-neion of tho Buddha’s
rehcs. But other authorities relate how a female elephant
named Mchtu (or Mata) beanng rehcs of Buddha to a
north country died suddenly on the way, was afterwards
reborn as a human Creature and became an arhat with
an enormous appetite. ^ Yuan-chuang also tells m another

1 Ta-pao-chi-ohing, ch. 8 (Bun No. 23(3))

2 Hsien-yd-obing, ch. 7, Der "WeiBe u. d. T., S. 216, P u-sa-pen-
hsing-cbing, ch. 3.

2 Abbu-ta-vib., ch 42. Major Deane tells us tbat on the Swat
River “between Ghahgai and Shankardar, the natives of the country
descnbe the remains of a stttpa as still standing, and this is un-
doubtedly that referred to by the Pilgnm— for the Pilgrim records
next a large rock on the bank of the great river, shaped like an
elephant. This rock is a conspicuous landmark existing near the
river, about twelve miles from the village of Thaua, and near Ghali-
gai , op c. p. 660.

E3N& MAITEIBALA

237

place of an aihat of Kashmn who in a previous existence
had been a king’s elephant, and had been given to a monk
to carry some Buddhist sciiptures When the elephant
died he was reborn as a human bemg, entered the Buddhist
church, and rose to be an aihat.

"West from Manglnl above 50 h and across a large nver was
tie LU‘hi-ta~ka (Rohitaka or Red) tope above 50 feet high
erected by Asoka At this place Ju-lai in his birth as Tzu-h
(OompassiOD-strength) king drew blood from his body to feed
five Yakshas

The Tgiirh, “whose strength is compassion”, of this
passage is the king Maitra-bala (or Maitribala) of certain
Jatakas. This king, who lived m an unknown past and
m an undefined country, had admmistered his kingdom
so perfectly that the Takshas in it were reduced to star-
vation, as they could not obtain human blood and life on
which to subsist. At last fiie of these creatures came to
the king and laid their sad case before him The kmg
m utter pity made five mcisions in his body and refieshed
the Yakshas with his blood Having done this he taught
them the way of mercy to creatures, and induced them to
take the vows of good life as Buddhists. Yeiy long after-
wards when the king came into the w^orld and became
Buddha these five Yakshas weie bom as human creatures
and became Ajfiata Kaundinya and his four companions,
the first disciples of the Buddha.*

In this passage “Bohitaka tope” probably denotes “the
tope of Bohitaka” This was the name of a town or village
and in an mteresting passage of the Sarvata Yinaya it is
placed m India 'south of Kashmir 2 It was here that
Buddha, while lodged and entertained by a good Buddhist
Yaksha, gave his disciples leave to eat grapes purified by
fiare and to dmk grape-syrup The grapes offered to the
disciples on this occasion are said to have been brought

' P‘a Ba-pIn-Bheng-man-lun, ch 8 where the P'uaa is king Tzu-h
3^r), Heien-yU-ching, ch 2 where 4he long’s name is Mi-k‘a-lo-
po-lo but rendered in Chinese by Tzu-li, Jatakamala (Kern) S 41
2 Sar Yin. Tso-shih, ch 9

23S

THE WONDBEFUL 8TOOT

from Kashmir by the Yakshas, and the fruit was new to
the disciples. Major Deane thinks that the village of the
tope IS that now called Hazara and adds that the natires
describe the tope as still existing.*

Above thirty lx to the Dortb-eaet of Mangk'il "vras the O-pu-to
(Adbhnta or Marvellous) stone tope above forty feet high The
Buddha had preached and taught here and after his departure
the tope emerged from the ground and became an object of
worship West from this stone tope across a great river thirty
or forty h was a Buddhist temple {chirtg^she) in which was an
image of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara (Xuan-tzU-tsai P'usa) of
mysterious power with miraculous manifestations; it was an
object of pilgrimage for Buddhists and its worship was con-
tmuous

North-west from this image 140 or 150 li was the Lan-po-lu
mountain on which was a dragon-lake above 30 in circuit.
The pilgnm then "tells the story of the exiled Sakya from "Kapi-
lavastu who came to this place, married the dragon’s daughter,
assassinated the king of UdySna and reigned in his stead, this
king was the father of Uttaresona After this we have the story
of the mother of king XJttarasena being converted bj the Buddha
and regaining her sight.

The marvellous stone tope of this passage, Major Deane
tells us, IS said to be still m existence, but this may be
doubted. Above 30 h west from this tope was the Buddhist
temple whic-h Deane following B. WTongly calls «Yihara”,
and about 140 h north-west from this we have the Lan-
po-lu mountain. ‘*This measurement”, Major Deane writes,
“brings us exactly to the head of the Anshiri valley, whicn
drams into the Panjkora near Darora. How the Pilgrim,
got his distance over several valleys and intervening high
spurs, it IS difficult to conjecture. But on the hill to
which it brings us there is found a large lake, more than
a mile in length.”

Our pilgrim represents tne conversion of Dttarasena s
mother and the restoration of her sight as having occurred
at MangkiL In the Sarvata Yinaya the conversion of the
queen-mother is stated to have occurred in a city called

1 Op. c. p. 660.

DAEEL AlH) BOLOE

239

Tcw-Jcurlu-Jco (fg 5 ^^ or “Gram-loft” which was appa-

rently in this region. 1

TA-LI-LO (DAHEL).

The narrative in the Records now proceeds.

North-east fromMangkil over hills and across gulleys ascend-
ing the Indus by hazardous paths through gloomy gorges, cross-
ing bridges of ropes or iron chains, across bridges spanning
precipices or climbing by means of pegs for steps, a journey of
above 1000 h brings you to the Ta-h-lo valley, the old seat of
government of TJdyana. The district yields much gold and
safBron. In the vhhey is a gr^t Monastery by the side of which
IB a carved wooden image of Tzu-shxh P'nsa (Maitreya Bodhi-
sattva) of a brilliant golden hue and of miraculo”» powers , it is
above lOO feet high , it was the work of the arhat Madhyantika
who by hi8 aupematural power thrice bore the artist to Tushita
Heaven to study Maitreya a beautiful characteristics , the spread
of Buddhism eastwards dates from the existence ot this image

It IS worthy of note that the Life represents Yuan-
chnang as only learning of the road to Ta-li-h, whereas
the text of the Records seems to imply that he actually
travelled from Mangkil to that place. One +ext of the
Life also makes the distance between the two places to
he only ten li, but m the D text it is 1000 Ji as in the
Records. The Ta-h-lo valley is apparently, as Cunningham
suggests, the To-li country of Ra-hsien and the modem '
Darel; it may be also the Torla-Po (Dard?) of a Buddhist
§astra.^ The great wooden image of Maitreya in this
district was a very celebrated one, and it is stiange to
find, our pilgrim making it 100 feet high while Fa-hsien
makes it only 80 feet high.3

PO-LU-LO (BOLOE).

Proceeding east from Ta-b-lo across mountains and guDeys
going up the ludus, by flying bridges over precipices, a journey
of above 500 h brought you to the Fo-hi-lo country. This was

> Sar Vin. I. c

9 A. G. L p. 82, Abhi-ta-vib, ch 79 {Ta-la-to ^ P£)

• Fo-kuo-cbi, eft. 6.

240

TAK8HA‘SILA.

above 4000 h in circuit and was situated m the Great Snow
Mountains, it was long from east to west and narrow from north
to south, it produced wheat and pulse and gold and silver. The
people were rich, the chmate was -cold, the inhabitants were
rude and ugly in appearance; they wore woollen clothes, their
writing was very like that of India but their spoken language
was pecuhar. There weie some hundreds of Buddhist Monasteries,
and some thousands of Brethren who were without defimte
learning, and were very defective in their observance of the rules
of their Order

The Po~li(Ao of this passage is apparently, as has been
suggested by others, the Bolor of later writers and the
modem Balti or Little Tibet But it may be doubted
whether the pilgrim’s account was derived from a personal
visit; it may have been all obtained at Mangldl. Accord-
ing to the Fang-chih the traveller after a journey of 500 li
east from JDarel crossed the Oxus east into the Po-lurlo
country. The narrative in the Life does not make any
mention of this country.

TAKSHASILA.

From this (i e. Bolor) the pilgrim returned to XJtakahantu
(Udaka Khan da) city, went south across the Indus here three
or four It broad and flowing south-west (in B and 0 but in D
south) pure and clear, to the Takslia^ila country. This was above
2000 h in circuit, its capital being above ten h in circuit The
chiefs were in a state of open feud, the royal family being
extinguished, the country had formerly been subject to Kapis
but now it was a dependency of Kashmir, it bad a fertile soil
and bore good crops, with flowing streams and luxuriant vege-
tation; the climate was genial, and the people, who were plucky,
were adherents of Buddhism Alihough the Monasteries were
numerous, many of them were deso'^ate, and the Brethren, who
were very few, were all MahSyanists.

The Ta-cha-shi~lo (Taksbai^tt or Taxila)t of this passage
seems to be describea by the pilgrim as adjacent to
Gandbara, but Fa-hsien makes Taksba^ila to be seven days’
journey east from his GandhSra.^ These two travellers
treat Taksba^ila as a district separate from GandhSra,

1 Fo-kuO'fhi, ch 11.

taksha-silA.

241

but in several of the Buddbst books it appears as a part or
city of that country Fa-hsien explains the name as meaning
“cut off head” as if the second part of the word were
^ira. Another author translates it by sjo-sTith (fij jg') or
“severed rock”, i and another by ts'O’sliih or

“chiseled rock;2 it is rendered by “rock-cave”, 3 and inter-
preted as meaning “the Rock of the Takkas” The Pah
foim of the name is TakkasilS. In veiy old times, it is
fabled, a cit} called Bhadrasila was on the site aftei wards
occupied by Taksha^ila,^ and m modem tunes the latter
has also had the name Mankala s Baron Hugel thought
that the site of the old city corresponded with that of
the present Rawal-Pindi,® but Cunningham places the site
of Taksha^ila at the modem Shahdhen, a mile to the
north-east of Kalaka-serai Theie seems to be much in
favoui of Cunningham’s identification which has been gene-
rally accepted.^ According to the statements in the
Buddhist books Talcshasila was at one tune an important
tradmg centre, and a gieat seat of leaining specially
famed for its medical teachers.^ It formed a part of
Asoka’s empire; and that sovereign, and after him his son,
were viceroys appomted to reside at it before they suc-
ceeded to the throne. 9

Above 70 /j to the north-west of the capjtal was the tanh of
the I-lo-jpo-t^Ao (EJapattra) Dragon -Jung above 100 paces in
carcoit, its limpid water beautifnJ with vanoua»colonred Jotases
This dragon was the bhikshn who an the time of Eafiyopa

* Hsing-cbi-cbing, ch 38
3 A-yfi-wang'ching ch. 10

3 E. g. m A-yu-wang-bsi-huai-mu-yin-yasn-clung (Bun. Ho, 1867).
It 18 Bometimes doubtful whether the name “Rock-cavc” Is applied
to Takeha^ila or to Gandhara.

< Bad lat. Nep. p 810.

6 Alberum Vol i, p 302

« Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab p gSO et al,

"A G I. p 104 , Me Onndlo’s In’^on of India by Alexander
the Great p. &d2.

8 Ta-chuang-yen-Iun-ching, ch 8, 16.

» DivySv p. 371, A-yu-wang-ebuan, ch 1.

242

EHAPAtHA NAGA-BAJA,

Buddha destroyed an l-lo-po-tS^lo tree; hence when the natives
are praying for rain or weather they have to go with a
monk to the tahk, and when they have cracked their fingers,
and spoken the dragon fair, they are sure to have their prayers
answered.

The story here alluded to of the Tery ancient Buddhist
monk who was afterwards reborn as the Elapattra Dragon-
king 18 told with slight vaiiations in several Buddhist
books. The monk was a very pious good ascetic living
in' a lonely hermitage among Cardamon (Ela) plants or
“Ha trees”. He was much given to ecstatic meditation
and on one occasion he remained absorbed in thought all
the morning and until it was the afternoon. He then
arose, took his bowl, and went in the usual manner into
the town or village, to beg his daily food The people,
seemg him beg for food out of hours, upbraided him, and
made disagreeable remarks about his violation of the rules
of his Order, The monk became annoyed and imtated
by these remarks, and went back to bis heimitage. Here
he paced up and down as usual, but bemg in a bad
temper be could not endure the touch of the leaves of
the Els (or “Ha trees”). So he tore them off and angrily
strewed ^em on the ground. When the Buddha Kasyapa
came to remonstrate with him for injuring the plants, and
tried to bring him to a proper frame of mind, the monk
was rude to the Buddha, and refused to take his reproof.
For the two offences, eating food in the afternoon and
breaking off the Ela leaves (or scorning the Buddfc&’f
reproof for doing so), the monk was reborn as a Dragon-
king. In this form ho had a monstrous, hideous, imd
distressing body with seven heads from each of whi(^
grew an “Ha and so long was his body that it

reached from Benares to Takshaiila, a distance of above
200 Yejanas. ‘Whilo the Buddha was at Benares this
ElEpattra dragon came thither seeking for the explanation
of an mcomprehensible verse, and having assumed the form
of a universal sovereign, he preserded himself in the con-
gregation of the Buddha. The latter, however, caused the
dragon to resume his proper form, and then informed

THE EOUE GEEATTEEABUBES.

248

that at the advent of Maitreya he would be released from
the dragon existence. Elapattra then undertook to lead
a life of gentleness and mercy not doing harm to any
creatur&i In all the Chineso transcriptions the name
Ela (or Ila)-pattra is given both to the tree which the
bhikshu injured and to the dragon-king, but theic does
not seen- to be any plant or tree with the name Ela-
pattra, I-ching transcribes the name of the dragon J-lo-
as if for Elapat, and he uses a different transcription
for the name of the great Treasure.

From the Dragon*Tonk Ynan-chnang proceeded south-east for
above thirty H to g place between two ranges of hills where
there was an Asoha tope above 100 feet high. This marked the
spot at which, according to the Buddha’s prediction, when
Maitreya comes as Buddha one of the four great natural Treasures
of valuables will be m eiostence

The four great Treasures here alluded to are those of
Elapattra in Gandhara, Pan^uka m Mithila, Pingala in
Kabnga, and Sankha m the Kasi (Benares) country.2
According to some authorities it was at Savatthi that the
Buddha made to Anathapipdaka the announcement of the
existence of these four hidden Treasures to he revealed
at the time when IWaitreya comes to he Buddha, but other
versions of the story differ. So also some accounts re-
present the Treasures as being already made use of by
the people who every seventh year, on the seventh day of
the seventh month, drew at will from the Treasures, which
did not experience any diminution.* When Maitreya
comes as Buddha the ElSpattra, Psuduka, and Pingala
Treasures are to be transferred to that of Sankha In
the Ts&ig-yira-han-ching we find the terms dragon and

Fu-kai-ohSug-BO-chi-ohing ^ IE ^ ! Sar Vm

Tsa-Bbib, di 21, J B T S. VoL u, P. 3, p. 2, BockhiU Infe p 46.
9 See Divyav p. 61.

3 Anathapm^ada-hua-cb'i-tzu-chmg (No 649); Ta§ng-yi-a-ban-
ching, ch 49.

* Upaflaka-duo-ohing, ch 6 (No 1088) See also Sar Vin. Yao-
•bib, ch. 6

Q*

244

LEGEND OF THE SEVERED HEAD.

dra>gon~1dng applied to ElSpattra in connection -witli the
Treasure at Takslia^S m Gandhara, but in the other
accounts there is no reference to a dragon. Some think
that ElSpattra was the name of a kmg, but it was pro-
bably the name of the place afterwards extended to the
Tank and the dragon of the Tank. It was undoubtedly
this ElSpattra Treasure which our pilgrim here mentions
as a sacred spot divinely protected and marked by a tope.

Above twelve lx to tbe north of Taksba^ilfi city, the pilgrim
continues, was an Aaoka tope which on Fast days sent forth a
bnlhant light accompanied by divine flowers and heavenly music.
Tuan-chuang learned at the place that within recent times a
miracle had occurred in connection with this tope A woman
afflicted with a repulsive skm-disease had come to it for purposes
of worslup, finding the building in a very filthy state she set
to work to cleanse it, and having succeeded in this she presented
flowers and incense. Thereupon her disease left her, and she
became' a beautiful woman, breathing a perfume of blue lotus
At tbe site of this tope, Yuan-chuang tells us, the P'usa as
Chandraprabha (Moon-bnghtness) king cut off his oivn head as
an act of charity, and did this in 1000 similar births

\

Fa-hsien simply relates that the P‘usa here once gave
his head in chanty to a man, and adds that this act gave
its name to the country, as if Taksha-^ira or “Severed
head”.i In another tieatise it is the long Of the Kan-yi
(II country who agrees to 'give his head to a wicked
and importunate petitioner, but when the latter draws his
sword to cut off the lang’s head, a deity intervenes and
saves the king’s bfe.2 In this Jataka the king is the
P'usa, and the cruel petitioner is Devadatta, Tins stoiy
is told with some variations in the “DivyavadSna Mala’*
where the kmg is Chandraprabha, and his head is actually
cut off by the petitioner.® In one book we read of Prince
Moon-bnghtness (Chandraprabha) givmg his blood and
marrow to heal a poor distressed man.< It is rather

* Fo-kuo-chi 1 c.

^ Iiiu-iu-chi-ching, rh 1
3 Bud Lit Nep p 310
i Tft-chih-tu-lun, ch 12

KUMABA-IiABDHA

246

conous to find the story which Yuan-chuang here tells
about the woman alfiicted with a loathsome skin disease
cleansing the sacred buildmg and offenng flowers and in
consequence becoming healed and endowed with beauty
and d sweet breath quoted m an Abhidharma-vibhasha-
^astia.*

Near the Head-giving Tope, Yuan-chnang relates, was an old
ruinous Monastery occupied by a few Brethren It was in this
monastery that the Sautrantika Doctor in Buddhism by name Kou-
mo-lo-lo-to (Elnmaralabdha) once composed expository treatises

The name of this learned Buddhist Sastia-master as
given here is translated in a Chinese note by Timg-shou
(£ or “Received from the Youth”, that is from Ku-
mara, the god of war, the name bemg Kumaralabdha. In
the Life the name is given as Ku{Kouymo-lo-to and trans-
lated wrongly by “youth's life”. KumSralabdha, we learn
from another part of the Records, was a native of this
country, but he was taken by force to Kabandha where
the king of the country gave him a splendid monastery
, m the old palace grounds He was, we are told elsewhere,
the founder of the Sautrantika School, and he was cele-
brated over all the Buddhist world for his gemus, his
great learnmg, and his controversial abilities. He was
one of the “Four Suns illuminatmg the world”, the three
others being Aivaghosha, Leva, and Nagarjuna.^ Kuma-
ralabdha is mentioned by TSranatha as a Sautrantika
Master by the name Gzon-nu-len or “Youth-obtained”, but
he seems to be httle known in Buddhist hterature and
^ history. 3 He may perhaps be the great Kiu{Kuy)no-lo-Vo
who is the 18* (or 19*) m the hst of Buddhist Patriarchs <

On the north Bide of the south hill to the south-east of the
capital was a tope above 100 feet high erected by king Asoka

1 Abhi-ta-vib , ch. 114 Here Asoka had built a Ohaitya at the
place where king Ohandraprabha had given 1000 heads (his own head
1000 times)

a Ch 12, J. YoL in, p 213
3 Tar S 78.

< Fu-fa-tsang-ym-yuan-chuan, ch 6 (No 1840;

246

liEGBND OF PRINOB KUNALA.

on the spot where his son Prince Ku’lang-na (for Ku na-lang),
orKnnala, had his eyes tom out by the gmlo of his step-inotlier;
the blind came here to pray, and many liad their prayers answered
by restoration of sight Onr pilgrim then proceeds to tell hia
version of the story ofKunala’s career; of Asoka on the advice
of his wicked second queen sending his son to govern Takshsiila,
of the blinding of this prince there liy the cruel deceitful action
of this queen, of the return of the prince and his princess to
tlie king’s palace, and of the restorabon of the prince’s eyesight
effected by the Buddhist arhat Ghoaha.

Some versions of tins pathetic story represent Asoka as
sending Ins son to restore order in Taksha^ila on the
advice of a Minister of state and without any interference
on the pturt of Tishyaraksha, the cruel, vindictive, libidi-
nous queen, and in some accounts the prince dies alter
hi8 return home without having any miracle to restore
his eyes. His name was Dharmavivaidhana, and his father
gave lum the sobriquet iCunSla because his eyes were
small and beautiful, precisely like those of the Himavat
bird with that name. Tlie blinding of this pious and
virtuous prince was the consequence of bad Karma wTought
m a far-past existence He had blinded 600 deer, accord-
ing to one story, or an arhat, according to another version,
or he had taken the eyes out of a chaitya, accoiding to
the Avadana-kalpalatil. Ghosha, the name of the arhat
who restored eyesiglit to Kunala, was also the name of
a physician of this district who was celebrated as an
oculist

The TakshaSil^ city and region were celebrated from
old times, and we read of the king of the country who
was contemporai 7 with the Buddha commg to RSjsgaha
on the invitation of king Bimbisara to see Buddha This
king became a convert and was ordained, but he died by
an nnhappy accident before he could return to his king'
doni. With reference to this country in later times we

> A-yu-wwig-chnan, eft. 8 ; A-yd-wang-IiBi-liunbrtu-yin-ynan-ching

^0 Pnnea ie tent on the advice of Yasa), Fa-yi*ching

where the atory is like that told by Yuan-chnang, Dlvy&v. p. 416*

Bor. Int. p 404; Bod Lit. Nep. p. 61.

■WEALTH OP TAE8H1LA

247

liare the following interesting passage in Chmningliam’s
“Ancient Geography of India” — “At the tune of Doha’s
accession the wealth of Taxila is said to have amounted
to 36 liotts or 360 millions of some unnamed coin, which,
evfen if it was the silver tangJca, or six pence, would have
amounted to nine crores of rupees, or £ 9,000,000. It
18 probable, however, that the coin intended by the Indian
writer was a gold one, m which case the wealth of this
city -would have amounted to about 90 or 100 milhons of
pounds. I quote this statement as a proof of the great
reputed wealth of Taxila within fifty years after Alexander’s
expedition” (p. 106). The whole of this statement is based
on Bumoufs translation of a passage in the Asokavadana
m the “Introduction k I’histoire du Buddhisme Indien”
(p 373) which reads — “Le roi (i e. Asoka) fit fabriquer
quatre-vingt-quatre miUe boites d'or, d’argent, de cristal
et de lapis-lazuh, puis il y fit enfermer les rehques H
donna ensuite aux Yakchas et d6posa entre leurs mams
quatre-vingt-quatre miUe vases avec autant de bandelettes,
les distnbuant sur la terre tout entifere jusqu'aux nvages
de l’oc6an, dans les villes inf^rieures, prmcipales, et
moyennes, ou Qa fortune des habitants] s'^levait k un koti
[de Suvamas]. Et il fit 6tabhr, pour chacune de ces viUesj
uu 6dit de la Lol

En ce temps-lk on comptait dans la ville Takcha^ila
trento-six kotis [de Suvanjasj. Les citoyens dirent an roi :
Accorde-nous trente-six boites. Le roi refl^chit qu’il ue
le pouvait pas, puisque les rehques devaient etre distn-
buees. Voici done le moyen qu’il employa: H faut re-
trancher, dit-il, trente-cmque kotis. Et il ajonta Les
villes qui depasseront ce chifire, comme celles qui ne
I’atteindront pas, u’auront nen”.

It will be observed that in this passage the words “la
fortane des habitants” and “de Suvaruas” are introduced
by the learned tianslator to supplement the language and
complete the meaning of jus author. But these words do
not seem to be warranted by the Sanskrit onginal, which
apparently refers to inhabitants, and not to coins. This

248

THE MON C3ITT.

interpretation is supported by two out of tbe three Chinese
translations, the third translation being apparently from
a different text. The passage translated by Bumouf would
thus mean something like the following — The king had
84 000 boxes made to hold Buddha’s relics. These boxes
he gave to Yakshas to disti-ibute among all large, medium,
and pmall towns having a koti of inhabitants. But the
people of Takshaiila said— We are thiriy-six kotis in
number and we want thirty-six boxes. The king seeing
he could not give a box for every koti of inhabitants in
his dominions said to the Taksha^ilans — ^No, you must
knock off thirty-five kotis for the rule is to be that a box
is to be given only to those places which have exactly a
koti of inhabitants neither more nor less.*

According to one story the people of Takshaiila accepted
the king’s conditions and received a box of relics. But
from other accounts it is to be inferred that they did not
obtain any of the rehcs. Neither Ea-hsien nor our pilgiim
refers to the presence in this country of one of 'the
84000 boxes contaming Buddha’s relics distributed by
Yakshas for Asoka.

SI^HAPURA.

From this (that is, the neighbourhood of Taksba^ila) going south-
east acroBs hills and valleys for above 700 li you come to the
Seng-ha-pu-lo (Sihhapura) country; this ■was about 3500 1% m
circuit with the Indue on its west frontier. The capital fourteen
or fifteen li m circuit rested on hills and was a natural fortress.
The soil of the country was fertile; the chmate was cold, the
people were rude, bold, and deceitful There was no king and
the country was a dependency of Kashmir

The text of this paragraph by itself and taken in con-
nection with what follows presents serious difficulties.
Although the pilgrim seems to describe himself here as

1 Divyav p 381 In A-yti-wang-chuan, ch. 1 and m Tsa-a-han-
ching, c}i 23 it 18 a matter of population, and in A-yu-vrang-chmgt
eh. 1 it 18 a question of money. The particular form of expression
nsed seems to be susceptible of both these interpretations.

SINHAPUKA.

249

going south-east from Takshasila to Sinhapura, yet a little
further on he represents himself as leturnmg from the
latter to the north of the foimer. In the Life, at this
part of Yiian-chuang’s journey, the D text makes him hear
of (^) Sinhapura at Takshasila, but the other texts state
that Sinhapura iras among (Ph^) the hiUs and valleys
700 It south-east from TakshaSila In another passage of
the Life Sinhapura is placed about twenty-two days’
journey from Takshasila and apparently to the east of
that city, but the direction is not given.* If the rest of
the nariative with which we are now concerned be correct
it would seem that north-east should be substituted for
south-east in the statement of the direction of Sinhapura
from Takshasila. "We cannot imagme Yuan-chuang going
700 li (about 140 miles) south-east from Takshasila, then
turning back to the north of that distnct, and setting out
from it £^am south-eastwards. Erom the context heie it
seems to be clear that Yuan-chuang places Sinhapura
to the north of TakshaiilS rightly or wrongly. Moreover
the “Eang-chih” which places Sinhapura to the south-east
of Taksha^ilH, following the Records, yet makes the latter
place to be south of the former.

Cunnmgham, in his “Ancient Geography of India”, iden-
tifies the capital of Smhapur with KetSs “situated on
the north side of the Salt Range, at 16 miles from Pind
Dadan Khan, and 18 miles from ChakOwal, but not more
than 85 miles from Shah-dheri or Taxila”.* This identi-
fication, to which Ounningham did not adhere, has smce
been established by D' Stem to his own satisfaction, and
that of D* Btlhler.* It is true that distance from Taxila,
extent of temtory, situation of capital, and one or two
other details do not tally, but such discrepancies are not
insuperable difficulties to an enthusiastic Indian archaio-
logist.

1 Ch 5 The T'ang-Shnh (ch 221) agrees with Yn^n-chaang in
placing Sifighapura 700 h to the south-east of the Taxila district.

» A. G I. p 124.

3 Trfibncr’s Or Rec. No 249 p. 6

250

A SCEKE OF eUNSHIN*.

Near the eoath of the capital was an Asoka tope the beaat;
of which was impaired altliough its miracnloai powers continned,
and beside it was a Buddhist monastery quite deserted. Forty
or fifty h to tho south-east of the capital was a stone tope above
200 feet high built by Asoka Here were also more than ten
tanks large and small— “a scene of sunshine'*. The banks of
these tanks were of carved stone representing various forms and
strange kinds of creatures. The strugghng water (that is, the
nver which supplied the tanks) was a clear brawling current;
dragons, fish, and other ^tery tribes moved about in the
cavernous depths, lotuses of the four coloursucovered the sur-
face of the clear ponds, all kinds of fruit trees grew thick
making one splendour of various hues and, the bnghtness of
the wood mixing with that of the tanks, the place was truly a
pleasure-ground.

The words “a scene of sunshine” in this passage are a
quotation and in the original are ipng4at-t8o-yu (0^

;^) “a sunshine home left and nght”. The meaning is
that there was a continuous hne of bnglitness along the
sides of the tanks and the stream by whicli they were
supplied. Julien undei stood the passage to mean that
the tanks surrounded the tope “k gauche et i droite,
d’une humide cemture”. But this seems to be impossible
and is -not in the on gin a Our pilgrim saw (or was told)
tliat the mountain stream formed a pool or tank m its
course, flowed out from this and formed another, and so
on, making above ten tanks, the stream all the way between
tbe tanks being above ground in the daylight. The people
had afterwards furnished these tank.s with facings for their
banks made of curiously carved stone.

Supposing Ketas to be the modem representative of
Sinhapura we may compare with Yuan-chuang’s account
the description which D* Stein gives from personal ob-
servation of the sceneiy at Murti a few miles south-east
from Eetfts — “The bed of the Ketas brook forms in the
narrow and very“pictures((ue (Jamdhala valley a number
of small tanks, and-at a bend, where there are two large
basins, stands the hilT of Murti. From the top of the
hilt I heard dfekrtct5y- the murmuring of tbe brook, which
on leaving, tbe chieftank, forces its way between a number

SVETAMBAHA JAINS.

261

of boulders. Dene groups of trees, such as Hiuen Tsiang
describes, are refleted m the limpid waters of the tanks,
which still swarm vith fish”. D* Stein also saw at KetHs
“two richly-orname ted stone pillars which were stated to
have come fiom Muti” “The sculptures on their capitals
differ”, he adds, “bit are decidedly m the Jama style,
showing seated, nak d male figures with garlands in their
hands You will uncerstand that they forcibly lemmded
me of Hiuen Tsiang’s “balustrades of different shapes and
of strange character”.” The words within inverted commas
at the end of this paragrapl are an incorrect quotation
from Bui nouf who puts “halu trades” m itahcs and within
brackets to show that the wort is the gloss which he adds
to his text. There is nothing whatever corresponding to
the word in the Chinese.

Oar pilgrim continues his desnption and tells us that beside
[the tope?] was a Buddhist monstery which had long been un"
occupied Not iar fiom the tpe, he says, was the place at
which the founder of the “Whit-^dothes” sect having come to
realize in thought the ipnnciplesfor which he had been seeking
first preached his system, the pace being now marked by a
raemonal beside which a Deva-lemple had been erected. The
disciples [of (he founder of tb 'White-clothes sect] practise
austerities persevering day and ight without any relaxation.
The system which their founder preached, Yuan-chuang says,
was largely taken from the docimes of the Buddhist canon
He proceeded according to classe and made rules of orderly
discipline, the great (u e senior) dsciples ate Bhikshns and the
small ones are called firamaneras, tieir rules of deportment and
ntnal observances are much like thse of the Buddhist system
but they leave a little hair on the lead and they go naked, or
if they wear clothes these have the peculiarity of being wniie.
By these differences of detail they hive gradually become quite
distinct (viz from the Buddhists), he images of their “deva
teacher" they have venturned to mate like those of Buddha,
with the difference as to clothing, the hstinguishing marks being
the same

From a caieful study of all this eassage and the pie-
ceding one about the Sinbapor couitry iiod the objects
of interest which it contained, one feds very mucli inclined
to bebeve that the pilgnm did not vi it the place on this

252

XX^A2^-CHtJANG ON THE JAINS.

occasion and that hs obtained his information about it at
Taksha^ila and elsevhere. What he tells us about the
“white robed non-Buddhists, ]}ai-yi-wai4ao ( g is

very interesting, but i is vague and unsatisfactoiy. This
sect was evidently, as has been pointed out by others, the
Svetftmbaras, a development of primitive Jaimsm. But
who was the founder of it who attained spiritual enhghten-
ment and began to preadi his system in this region? The
spot had a memorial of the event at the time of Yuan-
chuang’s visit, or as Julim translates — “Aujourd’hui, on
y voit ime inscription”. Bit this seems to be more than
is m the original— (4* ^ ^ iil)> "^J^ich
perhaps means only “there is now a memorial of the event
set up”. Beside this memorial there had been erected a
“Deva- Temple”. Julien adds— “Les sectaires qui le frequen-
tent”, but the Chinese has ony %) which means

“his disciples”, that is, the f Uowers of the founder of the
sect The pilgrim is telling us now of the Svetambara
and Digambara ascetics geneially. Severe austenties were
inculcated and practised by the Jains from their first
appearance and wherever tley hved. The constitution,
doctrines, and outward obserances of their rehgion with
certain exceptions named had according to our pilgnm,
been appropriated from Buddhism. It is thus plain that
Yuan-chuang had been taught that Jainism as a system
was later in origin than Buddinsm, and was mainly derived
from the latter. His remarks on this subject appear very
extraordinary when we remember that the Nirgrantha (or
Jain) sect figures largely m the Buddhist canonical works.
It was evidently a large and infiuential body in the time
of Gautama Buddha, who was an avowed opponent of the
system, and argued strongly against its teaching as to the
efficacy of bodily austerities. As Yuan-chuang must have
known, the Jams had their ritual code and their rehgious
and philosophic creed and organisation at the tune of the
founder of Buddhism.

It should be noticed that our pilgrim does not make
mention of a Jain establishment at Sinhapur, or of any

itbedinothe tigbess

253

inhabitants -whatever m tfe neighbourhood of the tope.
There were at the place aBuddinst monastery without
Biethren and a Deva-Temde, but no Jam temple or
monastery is mentioned. Th<s D' Stein’s sculptures fiom
Murti “decidedly in the Jaiia style” and thus enabling
him to find “Hiuen Tsiang’s loig-looked for Jama temple’*
must wait fot hirther devclopaents The KotSs district
as described by D' Stem seems to present some agreement
with our pilgrim’s Smhapura m its natural scenery, having
a stream, a senes of tanks, and dense vegetation. But
this does not amount to much, aid as it is appaiently the
only point m which there is any resemblance, it is not
enough for a basis of identification

Oar pilgnm proceeds to relate thatfrom this (i e the Sifilia-
pnra district) he went back to the norh confines of the Taksha-
efla country, crossed the Indus, and tavclled south-east going
over a great rocky Pass Here long ag the Pnnee Mahasattva
gave up his body to feed a hungry tig css About 140 paces
fiom this wjis a stone tope at the siiotto which Mahasattva
pitying tihe vnld beast’s feeble state came , lere piercing himself
•With a dry bamboo he gave his blood to he tigress, and she
after taking it ate the Pnnee, the soil and th vegetation of the
spot had a red appearance as if blood-dyed Tavellers suffenng
from tlie wild thorns of the place, whethei they are hehevers or
sceptics, are moved to pity

This story of the compassionate Pimce givng his body
to save tlie lives of a staiwing tigiess and hpi ubs is told
with variations in several Buddhist books. Tq version
which Yuan-chuang apparently liad before him was that
given m the “Hsien-yQ-chmg” which agiees m he mam
with Schiefner’s translation from the Tibetan. i A cording
to the story there was once many kalpas before t e time
of Guntama Buddha a-king of a great countiy the name
of which IS not given But the name of the km was
MahSratna (or Mahtlratha), and he had three sob the
youngest of whom was called Mahasattva. This piuce
grew up to be good and gentle, and veiy compassioiate

• Hsion-yji-climg, c/i 1, Her "Weise n d T, S 91, P'u-sa-ien-
•h^nf-man-lnn, elt 1. Cf. Bud. Lit Nep , p. 247.

264

STOEr OF THE TIGBBSS.

to all creatures. It happened that one day he and his
brothers were strolling among the hills when they saw
near the foot of a precipice a tigress with two cubs. The
tigress was reduced to a skeleton, ahd was so utterly
famished with hunger that she was about to eat her young
ones. Prince Mahasattva, seemg this, left his brothers, an'd ^
desirous of saving the animaPs life, and the hves of her
cubs, threw himself down the precipice, and then lay still
for the tigress to eat him. But she was too weak and
exhausted to take a bite out of his body. So he pricked
himself with a sharp thorn and thus drew blood. By
lickmg this blood the wild beast gained stiength, and then
she devoured the prmce leaving only his bones. When
hiB parents found these, they had them buned, and then
raised a mound or tope at the grave. This Mahttsattva
was the Buddha in one of his numerous preparatory stages
of existence as a Boddhisattva.

Other versions of the story give the number of the
tigress’ cubs as seven, the number in the Life. This
jataka, sometimes called the Yyaghrl (or Tigress) JStaka,
is not in the Pah collection, but the story is in Hardy’s
“Manual of Buddhism” where the P'usa is a brahmin
named Brahma and Hves near DsUddi, a village not for
from the rock Munda (otherwise called Eraka).' in one
version the P'usa is the prince Chandanamati son of king
GandhaSri of Gandhamati (that is, Gandhara);^ in another
he is a Prince in the Panch§la country, and m another
the scene of the self-sacrifice is not localised. The Chinese
pilgrim of the Sung period found the precipice from which
Mahasattva threw himself in a mountaiu to the west of
Kashmir. 3

The word which Yuan-chuang uses in this passive for
“tigress” is the unusual one (J^ ^ or as in

This word, also written pronounced ivu-t*Ut ^

1 M. B. p. 94

2 P‘u-Ba-t‘e-Bhen-8BU-ngo-liu*oii‘i-l'a-yin-yTUUi-clinig (No. 496).

3 Ma T. L, eh, 838.

THE WTANIKTALA TOPE

255

old Central-China name for a tige>‘, and it is also a re-
cognized term but of very rare occurrence.*

To the north of the Body-ofiFenng Tope was a stone Asoka
tope above 200 feet high with very artistic ornamentation and
shedding a miracnlous light. Small topes and above 100 small
shrines encircled the grave, pilgnms afflicted with ailments made
circumambulation, and many were cured To the cast of this
tope was a monasteiy with above 100 Brethren all MahaySmsts

We have thus two topes at this place to commemorate
the self-saciifice of the Phisa to save the life of the tigress.
Cunningham has identified one of these, apparently the
stone one, with the great Manikyala Tope, and he quotes
the Chinese pilgrims’ testimony in support of this identi-
fication.2 Now Pa-hsien places the scene of the “body-
offeiing”, and the site of the memorial tope, at a spot two
days’ journey east from his TakshasilS, which was seven
days’ journey east from his Gandhara; Sung-yun, who does
not mention any tope, places the scene eight days’ journey
south-east from the capital of Cdyana, and Yuan-chuang
puts it above 200 li (about 40 miles) south-east from the
north of the Taksho^a country. For Sung-ynn’s UdySna
Cunmngham substitnes Gandh&ra, for Yuan-chuang’s “north
of Taksha^ila” he substitutes “Taxila”, and he makes the
“Indus” of the ^Records to he a mistake for the “Suhan”
Biver. Then he finds that the thiee pilgnms have thus
exactly descnbed the situation of the great Manikyala
Tope, which is about 34 miles south-east from Shah-dhen.
The identification of this tope with either of those men-
tioned here by Yuan-chnang seems to he attended with
serious difficulties. The large stone tope was built by
Asoka and the other one (accordmg to tradition) was Irailt
either by a king of Gandhara contemporary with the
Buddha or by Asoka, and the Manikyala tope cannot he
referred to an earher penbd than the first century of oui
era. The tope near the “grave” or spot in which Maha-
sattva’s bones were mteixed was known as the “Sattva-

* See Fang-yen {'fj ch. 8
3 A. G L p 121.

256

VAT?SA REG 10 OF PTOLEMY.

^arira Tope” or more fully as the “Tope of the relics of
the Bodhisattva having given up his body to the tigress.”
It \7as supposed, we ai'e told, to have been built by the
king of Gandhara after he had heard the pathetic story
from the Buddha.

The Monastery mentioned in the above passage was
visited by the Chinese pilgrim monk by name Fa-sMng
^)> 3. native of EIao-ch‘ang, about the beginning of
the 5^*^ century A.D. He found it a large establishment
frequented by about 5000 Brethren, and the great tope
was then daily visited by crowds of pilgrims coming to be
cured of infirmities

From thiB (i. e. the place of the inteiment of Mahasattva’a
bones) the pilgnm proceeded eastward above BO K to an isolated
hill Here was a monastery with above 200 Brethren, all students
of the MahSyana system, amid luxuriant vegetation and with
pellucid streams and tanks Beside the monastery was a tope
above 300 feet high which marked the place where the Buddha
once converted a wicked Yaksha, and made him give up the
eating of animal food

Continuing h.s journey, our pilgnm travelled south-east over
hills for above 500 Iv, and arnved at the Wu’la~8h%h country.
This was a very hilly region above 2000 h in circuit, with little
cultivated land; the capital was seven or eight in circuit, but
there was no ruler and the country was a dependency of Kashmir ,
the people were rough and deceitfhl, and they were not Buddhists.
About four h to the south-east of the capital was an Asoka tope
above 200 feet high, and at its side was a monastery which OOB*
tamed a few Brethren all MahaySmsts.

Wvrlorshih of this passage, in the D text of the
Ltfe WiiAorcha, perhaps represents an original hbo tTras
or Uraksb. The word for ‘‘over bills” {^an |ll) is
of the texts, but not in all. Cunningham identifies this
countay with the ^Yarsa BegiG of Ptolemy, and with the
modem distnct of Rash, in DhantSwar, to the west o
Muzafarabad”. That is, Yuan-chuang places the district
liras about 125 south-east from the TakshaSilS coun^j
and Cunningham, without any wammg or explan mn,
places it above 100 miles to the north-east of that country.

» A. G I. p> 103

DOUBTFUL IDBNTIITCAIIONS.

257

M. St. Martin, who had made the same identification,
suggests that there is a mistake in our author’s text which
should hare north-east instead of south-east ^ But this
latter is the reading of all the texts, and of the Life, and
the Fang-chih In another passage of the Life, however,
we find Blashmir placed 60 yojanas distant from Taksha-
^il5 in a north-east direction. 2 There are apparently
mistakes in the pilgnm’s account of some of the places
m this part of his nari’ative with respect to their relative
positions, and, on the other hand, the identifications pro-
posed are not to be accepted as absolutely correct A
later investigator, who also *Silently ignores the pilgrim’s
statement of direction, thinks that “the country of Urasa
corresponded pretty nearly to that of the modern Hazara,
if we include m that term the whole tract up to the Indus,
now held by the Tamaohs, the Hassarzais, the Akazais
and others” This writer regards Hanpur as corresponding
^ to Yuan-chuang’s capital of Uras, the actual city being
now Represented by Pir-mSmaka, a Mahometan shrine
close under the citadel of Hanpur. The identification
here proposed, it will be seen, piactically agrees with that
proposed by prenous investigators.*'’

Prom Uras, the pilgnm goes on to narrate, he continued his
journey south-east above 1000 h over mountains and along
dangerous paths and across iron bridges to the country of Kashmir.

Our pilgnm transcribes this name Ka-sse-mi-lo
Ifl), and the transcription in the T'ang-Shu and other
works 18 Ko-shth-mi ^

‘ Jnlien Tol ui, p. 321,

* <7A 6 and Juhen Vol 1 , p 282

* Revd C Swymerton in Ind Ant Vol xx, p, 386

CHAPTER VIU.

OHUAN m CONT®.

KASHMIR TO RAJAPUE.

EASHMIR

Roe an account of the pilgrim’s entry into Kashmir,
and his amval at the capital of that country, "we are in-
dehted to the narrative in the Life.* This treatise tells
ns that Yuan-chuang entered Kashmir territory by the
rocky Pass which formed the western approach to the
country. At the outer end of the Pass he was received
by the maternal uncle of the king, who had been sent
with hcrses and conveyances to escort him to the capital*
On the way thither the pilgrim passed several Buddlust
monasteries m which he peifoimed worship, and at one,
the Hushkara ^)-vih5ra, he spent a mght Pn*'

ing the night the Brethren of the monastery had dreams
in which they were informed by a deity that their guest
was a Brother from Maha-Cbma who, desirous of learning,
was travelhng in India on a pilgrimage to Buddhist sacr
places; the Brethren were also exhorted by the deity to
rouse themselves to leligious exercises in order to earn
by their proficiency the praise of their lUustnous gues
This was repeated on each of the few days occupied T
the pilgrim and his party m reaching the royal DbarmO'
cSla which was about a yojana from the capital At
building the king was waiting to receive the pilgrim ®
conduct him into the city. His Majesty was attended y

1 Ch. 2 .

HOSMTALErr IN KASHMIR.

269

his grandees, and by certain Buddhist monks from the
capital, and he had a magnificent retinue of aliove 1000 men.
He treated his Chinese visitor with marked ceremomous
respect, and mounted him on one of his large elephants
when setting out foi the city. On his arrival here the
pilgnm lodged for one night in the Jayendra J}}J 0
g}-monastery, but next day on the king’s invitation he
took up his quarters in the palace Then His Majesty
appointed some scores of Biethien with the illustrious
Bhadanta Ch*‘^ng (ff?), or ^YaSa, at their head to wait
on his Chinese guest. He also invited Yuan-chuang to
read ^nd expound the Scriptures, gave him twenty clerks
to copy out Mss, and five men to act as attendants The
pilgrim remained here two years and devoted his time to
the study of certain siitras and ^astras, and to paying
reverence at sacred vestiges (that is, places held in reve-
rence by Buddhists).

Neither the Kecords noi the Life gives the name of the
king of Kaslimir who so hospitably entertained our pilgrim.
It was, apparently, the same king who about this time,
as we leain on I-ching’s authonty, received another Chinese
pilgnm, by name Stlan-hui ^), and entertained him
as a guest in the palace for about a year, when some
unpleasantness arose which caused Silan-hui to leave and
continue his wanderings '

Coming back to the text of the Records we find a
Chinese editorial note added to the word Kashmir telhng
U3 that KiC-Ka)-p*in was an old and mcoiTect

name for the country But in many Chinese treatises
Ka-pm IS a geographical term of vague and varying
extension, and not the designation of a paiticular countrj’

It IS applied m different works to Kapis, Nagar, Gandhara,
Udyana, and Kashmir The region first called Kapin was
once occupied by the Sakas (^), a great nomad people
who spread themselves over vast regions to the north-west

> Hii-yQ-ch‘in, ch 1, Cliavannes M6m p 46

260

KAPIN AKD KASHMIR.

from what is now the distiict of E^ashgar.^ Afterwards
applied less vaguely Kapin was the name of. a country
south of the Ts‘ung-Ling and subject to the Great Yue-ti
(Getse), and it is said to ha\e been a synonym for the
Tsdo of the Sui period ^ But by several Chinese
writers, and translators of Buddhist books into Chinese,
both before and after our pilgi-im’s time, the word Kapm
is used to designate the country which he and others call
Kashmir. Thus for the “charming Ka^mir-city” of the
Diyyavadana the Chinese translation has simply Kapm.
Then we read of the rishi Revata, who lived on a mountain
in Kapm, being converted by the Buddha, and bmldmg a
tope (or chaitya) for the Buddha’s hair- and nail-relics.
This Revata is “Raivataka, a bhikshu of 6aila Vihara at
Ka^mir”, and the “Saila vihara” was the Cliff ^)“
Monastery not far from the old capital of Kashmir.* But
by Chinese writers generally Kapin seems to have been
always loosely apphed, and even down to the T'ang period
the word was used by them to designate a region which
did not correspond to that afterwards known to them as
Kiashmir Thus m the Ssi-yil-clnh^ a Buddhistical treatise
of the Sui period, Kapin is evidently the Kapis of other
works, the country of Buddha’s skull-bone and of the
Chinese Monastery. Even the T‘ang-Shu treats Kashmir
and Kapm as names of two countries, and gives descnptive
particulars about each. In other works of the T'ang
period we find Kapin apparently used to denote the Nagar
and Blapis of earlier writings.

The word Kashmir is transcribed in Chmese in several
ways givmg slight differences as Ka^mir and Kashmir,
and it IS explained as meaning “Who goes in?”. It is
said to have arisen at the tune when MadhySntika induced
the dragon to turn the lake into dry land in the manner
to be presently described. When the people saw the arhat

1 Han-Shu, ch 96, P. I.

2 DivySv. p. 399; Tea-a-han-ching, ch 23, Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch>
Abhi-ta-vib ch. 125, Bud Lit. Nep. p 76.

THE ROOKY PASS.

261

Sitting where water had been a moment before, they were
afraid to venture to him, and kept exclaiming to each
other — Who goes * This etymologj', which reminds
one of Dean Swift, is curious but not sabsfactory Bumouf
suggested that Kaimir might be for Kssyapa-mir, and
one variety of the Chinese transcriptions is Ka-ye (that
is Ka-sa often used for K&syapa)-w«-Zo ^ SS E)
Ka^yapa-mir, but these characters may simpl} be foi
Ka^mir.

The prigriin gives a short genera] descnption of ^Kashmir m
hi8 usual manner. It was, he states, above 7000 lx (1400 miles)
in circuit, surrounded by high steep mountains over which were
narrow difficult Passes, and the country had always been im-
pregnable The capital, which had a large river on its west
side, was 12 or 13 lx from north to south and four or five lx
from east to west. The district was a good agricultural one
and produced abundant fruits and flowers , it yielded also horses
of the dragon stock, saflFron, lenses, and medicinal plants The
climate was very cold in season with much snow and little wind
The people wore serge and cotton (pat*ficA), they were volatile
and timid, being protected by a dragon they crowed over their
neighbours, they were good-looking but deceitful, they were
fond of learning and had a faith which embraced orthodoxy and
heterodoxy (that is. Buddhism and other religions). The Buddhist
Monasteries were above lOO in number, and there were above
6000 Buddhist Brethren , and there were four Asoka topes each
contaimpg above a pint (sMng) of the bodily relics of the Buddha.

The circuit which our pilgrim here assigns to the country
of Kashmir is about 3000 h above that given to it by
Ma Tuan-lm and other authonties, and it is evidently
much too great. The rocky Pass (ht. “stone gate”), by
which the pilgrim entered the country, was evidently the
western Pass which terminates near the iown of Barfi-
mula (Varahamula). This is Alberuni’s “ravine whence
the river Jailam comes, at the other end of this ravine
IS the watch station DvSz, on both sides of the river
Jailara. Thence, leaving the ravine, you enter the plam,
and leach in two more days Addisthan, the capital of

1 Yi-cb'ie-ching-yin-yi, Supplement ch, 1

262

CAPITAL OF KASHMIB.

Kashmir, passing on the road the village of Ushkara,
which hes on both sides of the valley, in the same manner
as Baramula”.^ In the text of the Lite the Piince is
represented as meeting the pilgrim at the outer end of
the Pass, but as he had horses and carriages with him,
we must understand him as waiting for the pilgrim at the
Bvar at the mner end of the Pass. In the T‘ang-Shu
the name of the capital of Kashmir is given as Po-lO’Wii-
lo-pvrlo ^ oE ^ E) Baramula- (or Vai' 5 .ha*

mula)-pura. Other authorities give P i-lo-Pa 5^ Dh)
that is Bhirath, or Shan-chien meaning “of good

Bohdity”, as names for the capital in pievious peiiods.-
Our pilgrim represents the capital as having a large river
on its west side, and the T‘ang-Shu tells us that this was
the Mi-norSi-to ( 5 ^ 01, perhaps, Menasita.

Among the products of Kashmir specified by the pilgrim
in this passage is an article the name of yrhich here as
in other passages is given by me as “saffron”. The ori-
ginal for this 18 Tuh-chtn-hsiang ^ which Julien
and others always render by Curcuma or turmeric. But
this undoubtedly is not the meaning of the term here and
in other passages of the Records and Life. The word
hsiang means “mcense” or “peifume”, and Yu^i-cliin,
pronounced hke Guh-kum, evidently represents a foieign
word. In Sanskiit one name for saffron is KwikumOy and
Yuh~chin in its old pronunciation is to be regarded as a
transcription of this word, or of a provincial variation of
it like the Tibetan Gurkunu That Yuh-chin-hsmng is
“saffron” is seen also by comparing the Tibetan and
Chinese translations of a Sanskrit passage which tells of
Madhyantika’s proceedings m Kashmir. The valuable
plant which this arhat carries off from the Gandhamadana
Mountain, and introduces into Kashmir, is called saffron

* Aljbenini Vol 1 , p 207. So Baron Hligel leaving 'this “Indi*"
Paradue” "passed throogh a rock which together with the river
forms a strong bamer". Travels m Kashmir and the Panjab p. 172
(tr. Jems).

3 Abhi*ta-vib., ck 125.

LENSES IN KASHMIE.

263

in the Tibetan rendering, and Yuh-chin in the Chinese
version. > The safiron plant, Ciocus sativus, has been
gi eatly cultivated in this country from a very early penod
Its flowers were long ago used to adorn the necks of
oxen at the autumn festival m the country, and they were
boiled in aromatic spiiits to make a perfume.^ This, or
some preparation of the flowers, was largely used in
northern countries in the service of worship offei ed before
images m Buddhist temples The flowers of the saffron
plant are still largely used m decoctions, both as a con-
diment and as a pigment, by many of the inhabitants of
Kashmir ^ But the fei{^\f.yyuli-c)iin or purple saffron was
forbidden as a dye-matenal to the Buddhist Brethren.
It seems very likely that the term Yuh-chin-hsiang is
sometimes used in a loose manner and applied to turmeric,
just as the name “Saffion”, we learn, is often given to
turmeric and saffflower <

The word for “lenses’* in Yuan-chuang’s description m
the passage under consideration is huo-chu (*k 3^)» bt-
“fire pearls”, and this is rendered by Julien “lentiUes de
verre”. The pilgnm was here apparently translating the
Sanskrit word dahanopala which means firestone, hurning
gem, and is a name foi ciystal lenses These “fire pearls”
are described as being like crystal eggs, and one of the
tortures of the Hungry Ghosts is that for them the drops
of ram turn mto “fire pearls”.

The reader will observe that our pilgnm, in his enume-
ration of some of the chief products of ^Kashmir, has not
a Word about its grapes and wine. Yet the country was
celebrated for its grapes, and it was long the only place

‘ Sar Vin Tsa-ahib, ch 40, Tfir, S 12, A-yu-wang-chnan, ck 4.
See Dt BretBolineider m Ch Notes and Queries, Vol. in, p 55 and
IV, p 97

2 Abhi-ta-vib, c/t 12, Fa-yuan-chn-lin, ck 36
^ On the laSron of Kashmir eee Lawrence’s “Volley of K a shmir ”
p. 842

* Glossary of Ang-Ind Tenna s v Saffron

j

264

BUDDHISM IN KABHMIE.

in all the parts abont India in which wine was made from
the juice of the grape.

With reference to the state of Buddhism it is remarkable
that our pilgnm gives the number of Buddhist establish-
ments in this country as only 100, while Wu-k‘ung, who
lived in it for some time above a century later, gives the
number at his time as 300. ‘

fTnaTmiiV is one of the most important and most famous
lands in the history of the spread and development of
Buddhism. In the literature of this religion we find
frequent reference to the capital, and the country generally,
in terms of praise and admiration. The pious, learned,
and eloquent Brethren of the region seem to have had a
great reputation even at the time of king Asoka, who is
represented as calling on the disciples of Buddha dwelling
in the “charming city of Ka^mir” to come to his Council ^
When the Buddha and the Yaksha YajrapSni — ^not Ananda
as Yuan-chuang relates — were retuniing through the air
from the conquest and conversion of the Dragon of UdySna,
as they were over the green vales of Kashmir Buddha
drew Vajrapani’s attention to them. 3 Into these, the
Buddha predicted, after my pan-nirvapa an arhat named
Madhyantika will introduce my religion, and the country
will become distinguished* as a home of the Bretliren
devoted to absorbed meditation (Samadhi) and prolonged
contemplation (Vipassana). In anotbei book, the Buddha
is represented as having prophesied that Kashmir would
become rich and prosperous as Uttaravat, that Buddhism
would flourish in it, the number of the disciples being
beyond counting, and that it would become like the Tushita
Paradise.^ The country, he said, would be like Indra s
Pleasure-garden, or the Anavatapta Lake distnct, and it
would be a real “great Buddhist Congregation.”

The pilgrim proceeds with bis narrative and relate! the itory

J Shih-li-chmg; J. A 1896, p 341 ff.

2 Tsa-a-han-chmg, ch 23; Divjav. p 899

3 Sar Vin Yao-shih, ch 9
Lien-hua-mien-ching, ch 2 (Bun. No 466).

IiEOEND OP MADHTANTIKA.

265

of Hadhyantika’s coining According to the natne records, he*
states, Kashmir -was originally a dragon-lake When the Buddha,
having subdued the wicked dragon of Udyana, bad arrived above
Kashmir on his way through the air to Central India he said
to Ananda — “After my decease Madhyantika, an arhat, will in
this place establish a country, settle people, and propagate
Buddhism”. In the year after Buddha’s decease, the pilgrim
continues, Ananda’s disciple the arhat IMadhyantika, perfect in
spiritual attainments, having heard of Buddha’s prediction was
delighted He accordingly came hither and took his seat in a
wood at a great mountain Here he made miraculous exhibitions
and the dragon seeing these asked the arhat what he wanted
“I want you to grant mo room for mj knees in the lake”, was
the reply, i. e I want to have as much dry land in the lake as
will enable me to sit cross-legged The dragon thereupon pro-
ceeded to grant the arbat’s request by withdrawing water from
the lake, but MadhyEntika by the exercise of his supernatural
powers enlarged his body until the dragon had drawn ofF all the
water of the lake Tlien the dragon was aeeommodated in a
lake to the north-west of the old one, and his relations and
dependents went to live in a small one The dragon now begged
Madhyantika to remain permanently and receive due service,
but the arhat rephed that this was impossible as the time was
near for his pari-nirvaha At the dragon’s request, however,
Madhyantika consented that bis 600 arhats should remain in
Kashmir as long as Buddhism lasted in the country, the land to
become again a lake when Buddhism ceased to exist Madhyan-
tika now by his miraculous powers built 600 monasteries, and
afterwards he bought foreign slayes to serve the Brethren
Some time after his decease these infsnors became rulers of the
country, hut neighbouring states despising them as a low-born
breed would not have intercourse with them, and called them
Knta or “the Bought”

This account of MadhySntika does not quite anree mth
any of the older accounts in Buddhist books. These,

however, pi esent some interesting and important pomts of
difference among themselves Yuan-chuang’s narrative
follows the version which is to be found with shght
variations of detail in the “A-yii-wang-chuan” version of
the Asokavadana, the Sarvata Yinaya, and in the Tibetan
texts translated by Schiefnei and Bockbill.* In these

■ A-yU-wang-chuan, ch 4, Sar. Yin Tsa-shib, ch 40, Tar I c ;
Hockhill Life p. 168 ff.

266

LEaBND OF MADHTANTIKA.

Madhyantika is a disciple of Ananda, converted and
ordained m the last moments of Ananda’s life; he is a
master of 600 disciples, and comes with these from the
Himavat to the- place where Ananda is about to pass
away; on a magic isle in the Ganges Ananda ordains the
master and his disciples and all immediately attain arhat-
ship, they want to pass away before Ananda, but he gives
the master Buddha’s commission for him to go and teach
Buddhism in Kashmir, and the commission is accepted.
The name given to the master, and also apparently to
his disciples, is explained as meaning Mid-water (jji 7fc)»
as if Madhyan-faka (for udaka), because they were ordamed
and perfected on an island ih the Ganges; it is also
explained by Mid-day (t|i 0 ) as if Madhyan-dina, because
the ordmation took place at mid-day. But accordmg to
the “Shan-cluen-lil-Tibhasha”, Buddhaghosha, the “Bipa*
vamsa’', and the “Mahavapsa”, Maddhyfintika, called
Majjhantiko the thera, lived in the tune of Moggala-putta
Tissa, and was sent by that head of the church from
Patahputra to Kashmir and GandhSra.i Then there is
a Kashmir Abhidharma treatise in which we have a
dragon called “Fearless” in the country. This dragon
plagues the 600 arhats in their monasteries; the aihats
have no magic powerful enough to drive the dragon away,
a foreign Brother comes who has no skill in magic and
no supernatural powers whatever; by the power of a pure
strict life (Slla) he, using only a polite request, rids the
country of the di-agon,2 In the Pali versions of MadhySn-
tika’s story the name of the dragon is AravSla, the A-Zo-
|)‘o4u of the Chinese translation; in the Sarvata Vinaya
it is Hu-lung, the Hulunta of Rockhill. This dragon
was a wicked spiteful creature sendmg floods to ruin
crops, according to the Pali accounts, and he is perhaps
the original of the TJdyana dragon.

1 Sban-chien-lu-vib, ch 2, Yinaya, Vol. lu, p 315, Dip Vm.
1. 4; Mah. ch XU.

2 Abhi-ta-vib, ch 44

LEGEND OF MAHADEVA.

267

Our pilgnm next gives a brief account of the Bettloraent of
500 arhats from Indii in Kashmir, an event which he assigns
to the hundredth year after Buddha’s decease in the reign of
Asoka king of Magadha This great and powerful sovereign
was a firm behever in Buddhism, we are told, and charitable to
all creatures There were [at his capital] 500 arhats and 600
ordinary Buddhist monks, all of whom were treated by the king
with equal reierence and attention Among the ordinarj Brethren
was one Mahfideva, a man of great leaming and wisdom, a
subtle investigator of name and reality who put his extraordinary
thoughts mto a treatise which taught heresy. All this man’s
acquaintances followed his heretical reasomngs The king follow-
ing his personal inclinations and taking the part of those whom
he liked, unable to distinguish the arhat from the common monk,
summoned all to the Ganges with the intention of causing them
all to be drowned But the arhats, finding their lives in danger,
used their supernatural powers, and flew through the air to
Kashmir, where they settled ou the hills and in the vales "When
the king learned this he became distressed, went to Kashmir to
apologize to the arhats, and to beg them to return They,
however, stedfasUy refused to go back, so the king built 600
monastenes for them, and gave up all Kashmir for the benefit
of the Buddhist church

This 18 Yuan-chuaDg’s short and condensed abstract,
which cannot be pioperly 'understood without some know-
ledge of Mahildeva’s caieer as tlus is related m the
"Abhidharma-maha-vibhasha-lun’’^ and other treatises
According to tho Abhidharraa work, Mahadeva was the
son of a brahmin merchant of Mathura. While still a
very joung man he took advantage of his father’s pro-
longed absence from home on business and formed an
incestuous connexion with his mother. When his father
retuiTied Mahadeva murdered him, and soon afterwards
he filed with his mother. Finding that a Buddhist arhat
had an inconvement knowledge of his guilty life he
promptly killed the arhat Then finding that his mother
was not true to him he murdered her also^ By thus
taking the hves of his parents and an arhat he had com-
mitted three unpardonable offences, m the tenhmcal

« Ch, 99

268

LEGEIO) OF AIAHADEVA.

language of Buddhism he had “made three immediate
kaimas” ^ ^ ^ ^), thiee anantarya kannas. Stung
by conscience, and haunted by fear, he novr skulked from
place to place . until he reached Pataliputra. Hero lie
resolved to enter religion, and he easily persuaded a monk
of the Kukutarama vihaia to have him ordained. He
now devoted all his energies and abilities to his new
profession and, having zeal and capacity, he soon rose to
be the head of the establishment, and the leader of a
large party m the church at Patalipntra. His intellectual
abilities were much above those of the ordinary brethren,
but his orthodoxy was doubtful, and his moral character
was not above suspicion. Mahadeva claimed to have
attained arhatship, and he explained away ciicumstances
which seemed to be destructive of his claim In answer
to queries from younger brethren he enunciated five dogmas,
or tenets, which led to much discussion, and at length to
open dissension. These tenets were, (Ij An arhat may
commit a sm under unconscious temptation. ( 2 ) One may
be .an arhat and not know it, (3) An arhat may have
doubts on matters of doctrine, (4) One cannot attain
arhatship without the aid of a teacher, (5) The “noble
ways” may begin by a sliout, that is, one meditating
seriously on religion may make such an exclamation as
“How sad!” and by so doing attain progress towards per-
fection. These five propositions Mahadeve declared to be
Buddha’s teaching, but the senior Brethren declared them
to he Mahadeva’s invention and opposed to the orthodox
teaching. There were at the time four “sets” or “parties”
of Buddhists at P&tahputra, and these had bitter contro-
versies about the five propositions. When dispute ran
high the kmg, on Mah&deva’s suggestion, called an assembly
of all the monks to have an open discussion and vote on
the subject, the king being a friend and patron of Mahft'
deva. When the assembly was summoned it was attended
by a number of senior Brethren, who were arhats, and by
an immense number of ordinary ordained members of th®
church. The superior Brethren argued and voted ’againet

LEGEND OP MAHADEVA.

269

the five propositions, but they were far outnumbered by
the infenor members who were all friends of Mahsdeva.
When the discussion and voting were over the wrangling
still contmued, and the king ordered all the brethren to
be embarked in rotten boats and sent adnft on the Ganges;
by this means he thought it would be shewn who were
arhats and who were not. But at the critical moment
600 arhats rose in the air, and floated away to Kashmir.
Here they dispersed, and settled in lonely places among
the vales and mountains. When the king heard what had
occurred he repented, and sent messengers to coax the
arhats to return to his capital, but they all refused to
leave Hereupon he caused 500 monastenes to be built
for them, and gave the country to the Buddhist church
These 500 arhats introduced and propagated the Sthavira
school in Kashmir, and the majority of infenor brethren
at Pataliputi'a began the MahSsanghika school.

It will be noticed that m this account we have neither
the name of the king nor the date of the scliism. But
in the **I-pu-t8ung-lun” and the “Shi-pa-pu-lun” the king
is Asoka, and the tune above 100 years after Buddha’s
decease Additional information on the subject will be
found in Wassiljew’s “Buddhismus” and in Scbiefner’s
“TiXranStha” ^ In the “Shan-chien-lii-vibhasha” and in the
passages of the Pah works referred to in connection with
Madhyantika we find mention of a Mahadeva at Patah-
putra.2 But this man lived apparently a good and pious
life, and he was sent by Tissa as a missionary to the
Andhra country. He preached (or composed) the “Heva-
duta-sutra” that is the Deva-messenger sutra, m Chinese
T^ten-sln-chtng and he seems to have been

successM m propagating Buddhism- This may be the
Mahadeva of the northern treatises, the popular and in-
fluential abbott of Pataliputra. But the latter dies, and

I Waa Bud. S 62; Tar S 61 and 298, Rhya Davidfl in J.E.A.S.
1892, p 9

s Shan-chien-lu-vib. fih. 2, Vinaya VoL ui, p. 310.

270

kanishka’s council.

is cremated with peculiar circumstances at the capital,
and there is no mention of his mission to Andhra. On
the other hand it seems possible that the Brethren, sent
away m different directions as apostles, were men who
had taken piomment parts in the controversies which had
arisen among the Buddhists of Pataliputra. All accounts
seem to agree in representing their Mahadeva as a man
of unusual abilities and learning; and the story of his
great crimes as a layman, and his unscrupulous ambition
as an abbott, related in the Abhidharma treatises are
probably the malicious inventions of enemies.

Our pilgrini next proceeds to relate the circumstances con-
nected with the great Council summoned by Kanisbka This
king of Gandhara, Yuan-chuang tells us, in the four hundredth
year after the decease of Buddha, was a great and powerful
sovereign wliose sway extended to many peoples In hn leisure
hours he studied the Buddhist scriptuies, having a monk everj-
day m the palace to give him instruction. But as the Brethren
taught him different and contradictory interpretations, owing to
conflicting tenets of sectarians, the king fell into a state of
helpless uncertainty Then the Venerable Parsva explained to
His Majesty that in the long lapse of time since Buddha left
the world disciples of schools and masters with various theories
had arisen, all holding personal views and all in conflict On
hearing this the king was greatly moved, and expressed to Pfirsva
hiB desire to restore Buddhism to emiueUco, and to have the
Tripitoka explained according to the tenets of the various
schools P&r4va gave his cordial approval of the suggestion,
and the king thereupon issued summonses to the holy and wise
Brethren in all his realm These came in crowds from all
quarters to Gandhara, where they were entertained for seven
days They were far too numerous, however, to make a good
working Oounoil, so the king had recourse to a process • of
selection, first all hod to go away who had not entered the
saintly oareei - had not attained one to the four degrees of po>^*
fection. Then of those who remained all who were arbats wore
selected and the rest dismissed, of the arhats again those who
had the “three-fold intelligence” and the “six-fold penetration”
were retained, and these were further thinned out by disiniswng
tdl of them who were not thoroughly vened in the TripiJ®^®
and well learned in the “Five Sciences”. Bj this proee** the
number of arhuts for tho Oouuuil was reduced to 499.

Yuttii-chuang goes on to tell that the king proposed Gandhara

kanishka’s council.

271

ai the pl»ce of meeting for the Council, bat that this place was
objected to on account of its heat and dampness Then
gaha was proposed, but Par4va and others objected that there
were too many adherents of other sects there, and at last it
was decided to hold the Conncil in Kashmir So the king and
the arhats came to his country, and here the king built a
mobastery for the Brethren

When the texts of the Tripi^aka were collected for the making
of expository Oommentanes on them, the Venerable Yasumitra
was outside tlie dpor m monk’s costume The other Brethren
would not admit him because he was still in the bonds of the
world, not an orhat. In reply to his claim to dehberaie, tho
others told him to go away and come to join them when he
had attained arhatship Yasumitra said he did not value this
attainment a spittle— he was aiming at Buddhahood and he
would not have any petty condition (“go m a small path”), still
he could become an arhat before a silk ball which ho throw in
the air fell to the ground. When he threw the ball the Devas
said to him so as to be heard by all — Will you who are to
become Buddha and take the place of Maitreya, honoured la the
three worlds and. the stay of all creatures — will you here realise
this petty fruit’ The Devas kept the ball, and the arhats made
apologies to Yasumitra and invited him to become their President,
accepting hi's decisions on all disputed points
This Council, Yuan-ebuang continues, composed JOOOOO stanzas
of XJpade^a 55stma explanatory of the canonical sutras, 100000
stanzas of Vinaya-vibhasha^fiastras explanatory of the Yinaya,
and 100 000 stanzas of Abhidharma-vibb&Bb& Ifistrao oxplanatorj'
of the Abhidharroa. For this exposition of the Tnpilaka all
learning from remote antiquity was thoroughly examined, the
general sense and tho terse language [of the Buddhist scriptures]
were again made clear and disbnct, and the learning was widely
diffused for the safe-guiding of disciples. King Kanisbka had
the ti'eatises, when finished, written out on copper plates, and
enclosed these in stone boxes, which he_ deposited m a tope
made for tho purpose He then ordered tho Yakehas to keep
and guard the texts, and not allow any to be taken out of the
country by heretics, those who wished to slndy them could do
BO in the country. When leaving to return to his own country
Kanishka renewed Asoka’s gift of all Kashmir to the Buddhist
church.

This account of king Sanishka’s Council and its work
16 v«ry interesting, but it requires to be supplemented by
some notes and explanations. There are also some

272

kaijishka’s council.

statements of the author which, in the abstract here given,
are different from the versions given in JuUen’s full trans-
lation. Thus Yuan-chuang represents the king as sum-
moning the arhats to make vMiOiihd-luni that is, discussions
on, or expositions of, the Canonical works. Juhen, however,
makes the author state that the king “voulut composer
(un trait6 intitule) VibhashS gastra”. Here the words
which I have put in brackets are an addition by the
translator and do injury to the text Agam, when all
was ready for the Council to proceed to work, the Vener-
able Vasumitra, Yuan-chuang tells us, hu-wm-noryt
^1* which J ulien translates “se tenait en dehors de

de la porte et raccommodait son vetement”. But the
words mean simply “was outside in monk’s costume”. The
term na (sometimes written ^)-yi is of very frequent use
in this sense of “bhikshu’s clothing”. Thus the monk’s
complete dress is called “the five na-yi of the cemeteries”,
and we read of a Brother noryi-yefi’tso, “sitting meditating
in monk’s dress, it was one of the rules of Devadatta’s
fraternity that the members should for life “don
The expression m our text is used to indicate that Vasu-
mitra was an ordmary bhikshu, not an arhat*

The story which follows about the attempt to exclude
•Vasumitra from the deliberations of the Council, because
he was only an ordmary bhikshu, is a feeble imitation of
the story about Ananda at the First CounciL In our
text Yuan-chuang, going according to Mahayanist tradi-
tions, identifies the Vasumitra of Kanishka’s time with
Buddha’s disciple of the same name. The latter, as the
Buddha is represented tellmg his audience, had m a far
past existence been a monkey, as such he acquired a
knowledge of and faith m Buddhism, and he received the
prediction that m a future birth he would become Buddha;
in the time of Gautama Buddha he had been bom as a
human creature and in due course of time had become a

1 Vasnmitra-so-chi-Jun, ch 2 (No 1289); Kao-«fing-chnan,
Shih-sung-lu, ch 86

LEGEND OF VASUMITBA,

273

disciple and nsen to great eminence. Biit something
remained over from his simious hfe which led him to play
and gambol occasionally, and so give cause of oftence.
Buddha however, explained the circumstances and stated
that Vasumitra was so take the place of Maitreya. and
finally succeed the latter as Buddha with the name Shih-
tzu-yue (or merely Shih-tzft)- Ju-lai, that is. Liou-moon (or
Lion) Tathagata.* Thus the Vasumitra of Yuang-chuang’s
stoiy having the rank of a Bodhisatha (being a “P usa-
bhikshu as he is called) was aboie the degree of arhat
according to Mahayanist teaching, and hence his refusal
in the story to acquire the “petty fruit’ . It was probably
a survival of siraious propensities which made him play
with the ball of silk in the very solemn ciicumstances
here related Tlie stoiy here told about Vasumitiu is
very like one given in an old Mahayana sfestra about this
p'usa But in the latter treatise it is a stone which he
thiows in the air, the stone is caught and held by devas-
who tell Vasumitra that he is to seek bodhi, that they"
are to obtain emancipation through him and that after
twent) kalpas he will become Buddha

Vasumitra, here as m other places translated t^hih-yn
(IS IS a name common to several illustrious Buddhists
m tlie early periods of the church- The personal disciple
of the Buddha already mentioned who is destined to be-
come Buddha may perhaps be the sthavira with this name
who 18 placed by one authonty next in succession to
Upagupta.3 Then we have the SSstia-Master Vasumitra, ^
mentioned in the Kecords, who composed the ‘•Abhidharma
prakarapa-puda-^Sstra” already noticed, and the “Abhi-
dharma-dhatukayapada-55?tia” < It was probably also this
author who composed the “ Wu-sJuh-litn^ to which Dhar-
raatrata supplied a shoit expository commentaiy. This is

* Fo-shuo-8hih-t35u-j ue-Fo-pcn-Blicng'-clung (No. 414) Taun-Vasu-
niitra-P‘UEa-BO-chi-lun, Preface (No 1289)

I "Wei-jili-tsB-nan-ching (No lii28)

> Dhannatara-shan-clung, di 1 (No. 1341)

* Abhi-clue-ahCn-tsu-hjn (No 1282)

S

274

THE TARJOHS VASUMITBA8,

apparently not the Bodhisattva Yasumitra i6 whom is
ascribed the anthorship of the “Arya Yasumitra-Bodhi-
saltva-sahgiti-^astra”.^ The “Ahhidharma-raahavihhasha-
§astra” IS also said to have been the work of the 500
arhats of Kanishka’s Council wuth Yasumitra at their
head. Bat there is nothing either in tlus treatise or the
Sahgiti-^astra to show that these woiks were written at
the time of Khnishka, nor is there anything in either to
show that it was wholly or m pait the work of Yasumitra.
It IS only in one text out of four that the Sangiti-iostra
appears with Arya Yasumitia on the title-page as author
These two treatises contain references to Yasumitra and
quotations from him, and the “Yibhasha” work mentions
him as one of the “Four Great Lun-shi of the Sarvasti-
vadm School”. He was noted among the learned and
ingenious Doctors of this School for his theory about the
threefold division of tune and states of existence. He
held that the Past, Present, and Future are all realities
and that they differ as to their wei {^) “locations”, or
“Conditions’ as hP Tiockhill lenders the corresponding
Tibetan term. Then there is also the Yasumitra who
composed the impoitant treatises “Chih-pu-yi-lun” and
“yi-pu-tsang-lun”.2 Moreover there is the Yasumitra who
furmshed a commentary to V asubandhu’s celebrated “ Abhi-
dharma-ko^^astra”, but of him little or nothing seems
to he knowTi.s The Yasumitra who is given as the seventh
Patriarch in the succession from Kasyapa, and who is
supposed to have hved lu the d*** century B. C , need not
be further mentioned.^

The unfriendly feehng exhibited by the 499 aihats of
K.anishka’8 Council m our pilgrim’s narrative towards
Yasumitra reminds us, as has been stated, of Aaaiida
and the First CouncA But the 'old Mahayana 6astra to

1 See Tsun-Vasumura-P'usa-so-cni-luis. Cf Tar S 67ff

2 Chih-pa-yi-lun (No 3285), Yi-pu-tsung-lun (No 1286).

» Barf Int. p 586 fi

4 Chih-yae-lu, ch 3

MEANING OF UPADESA.

276

whicJh reference has been made tells us of an envjoua
opposition to Vssnmitra on the part of certain junior
Brethren, and the hostility is not represented as con-
nected with the Council. In both accounts, however, the
gemus and learning of Vasumitra are indispensable, and
he overcomes the enmity, and gams the admiration of
the Brethren.

The pilgrim tells us that when Vasumitra was admitted
the Council bemg duly constituted proceeded to its work
which was, not to revise or -rearrange the canonical
treatises, but to furnish these with commentaries and
discussions. Taldug the sutras fiist the arhats composed
100000 stanzas of upadesa oi explanatory comments on
these. Julien makes the author say they composed “le
trait4 OupadeQa ^astra”, and here again the addition of
“le trait6” spoils the meanmg. Although there are upa-
de^as to several mdividual sutras, or to a class of sutras,
there does not seem to have ever been a general upade^a-
sSstra for all the sutra-pitaka.

This woid upadesa seems to have puzzled some of the
early translators from Sansknt mto Chinese, and some
of them apparently did not understand its meaning and
derivation. One ounous explanation of it is that it is
“oral instruction to leave Inst and cultivate goodness”.*
As the designation of a class ot canonical treatises it is
translated by Lun-i (g% or Discussion. The term was
techmcally used to denote a treatise made by a bhikshu,
and explanatory of the teachings of a canonical sutra,
and the work itself might become a rocogmzed sutra. It
was then called a Sutia-upade^a to distinguish it from the
primitive Upade^a-sutras, and it was also called a Maho-
pade^a or Great Dpade^a. An essential requisite of such
a work was that its teachings should be perfectly m ac-
cordance with those of the accepted canon. An upadesa
presented for approval, and rejected on account of its

S*

1 Soi-hsfang-'lun, ch 1 (No. 1280).

276

THE COMLEEKTAiUDft COMPOSED

heterodoxy i5 called a Karopade^a.^ The Council composed
also 100 000 stanzas explaining the Vinaya — “Vinaya-
vibhasha-lun”. There is an extant treatise entitled “Sai-
vata (or ‘Sarva8tiv5din)-vinaya-vibhasha” which may have
been regarded as the work of the Council Unfortunately
there is only a Chinese version of this work which is in
nine chwm, of unknown date, and imperfect The origmal,
however, was evidently composed at a tune long after the
Buddha, m a country outside of India, and for the use
of foreigners. There is nothmg in the work, however, to
shew? that it was the work of Kanislika’s Council ^
Accordmg to our pilgrim this Council further made
100000 stanzas of exposition or discussion of the Abhi-
dharma — Abhidharma-vibhasha-lun. There are several

vibh&shS. treatises in this section of the canon,, and it
would seem that there are others which h^ve disappeared.
In the existing collections of Buddhist books in Chma
we find a treatise known by its short name “VibhashU*
lun”, its fun title being “Vibhasha-shuo. Abhidhaima-
shtakhanda”.^ This book is sometimes wrongly ascnbed
to E^aiyayanlpufea who apparently composed the ongmal
text to which this work serves as a commentary. Th®
author of the “Vibhasha-lun” is given as Shi-t‘e-p‘an-ni,
the native pronunciation being perhaps something Siddha-
vanuL This man apparently lived in Kashmir and, accord-
ing to his own statement, about 1000 years after Buddha s
deatlb Another vibhSshE Ireatise is the short one entitled
“"Wu-shi ^l-vibhasha-lun”, composed by the great
DharmatEra.^ This is an exposition of Vasumitra’s “Wu-
shi-lun”, a treatise which does not appear among the
canonical books. Then we have the long and important
work called v^Ahhidhatma (or Abhidharmata)-vibhwh^
lun” already mentioned. This treatise, which was evidently

1 Ta-pan-me-p'an-ching (No. 114), Yi-cli*ie*cluDg-yin-yi»

Sar, Yin Matnko, ch 6.

5- Bar. Yin Yibhasha (Nos. 1135 and 113^

* YithSpba-lon, end of treatise (No. 1979).

* Wu-Bhili-vibli5eh5-lmi (No 1288).

AT KAMSEKA’s COTTNCIL.

277

written in Kashmir, was composed, according to the trans-
lators into Ohmese, by 500 arhats It is an exposition
and discussion of Katyayaniputra’s “Abhidharma-jfiana-
prasthana-^astra”, the short Ohmese translation for which
18 “Fa-chih-lun” fl^). But the “Abhidharma-ta-

vibhasha-lun” was evidently not composed by the Kanishka
Council for, not to mention other matters, it relates a
miracle which it says occurred formerly m the reign of
that kmg

The word i^ibhdshd is often rendered in Ohmese by
Kuaug-shuo g^), comprehensive statement, or Kuang-
chie (]^ j^), comprehensive explanation But more ap-
propriate rendermgs are chung-chung-shuo (f|| @ and
fen-fen-shuo | | ), meaning statement Iry clashes or
sections} It denotes properly a commentary or discussion
00 a canomcal text, especially on an Abhidharma treatise
The term, however, seems to have become restricted, by
some at least^ to th^ Abhidharma commentanes wntten
by certam masters in Buddhism, chiefly of Kashmir, who
attached themselves to the Sarvastivadm School These
Masters are very often called Vibhasha-shi (|ill), but they
are also sometimes called by other names such as Kas hmi r-
shi A vibhasha must" apparently be a commentary on
an abhidharma treatise elucidatmg the text by the opi-
mons of various authonties, and it is not necessary that
the author should be bound by the views of the Sarvasti-
vadins or any other school or sect. Theie are also, as
has been seen, Yinaya-vibhashas, and these are Commen-
taries or discussions on Vinaya rules as promulgated by
cei-tain disciples or enforced by certain schools.

Yuan-chuang’s lemarks about the learning brought to
the making of the explanatory commentanes on the Tnpi-
taka do not appear m the translations. The extent of
the commentators’ investigations is doubtless overstated,
but there is evidence of great study and lesoarch m the

> Yi-ch‘ie-ohing-ym-yi, ch 17.

* Tfla-ftbhi-lism-lan, Int. et al. (No 1287)

278

KAI?ISHK4l’s ootjncil.

“VibhashB-lun” and “Abhidbarma-maliB vibhasha-lun’’. In
these books we find an extraordinary acquaintance with
Buddhist learning of various kinds, and also with Brahmin-
ical learning including the original Indian alphabets, the
Vedas and their apgas.

It is to the statements made by our pilgrim about
Kanishka’s Council that we are indebted for nearly all
our information about the CounciL In later Tibetan
books we find mention of it and some particulars about
it which do not agree with Yuan-chuang’s accoimt.^ In
the Life of Vasubandhu also we read of an assembly
meeting in Kapin (Kashmir) 600 years after Buddha’s
decease.2 It contained 600 arhats and 600 Bodhisattvas
with Elatyayanl-putra as President, the Vice-President
being Aivaghosha, These sages compiled the “Sarvata-
Ahhidharma” and composed for it a commentary — vibhSsha.
When the latter was fimshed it was written out on stone
by Aivaghosha, and placed under guard, and the king,
whose name is not given, forbade the canning awaj of
any part of the treatise out of the country. . This account
also does not agree with Yuan-chuang’s narrative which
must be treated with suspicion as probably containing
some grave mistakes. The discovery of the copper plates
which he mentions, with the treatises inscribed on them,
would help much to make known the Buddhism taught in
the schools of Kashmir m or about the first century of
our era.

Our pilgrim continueB Ins narrative and tells ns of the mvasion
of Kashmir, and the assassination of its Kntiya usurping sover-
eign, by the king of the Tokhara country Simatal&, m fbe
600U» year after the Buddha’s decease We are told that after
Kanishka’s death a native djmasty had arisen in Elaohmir, and
its sovereign had become a persecutor of Buddhism Hereupon
the king of Himatala, who was a Sakya by descent and a zealous
Buddhist, determmed to dnve the cruel Knhya king from his

1 Tar S 58ff, 298

* Vasubandhu-chuan (No 1463), Was Bud S 238 £f.

AKOTHEB TOOTH-RELIC.

279

throne and restore Buddhism By a stratagem, cunningly devised
and skilfuUj carried out, he succeeded in killing the kmg of
Kashmir He then banished the chief ministers of the Court,
and reinstated Buddhism as the religion of the country, and
then returned to his own kingdom But, the pilgrim adds, m
the course of time the Kxitiyas, who still hated the Buddhists
and bore them grudges, regamed the sovereignty and at Yuan-
chuang’s time the country had no faith in Buddhism and gave'
itself up to other sects.

The Hiraatala of this passage is a country of wluch
we have some account in the XII^’ chuan (Book) of these
Records, and it will meet us again.

The pilgrim now proceeds to mention some of the noteworthy
sacred objects connected with Buddhism in this district, and he
begins with a Monaeterj containing above 800 Brethren, and at
it a tope built for a Tooth-relic of the Buddha. These build-
ings, he tells us, were situated on the south side of a mountam
to the north of the old capital, and above ten h south-east from
the new capital. The tooth, brought from India, was preserved
in the tope, and Yuan-chuapg describes its size and colour We
have also the legend of the acquisition of this relic by a per-
secuted monk of the countrj' who had gone to India on a
pilgrimage

The Tooth-relic here mentioned was not allow'ed to
remain in Kashmir and was earned away a few years
after Yuan-chuaug’s visit by the great Jang SiUiditya *

Our pilgnm goes on to describe that about fourteen h (about
three miles') to the south of tho Monastery at the Tooth tope
was a small Monastery which contained a standing image of the
P'usa Kuan-tzu-tsai (Kuan-yin P'usa) To importunate earnest
worshippers this P'usa occasionally caused his golden body to
emerge from the image

On a mountain above thirty h south-east from this were the
ruins of a fine large old monastery At the time of the pilgrim’s
visit, he tells us, only a two-storey building in one corner of it
was inhabited, ^and this contained thirty Brethren who were all
students of the Mahayuna system It was in this monastery

1 There was a sacred tooth in Kashmir in Baron Hugel’s time
The Brahmins of Baramulla, in whose keeping it was, declared that
the tooth was that of an ancient jm, but Hugel sa-^s it wa;? an ele-
phant’s tooth “and of no great age to judge from its appearance ”

280

SAyCrH-iBHADBA AKD SKANDHILA.

that the Sastra-master Sanghabhadra comi)osed the “Shnn-cheng-
li-lun (If^ JI2 ® To the right and left ol the monastery

were topes to great arhats and the relics of these were all still
in existence Hither monkeys and other wild animals brought
flowers as offerings of worship, and the> did this regularly as
if acting under instructions. Many other strange things occurred
on this mountain Thus a wall of rock would be split across
and footprints of horses would be left on the top of the moun-
tain But the latter were deceptne being tracings made by the
arhats and their novices when out on parties of pleasure, such
traces lelt by them as they rode to and fro were too numerous
• to mention. Above ten li east of the Buddha-tooth monastery
fn tfic steep side ol the northern mountain stood a small mo-
nastery Here the great SSstra-Master So-kan'it-lo ^ H)
or- Skandhila, composed the *^Chunff~8hih~/in-p‘i-p‘o-8ha-lun''

The ^astra-master Sanghabhadra will come before us
again in chapter X. The treatise here mentioned by the
name ”Chung-shih-f^n-p‘i-p‘o-sha (vibh58ha)-lun” does not
seem to be known to the Buddhist canon, at least it is
not in the existing catalogues or collections. It was ap-
parently a vibhasba or disquisition on Yasumitra’s treatise
already mentioned the “Chung-Rbih-fen-abhidbarma-lun”
called also the “Abbidharma-p'in-lei-tsu-lun”, the Sansknt
original for which is given as “Ahhidhanna-prakarana-
pEda-^astra’’ (Bun. No. 1292). Julien suggests “Yibhasha-
prakarana-pada as possibly the onginal title of Skandhila’s
treatise. This Sastra-master," also styled “ Aihat”, of whom
very httle seems ' to be known, was also the author of the
short but interesting treatise entitled “Shuo-i-ch‘ie-yu-ju-
ahhidharma-lun”. But the characters for Shuo-i-chHe-yu
meaning “SarvEstivadin” are generally omitted and. the
work* is known by its short name “Ju-ahhidharma-Iun”
which is in Sansknt, according to B. Nanjio, “Abhidhar-
mEvatara-fiastra”. This retranslation of the title, however,
may possibly not be the correct one The book is an
introduction or entrance (Ju /\) to the study of the
Ahhidharma, and its onginal title may have been some-
thing like “AbhidharmapraYe^ana-.^astra”, It is to our

THE ELEPHANT-APPETITE STOBT.

281

pilgnm that we are indebted for the Chinese translation
of this little treatise.*

Witlun the grounda of this httle monastery, the pilgnm tells
ns, ivas a stone tope over the hodily rehcs of an ancient arhat.
This arhat, who has been referred to already, had been a very
large man with the appetite of an elephant so the people of
the time jeered at him as a glutton without a conscience "When
the tune for his passing away was near be said one day to the
people — “I am soon to take the remainderless [to die], I wish
to explam to you the excellent state to which I have personally
attained’' But the people only jeered the more, and collected
together to see what would befalL The arhat then addressed
them thus— “I will now tell you the causal connection of my
past and present states In my last existence before this one I
had through previous karma the body of an elephant in the
stable of a rtya of East-India While I was there a Buddhist
monk from Kashmir camejo" travel in India in search of sacred
books. The raja gave me to the monk to carry his books
home, and when I reached this country I died suddenly. As a
result -of my merit from carrying the sacred books I was next
bom as a human being, and then ergoymg the residue of my
good fortune I became a Buddhist monk in early life,” The
arhat goes on to tell the people how he assiduously sought and
at length obtained spiritual perfection. The only survival from
his former bodily existence ufas his elephantme appetite, and by
the exercise of self-restramt be had reduced his daily food by
two-thirds. Fmally m the presence of the scofOng and un-
beheving spectators he rose in the air and there, in the smoke
and blazes of a burning ecstasy, he went mto final extmcfaon, and
a tope was erected over the reh-a which fell to the edrth.

The story here related bears considerable resemblance
to a story told in the Maha-vibhSshS-^astra. There a
she-elephant named Mo-tHi (or -cZt'a) carries relics of the
Buddha from a foreign coimtry to Elashmir where she
dies; she is then re-born as a male child and becoming
a bhikshn attains arhatship. But the arhat retains the
elephant's appetite and requires a hu (bushel) of food
every day. “V^en he is about to pass away he proposes
to explain to certain nuns his “superior condition” but

1 This treatise is Bun. No 1291 In the name of the author the
first syllable is Sa (||) instead of the So of our text.

282

pimKA akd bodhila.

they otil}’’ jeer at Mm. Then he tells them his history,
and so explains his great apjietite, 'sxhich he says he had
moderated, reducing his dailj food liom a bushel and a
half to a bushel per diem} The reader will remember
that Uttarasena brought his share of the Buddha’s lelics
home on an elephant, and that the elephant died on reach-
ing a place not many miles from the capital of UdySna.

The pilgnm goes on to relate that at a distance ol above
200 h north-west from the capital was the monastery ot the
Shang-hn, that is perhaps, Merchant’s-wood. Here the S&stra-
Master Pu-la-na (Purha) composed an “expository vibhasha-
lun" To the \\e8t of the capital 140 or 150 h

north of a large river and adjoining the south side of a hill was
a MahSsafigika Monastery with above 100 inmates. Here the
Sastra-Master Fo-Mo composed the “Ohi-chen-lun” of the Ma-
hasaiigika School.

By the words here rendered “expository vibhSsha-lun”
the pilgiim probably only intended to describe the character
of the ^astra, not to give the name of the treatise written
by Puma. There does not seem to be any work by this
author in existing catalogues and collections of Chinese
translations of BuddMst works, and we cannot be certam
who is the Puma here mentioned. A book already men-
tioned, I^'o. 1282 in M' Bun. Nanjio’s Catalogue, is referred
by one authority to a Purpa as its author.

The name of the other Ssstra-Master of this passage,
Fo-tiAa Julien thinks may be for Bodhila.. In a note to
the text the word is explained as meanmg “Bodhi-takmg”.
But nothing seems to he known either about the man, or
the “Chi-chen-lun” which he composed.

It is worthy of notice that none of the Buddhist mo-
nasteries in B^ashmir mentioned by Y^uan-chuang seem to
have been, known to other pilgrims and writers, and that
Buddhist estabhshments at or near the capital, and m
other parts of the country, mentioned by other authorities
were apparently unknown to Yuan-chnang, although they
were evidently m existence at the time of his visit. Some

1 Abhi-ta-vib., ch. 42,

SOHOLAES IN KASHMIES

283

of the vihSras in. TTfl-KhTnir mentioned m Wu-k‘ung’s Itine-
rary were evidently of a date subsequent to that of our
pilgrim, hut several were much older. Then the pilgnm
SUan-hui, already mentioned, visited the monastery of the
Dragon-Tank Mountam where the 600 arhats were wor-
shipped, and this monastery does not seem to have been
known to our pilgnm. The reader will have noted also
that Yuan-chuang when giving the numbers of the Mo-
nasteries and Brethren In Kashmiri does not tell to which
“Vehicle” the Brethren were attached. But we know
from other sources that they were mainly HlnaySnists of
the SarvSstivSdm School, although as we learn from the
Records and Life ther^ were also Mahayamsts. At the
capital the Brethren of the two “Vehicles” seem to have
been living together, and the greatest among them, Ch^eng
(or Vaia?) was evidently aB&nayamst The other Brethren
mentioned m the Life are Visuddhasimha and Jinabandhu
who were MahaySnists, Suga-(ta-)imtra and Vasumitra
who were SarvastivSdms, and Suryadeva and Jmatrata
who were MahSsangikas.

PAlSr-NU-TS‘0

From this (that ib perhaps, the viomity of the capital of
Slaihmir) the pilgnm travelled, he tells us, through a difficult
mountainous dustnct south-west for above 700 h to the Pan-nu-~
ts’o country. This region he descnbes as being above 2000 fi
in circuit, as abounding m hills and mountain valleys, with
narrow areas of • cultivation. The country yielded gram and
flowers, sugar-cane and fruits, except grapes, abounded. The
country produced the mango, the fig (here called the udumbara),
and the plaintain, and these trees were grown in orchards near
the dwelbng-houses. The climate was hot, the people were
darmg and straight-forward, they wore chiefly cotton clothing,
and they were sincere believers in Buddhism. The Buddhist
monasteries, of which there were five, were in a ruinous con-
dition, and the country was a dependency of Kashmir In a
monastery to the north of the capital were a few Brethren, and
to the north of this was a wonder-working tope made of stone

The Hm-nu-ts'o of this passage has been identified witn
the modem Panach, or Punats as the Kashmiris call it

284

PUNAOE AND RAJAOBI.

according to Cunningham.^ Instead of 2000 h as the
circuit of the country given in some texts of the Records
the old reading was 1000 It, and this agrees with Cun-
ningham's statement of the size of the district. In some
old texts of the Life the name is given as Fan-nvrnu-tso
^ ^ which the second mi may he due to a

copyist’s cai elessness, this character being one of the two
characters given to indicate the sound of nu

RAJAPURA.

Our pilgrim goes on to relate that from Punach a journey
south-east of above 400 li brought him to the So-lo-the-pv-h
(Rajapura) country. This he describes as bemg above 4000 K
in circmt its capital bemg above ten li in circuit. It was a
difficult country to travel in as it was very hilly with narrow
valleys, it was not fertile and it resembled Punach in products
and chmate, and hke that country it had no sovereign of its
own and was subject to Kashmir. There were ten Buddhist
monasteries and the Brethren were few in number, there was one
Deva-Temple, but the non-Buddhists were very numerous.

The native annotator to our text here makes Rajapura
to be m “North India”, but the annotator to the Pang-
chih represents it as a state outside of India. The country
has been identified by Cunningham with “the petty chief-
ship of Rajaon, to the south of Kas hmi r”. 2 Jn some texts
of the Life the dii ection of Rajapura from Punach is south
instead of the south-east of our text

Here our pilgnm mserts the following interesting general
observation about the countnes through which he had
lately been passing —

“From liumpa to Bsjapura the inhabitants are coarse and plain
in personal appearance, of rude violent dispositions, with vulgar
dialects, and of scant courtesy and httle fairness , they do not
belong to India proper but are inferior peoples of frontier (i e.
barbarian) stocks ”

As to this statement we may observe that the native
editor of the Records has referred all these countnes from

1 A. G. I p 188
a A. G. L p. 129.

KAJ'APUEA.

?85

Lampa to Rajapura to “North India”. Moreover our
pilgrim’s remarks at tlie beginmng of Chuan U seem to
indicate that he regarded all these countries as bemg m-
cluded in the great region called India There, however,
he was writing as a foreigner, and here he is wntmg from
the point of view of a Indian. The summary character
winch he here gives of the inhabitants of these countries
IS not to be fully accepted, and it does not seem to agree
with his own descnptions m the preceding pages.

OHAPTER IX.

(CHUAN rv.)

CHEH-KA (TAKE A?) TO MATHURA

From R&japur the pxlgnm proceeded south-east down a hill
and across a nver 700 h to the Cheh-lia country. This was
above 10000 h m circuit, it lay between the F^t~po~8he (Bibas)
nver on the east and the Indus on the west, the capital was
above 20 h in circuit. The crops of the country were upland^
nee and spring wheat, it yielded gold, silver, bell-metal {tfu-shh),
copper, and iron, the ohmate was hot with much violent wind,
the mhabitants had nude bad ways and a low vulgar speech,
they wore glossy white clothing made of silk, muslin &c ; few
of them believed in Buddhism, and most served the Devas, there
were ten Buddhist monasteries, and some hundreds of Beva-
Temples On from this country there were numerous Pnnyasal’s
or free rest-houses for the rehet of tbo needy, and distressed? at
these houses medicine and food wore distributed and so tra-
vellers having their bodily wants supplied, did not experience
inconvemence.

in the Life we are told th£).fc onr pilgnm on leaving
Bajapur went south-east, and after a journey of two (or
three) days crossed the Ohandrahhaga (Chenab) river to
the cit}*^ of Jayapur. Here he spent a night in a non-
Buddhist monastery outside the W 0 §t gate of the city*
Erom this he went on to ^5kala in the Ch^-'kal (in one
text Lz-Tia) country, from that to the city Narasimha,
thence eastward to a pals^a wood. Here he had ao
encounter with brigands and narrowly escaped with his
life. Erom the village beyond this wood he resumed his
journey and' reached the eastern part of the Ckehrkf^
country. Here he found a large city, and m a mango

PI^’E MUSMN CLOTHES.

287

grove west of it lived a brahmin 700 years old, looking
hke a man of thirty yeais, and having all his mental and
bodily powers. He had been a disciple of the great
Nagarjuna, and he was well acquainted with the sacred
lore of Brahmins and Buddhists. With him Yuan-chuang
seems to have studied the “Pai-lun” and the “Kuang-pai-
lun”, the latter of which our pilgnm afterwards translated
The clause m the above passage from the Records
rendered “they wore glossy-white clothing made of silk,
mushn, &c.” is in the onginal yt-fu-hsien-pat-so-wei-kiao-
she-ye-yi-ch(w-hsia-yt Wi M iM t ^

^ ^). Tins IS translated by Julien “Bs s’habillent avec
des etoffes d’une blancheur §clatante qu’on appelle Ktao-
che-ye (Kad^eya-soie), et portent des vetements rouges
comme le soleil levant, &c.” But Kauseya, with which
we have met already, and cliao-hsm are the matenals of
the white garments worn by the people The words chao-
hsi/i-yi cannot possibly be made to mean “et portent des
vltements rouges comme le soleil levant”. Chao-Jma de-
notes the light vapours of datvn^ the ^eastern glow toh^di
heralds sunrise. But it is the name given by the Chmese
Buddhist pilgrims and wnters 'to certain fine ti-ansparent
fabrics which they found m India and other foreign
countries. Thus the dancing girls of !Fu-nan are described
as “using chao’hsia for clothmg” This material was a
very fine white gauze or muslin capable of bemg dyed;
it "Was soft and transparent hke the fleecy vapours of
dawn. The images of the P'usas, and other Buddhist
worthies, were often made to represent these beings as
wearing chao-lma-chiln or skirts of transparent matonal
Such koa vestments may be seen on many of the Buddhist
figures found in India and depicted in books. But ckao--
hsta as an article of clothmg was evidently a kmd of
mushn simply fine and light'

‘ See the “T'ang-Shu, ch 2S, 197 et al , Fo-shuo-t'e-lo-m-chingi
ch 2 (No 86B tr 65S) Of —

“And the far np oloudo resemble
Yells of gauze most dear and white.”

28 B

KING MAHIRAKULA

Further, in this passage we have the sentence beginning
vdth — “On from this country tliere were numerous Puii^a-
6alas”. For this the originaFis tzu-lmo-yi-wmg-to-yn-Ju-
(Jlfc ^ a ^ Juhen tianslates the ivbole

sentence thus — “II y avait jadis, dans ce royaume, une
multitude de maisons de hienfaisance (Pounyagala^), bu
Ton secourait les pauvres et les malheureux. Tantot on
y distribuait des medicaments, tantot de la noumtiire.
Grace a cette resource les voyageurs ne se trouvaient
jamais dans I’emharras”. Tins lendering quite spoils the
author’s statement which is to the eftect that at the time
of his travels Rest-houses, at whicli food and medicine 'vere
distributed gratis, abounded in Cheh-ka and the countries
of India about to be noticed. These Rest-bouses or Fti-
are called Punyasalas in Chuan XII, but in the
account of the present country the Life calls them Dharma-
&llas. This latter word, in Pali Dhammasala, is the name
given to the Hall for preaching, but it seems to be also
used to designate the free Rest-houses.

On his way to the capital of this country (which wm prob»bl>
also called Cheh-ka) and abont fourteen h south-west from it
Ynan-chuang came to the old capital called Sakala. Some cen-
turies previously a king named Mo-hi-lo-ku-lo (Mahirakula)i
who had his seat of government 'at this city, ruled over the
Indians He was a bold intrepid man of great ahihty and ell
the neighbouring states were his vassala. Wishing to apply bis
leisuT-e to the study of Buddhism, he ordered the clergy of this
country to recommend a Brother of eminent ment to he his
teacher. But the clergy found diffaculty in obeying the com-
mand, the apathetic among them not seeking notoriety,
those of great learning and high intelligence fearing stem
majesty. How at this time there was an old servant of the
king’s hoosohold who had been a monk for a long time. Being
clear and elegant m dmcourse and gbb in talking, this man ww
selected by the congregation of Brethren to comply with
royal enmmons. This insulting procedure enraged the king w
forthwith ordered the utter extenmnation of the Buddhist char
throughout all his dominions. Now the king of Magadha a
this time, BalSditya by name, was a just and benevolent r
and a zealous Buddhist and he rebelled against the °

the persecution of Buddhists. When Mahirakula proceeded

PEESEOtJTION TJNBEE JOHIEAKULA.

289

invade the territory of B&lsditya to reduce him to obedience
the Ifitter tccoinpamed by several myriads of his subjects with-
drew to an island. Hahirakula came in pursuit but he was taken
pnsoner On the petition of B^laditya’s mother the prisoner
was set free and allowed to go away. His younger brother havmg
taken possession of the throne he took refuge in Kashmir, and
here he repaid hospitality by treachery, and haiing murdered
the King he made himself ruler. Then he renewed his project
of extermihating Buddhism, sad with this view he caused the
demohtion of 1600 topes and monastenes, and put to death nine
kotis of lay adherents of Buddhism. His career was cut short
by his sudden death, and the air was darkened, and the earth
quaked, and fierce winds rushed forth as he went down to the
Hell of unceasing torment.

This passage reads like a romance founded on a 1)0818
of fact The Mahirakula of our pilgrim has been identi-
fied with kmg Mihirakula of Kashmir, and his king Bslg-
ditya of Magadha is supposed to be possibly the Kara
Baladitya of corns i But there are difficulties in the way
of acceptmg these identifications. There is first the differ-
ence in the forms Mahirakula and Mihirakula, but this
is perhaps unimportant and need not; ^6 farther noticed.
The form Mahirakula seems to be confined to the pilgrim,
and he may have used it to suit his erroneous rendenng
of the name by Jortsu or “Great Olan”. But the Mihi-
lakula of the Inscriptions began his reign in A D 515,
while the king of whom Yuan-chuang tells hved “some
centuries” before the pilgrim’s time. Other authorities also
eeem to place Mildrakula at a date much before A. D 615.
Thus m the' “Lien-hua-mien-ching” or “the sutra of Lotus-
flower-face” Mihirakula, a reincarnation of the Lotus-flower
face arhat, appears as the King who extemunates Bud-
dhism in Kapin (Kashmir) and breaks the Buddha’s bowl.*
This sutra must have been composed some time before
A. D. 674 the date of its translation (accordmg to one

account), and the contents seem to indicate that it was

- ■ ■ ■"

1 See Mr Floot on MihirrkulB m Ind. Ant. VoL XV p 246 f., and
tbe correspondence at p MO f J B. A. S VoL XXI p. 114 — B
J P T 8. 18S6 pp 87,110 Ijaw fence’s Valley of Kashmir p 186.

4 Lien-hun-mien-ching ch 2 i(Xo 466)

T

290

8AKALA

■written long after the death of Mihirakula. It relates
that after this event seven deva-putras became incarnate
in succession in Kashmir, and that they restored Buddhism.
The meaning of this evidently is that the king was succeed
ed by seven sovereigns who were all patrons of Buddhism.
Then in the “Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-ching”, translated A D,472,
a persecuting king called Mt-lo-Tm SIS) that is evi-

dently Mihirakula, destroys the Buddhist sacred buildings
and slaughters the Brethren in Kapm (Kashmir). ^ He
beheads the 23*^ , and last (according to this work), of the
great Buddhist Patriarchs, by name Shih-tzn (^jjp that
18 , Simha. This last event according to the “Chih-yue-lii”
occurred in A.D. 269.2 Ho authority is given for this date
and it is not to be implicitly accepted, but it is interesting
to note that the Rajatarangini makes twelve reigns inter-
vene between Kamshka and Mihirakula If we allow an
average of 16 years for these reigns we get A. D. 80 + 180
or A. D. 260 for the accession of Mihirakula.

The Life and Records leave the situation of the mined
city of Sakala rather uncertain. The latter work tells ns
that this city was 14 or 16 It south-west from the new
capital, of the situation of ■w'hich, however, we are not told
anything. In the Life Sakala is three (or four) days’ journey
or about 300 It (about 60 miles^ south-east from Bsjaliui'
and on the east side of the Chenal. Then the old capital
of the Records does not appear in the Life which on the
other hand mentions a large city on the eastern coniines
of Ohe-Ka and this city does not appear in the Records,
Cunmngham, against both the Life and the Records, places
Sakala about 120 miles to the souih-west ofEujapur. He
identifies Tuan-chuang’s Clieh-ka (or Tsekia), name
of a city, with “the imns of a large town, called Asatw
which accord almost exactly -with the pilgrim's descnptioTi
of the new town of Tsekia” This Asamr is “exactly
112 miles distant fiora Rajaon (Raiapur; in a direct line

* I’u-fB-laang-ym-yuan-cIiing, ck 6 (No 1340)
2 Ohi-yue-lu, ch 3

THE CHINESE ALLOTMENT

291

drawn on the map”, that is, 112 miles to the south-west
of Rajapur. But it is very evident that Yuan-chuangs
jounney from the latter to the capital of Cheh-Ka was a
zig-zag one always, however, tending eastward, and Asarur
cannot be the pilgrim’s capital .of that counti;).

In SaKala was a Buddhist monastery with above loO Brethren
all adherents of the Hinayana^ system In this Monastery P'usa
Vasabaudhu composed the “Sheng-yi-th-lun” (jj|j ^ pij? ^Iro > A
tope beside this monastery marked a place where the Four Past
Buddhas had preached, and there were footprints where they
had walked up and do%\n

The sastra here ascribed to Vasubandhu does not seem
to be known to the Buddhist collections Julien restores
the Sanskrit name as “ParamSrtlia satya sastra” but this
IS only a probable conjecture

The CMi-ka (-{i^ jJS) passage is LOi in

one text of the Life, and this latter form is found in other
works It is possible that the oi iginal for both transcrip-
tions was a word like Tikka or Tekka, ch and I sounds
being both used to represent the t of Sanslnat. The term
in our text has been restored as Tch?ka, Takka and Taki.
It designated a country which was not in India, but -was
one of the foreign states which lay between Lampa and
India, and should have been included m the pilgrim’s
general survey at the end of the last cliuan ‘

CHI-NA-P*IJH-TI.

From the Che-ka (or Tekka) district Yuan-chuang contmued
hi8 journey going eastward for above 500 li and came to the
country which he caHa Chi-na-p'uJi-U Is) This di-

strict was above 2000 It and its capital 14 or 15 h in circuit it
produced good crops of gram but did not abound in trees the
inhabitants had settled occupations and the national re>enue
was abundant the climate was warm and the inhabitants had
feeble timid ways The learning of the people embraced Bnd-
dhiam and secular knowledge, and orthodos^ and heterodoxy
had each its adherents There were ten Buddhist monastenes
and nine De\a*TempleE.

* For this connitry see A G I p 17S

292

YTNiTA-PRABHA.

The Chinese annotator here has translated the name of
the country by Harirftng (g| ^), and Julien, 'who reads
the characters of the name as Tcht-na-po-ti gives the
Sanskrit original as “Tch^napati”, meaning “LordofCbma”.
But Han-feng means Chinorji^ not Ohznorlord, and the
characters for p^uh-ti cannot be taken to represent pah.
They evidently stand for hliukti ■which is translated by
f^ng in the sense of possession, portion.^ So China-bhukti
13 the China-allotment, and the China-bhukti-de 4 a ■was the
district assigned to China, that is to the China hostage
according to Yuan-chuang’s story.

One of the ten monasteries here mentioned was, accord-
mg to the Life, called T^she-sornd, which perhaps stands
for Toshasan meanmg “Pleasure-giving*’. This monastery
was apparently at the capital, and Ynan-chnang found in
it a monk eminent for learning and piety. The name of
this monk was Vinitaprabha, and he was the son of an
Indian prince. This monk was the author of two commen-
taries on Abhidharma works, and Yuang-chuang remained
here fourteen months studying with him vanous Abhidharma
treatises

Going back to the narrative in the Records we have
the pilgiim’s explanation how the name China-bhukti cams
to be given to this region.

When Kanishka -was roigning the fear of his name ^
many regfions so far even os to the outlying vassals of Cni^
the -west of the Yellow River. One of these vassal states
in fear sent a hostage to the court of king Kanishka,
being apparently a son Of the mler of the state) ®
treated the hostage with great kindness and consideration! a ^
him a separate residence for each of the three seasons an
Tiding him with a guard of the four kinds of ^

district was assigned as the winter residence of the hos »
hence it was called Chinabhnkti The pilgnm proCce s
how Peaches and Pears were unknown m this distric
parts of India beyond until they were introduced bjr t e

1 Sanekrit-Chinese Vocabulary In tbe G text
of-jp'tt we have -ktn (“fm ) but this may be only a copyi ®

AK OLD BLDNDEE.

293

hostage”. Hence, he teHs iis, peaches were called “Ohiniim’' and
pears were called “China-rajaputra”

Tlie Sanskiit names here given for the peacli and the
pear seem to be known only from this narrative. Later
authorities tell us that these fruits are indigenous in the
country, and the whole story of che hostage is possibly
an invention. One Sanskrit name for the peach is given
in a glossary as dru and this name is still in use* and a
name for the pear is given as tanasa but this word does
not seem to be known. Purther the “China” known to
the people of India before the arrival of Chinese pilgnms
and afterwards was apparently not the “Flowery Middle
Country", but rather a region occupied by a tribe living
to the west ot the Chinese empire, far west of the Yellow
Kiver. This “China” was watered by the nvers Sita and
Chakshu and it was one of the countries in the north-east
The name wae afterwards extended to the “Flowery Land”
apparently by the Buddhist writers and translators of
India and Kashmir. Our pilgrim tells his readers that
the people of Chinabhukti had great respect for the “East
Land” and that pointing to him they said one to another —
“He is a man of the country of our former kmg”.

Cuunmgham thinks that the capital of this country may
be represented by the present Patti, “a large and very
old town situated 27 miles to the north-east of Kasur and
10 miles to the west of the Bias river”. i But notwithstand-
ing the presence of the ubi^mtous bnck-bats and old
wells, this proposed identihcation need not be seriously
considered. It is not at all probable that the name
Chinabhukti was ever generally known or used for the
distnct to which it is apphed by the pilgrim He seems
indeed to be the only authority for the name Not-only
so but a copyist’s , error in transcribmg it has unfortuna-
tely been perpetuated. In the Life, and in one place in
the old texts of the Records, the first syllable of the word
was left out by mistake. It was evidently this mistake

A. G I p 200

594

THE TAjrASA-VAJNA MONASTERY,

■which led to the use of Na-p^uh-ti instead of CJii-jia-fuli-ti
as the name for the countr}' next to Tekka in the Fang-
chih and in maps and treatises of later times.

TAMASAYAjN'A.

From the capital of Chinahhukti the pilgrim went south-east
above BOO h to the Ta-mo-m-fa-na (Tamasavanal Monastery.
This had above 300 Biethren of the Sarvastivadin School who
led strict pure lives and were thorough students of the Hinayana.
Here each of the 1000 Buddhas oi the Bhadrakalpa assembles a
congregation of devas and men and preaches the profound ex-
cellent Religion Here also in the 300H> year after Sakyamuni
Buddha’s nirvana the Sastramastcr Kci-to-yen-na composed his
“Fa-chih-lun” This monastery had an Asoka tope above 200 feet
high beside which were the spots on which the Four Past
Buddhas had sat and walked up and down Small topes and
large caves in unknown number succeeded each other closely,
all Laving relics of arhats who since ihe beginning of this kalpa
here passed away for ever, Sorrounding the Hill-Monastery for
a circuit of twenty h were hundreds and thousands of Buddha-
relic topes very close together.

In the Life the distance from the capital of Chinahhukti
to the Tamasavana monastery in 50 li or only one tenth
of the distance here given. Our pilgrim’s Ta-inO'SUrfO'Tia
is undoubtedly the Tamasavana (or Tamasavana) or
“Darkness-wood” of other authors. This was apparent^
the name both of the monastery and of the district in
which it was situated. The monastery must have been at
an early date a noted seat of Buddhism as Brethren from
it were among the great Doctors invited by kmg Asoka
to his Council. The description of the summoning of thm
Council is given in several treatises from one onginni
appaiently. It is interesting to note the agreement and
difiFerence of these treatises m the matter of the Tamasa-
vana In the DivyavadSna the reading is “Tamasavane
and the A-yu-waug-chmg in agreement with this has AR'
or “Darkness-wood”, the interpretation given by oui
pilgrim. But the Tsa-a-han-cliing instead of Tamasavana
has To~p o-p'oh which is evidently for Tapova, the ongm^
being probably Tapovana In the A-yd-wang-chnan t e

KATTiTANI-PUTBA.

295

"dhiras Tamasavane” is rendered by OhoU'ye-wurW&i lit.
"day-mght fearless”, that is, the brave of tbe Day-nigbi>
The phrase in ordinary Chinese would mean “day and
mght without fear”, but here the term chourye is used in
the sense of “the darkness of day”. It corresponds to the
ctioiv-an or “Day-darkness” of another treatise and both
terms evidently stand for Tamasa.^

With reference to this Monastery we read that the
Buddha accompamed by the faithful yaksha Vajrapani
passed over a dark green wood on his way through the
air to convert the Dragorn-lang Apalala Addressmg the
Yaksha Buddha prophecied that in that place 100 years
after his decease a vihara would be erected to be called
“Darkness-wood” which should be preemment for absorbed
meditation.’

The Sastra-master bore called Ka-to-yen~na (Kntyayana)
was Elatyayaniputra, a^d his ^astra here mentioned exists
in two Chinese tianslations one of which is by our pdg-

For the words in the text here mterpreted as meanmg —
“Surroundmg the Hill-monastery for a circuit of twenty
U were hundreds and thousands of Buddha-rehc topes very
close together”, Juhen has — “Les convents, qui s’6l6vent
tout autour de la montagne, occupent un circuit de vmgt
h. On compte par centaines et par miUiers les stoupas
qui renferment des clie-h (Qariras-ieliques) du Bouddha
Ils sont tres-rapproch6s et coufondent mutuellement leur
ombre”. This rendermg seems to^'be madmissible and to
give a meanmg very different from what the author intend-
ed to convey Yuan-chuang does not make the absurd
statement that there were Buddhist monasteries for twenty
h all round a lull, but he tells us that there were thousands
of leUc-topes all round the “Hill monasterj” The “BQll

> Divyav p 3b9 A-y,u-wang-cliing, ch 3 Isa-a-han-ching, ch 28
A-yu-wang-chuan ch 1 (chon-ye-wa-wei ^ ^ ^ :§:)

2 Ta-chuang-jen-lun, ch 5 (No 1182), choto-an ^ ^

2 Sar Vin. Yao-8bib, ch 9

< Bud No 1278, 1275

296

JALAIIBHABA

monastery” was the Tamasatana; and it was so called by
the pilgnm because it was isolated, and not subject to a
superior establishment. This use of the word shan (ib)
in the senses of iLild. independent, rustic is very common,
and the phrase shan-lm-dan meets us again in these Eecords.
The monastery TamasSvana as our pilgnm describes it
was a spacious comprehensive establishment. It had accom-
modation for 300 Brethren it contained a tope and sacred
places of the Buddhas, and the ca*^es and memonal topes
of numerous deceased arhats; and then all round it for
twenty li were many thousand Buddha-rehc topes. In other
treatises the establishment is called a Wood or EiU, and
it was evidently different in character from ordinary viharas.

SHE-LAISl-TA-LO (JALANDHAEA).

From Tamasavana a journey of obout 140 h north-east brought
the pilgnm to the She-lan’ta-lo (J alandhara) country. This coun-
try -was above 1000 h east to west and 800 north to south,
and its capital was twelve or thirten h m circmt. Ihe region
yielded much upland nee with other grain^ trees were widely
spread, and fruits and flowers abounded, the climate wm warm,
the people had truculent ways and a mean contemptible appear-
ance, but they were in affluent circumstances. There were above
50 Monastenes with more than. 2000 Brethren who made special
studies in the Great and Xatile Vehicles. There were three
Deva-Temples with more than 600 professed non-Buddhists Of
the Pafiupata sect. A former king of this country had been a
patron of non-Buddhistic systems, afterwards he met an arhat and
learning Buddhism from him became a realons believer. Thereup-
on the king of ■“Mid-India’’ appreciating his sincere faith ga^®
him sole control of matters relating to Buddhism in all India-
In this capacity (as Protector of the Faith) the king of Jilandhara
rewarded and punished the monks without distinction of persons
and without private feeling. He also travelled through all India
and erected topes or monastenes at al^ sacred places.

The Shedcin-tcL-lo of this passage was long ago restored
as Jalandhara, the name of a city and district in the north
of the Panjab. ^ But it may be noted that the Info here

/

< A. G. L p 186.

KING UBITA.

2S7

anti the Fang-chih have She-lan-tOrna as if for J&landhana*;
in another passage the Life has She-lan-ta, and this is
the form of the name used by I-chmg 2 . In the Sung pil^
grim’s" itinerary the name is given Tso-lan-t'o-la (2£ Si PS
t) that 18 , Jakndhana3.

Of the 60 Monasteries liere mentioned one was doubtless
the Nagaradhana vihara- mentioned m the Life. In it
Yuan-chuang found the learned Brother named Chandra-
varma with whom he spent four months studying the
“Chung-shih^fSn-vibhaaha”, or Commentary on the “Chung-
shih-fen-Abhidharma-lun” already notmed.

Our pilgrim, it will be noticed, represents the Brethren
in this district as “making special studies in the Maha-
yana and HlnaySna”. His words are ta-hsiao-^li-sheng~
chuan-in^-hsi-hsio ij' jr. ^ ^ ^)< These words

are translated by Jolien— “que I’^tude particuhere du
grand et du petit Vehieule paitage en deux classes distinc-
tcs” This is a very unhappy rendering and the inter-
polation of the words “partage en deux classes distmctes”
IS unwarranted and spoils the author’s statement. What
he wished us to unterstand was that the Brethren in the
vanous Monastenes devoted themselves as they pleased
to particular lines of study m the MahriySnist and Hlna-
ySnist books.

Accordmg to the Life our pilgrim revisited Jalandhara,
and on that occasion was well treated by the king of
“North-India” who had his seat of government in the city
with this name. The king is calli^d Wu-ti or Wu-ti-to
Hi restored as Udito. It was evidently the same
kmg who treated courteously, and entertained hospitably,
another Ohmese pilgrim whose name was Hsilan-chao
(iM)* whom we have met already.

' Life eft. 6 and J. L p. S160-- 1.

’ HBi-yU-oh‘xu, eft. 1 and CharanneB H&moires pp 14,16 and notei.
3 Ma I. 1 , eft, 888
< Hsi-yii-cli'iti 1. c.

298

KtJ-LU"TO

Ka-LU-TO.

From Jalandhar^ the pilgrim travelled north-east, across moan-
tains and ravines, by hazardous paths, for above 700 /i, and came
to the country which he calls Kvlio. This region, which was
above 3000 h in circuit, was entirely surrounded by mountama.
Its capital was 14 or 15 h in circuit It had a rich soil and
yielded regular crops, and it had a nch vegetation abounding
in fruits and flowers As it was close to the Snow Mountains it
had a great quantity of valuanle medicines It yielded gold,
silver, red copper, crystal lenses and bell-metal (feu-shth). The
climate grew gradually cold and there was little frost or snow.
There were in the country twenty Buddhist Monasteries with
above 1000 Brethren of whom the most were Mahayanists, a
few adhering to the Schools (that is, belonging to the HinaySna
system). Of Deva-Temples there were fifteen and the professed
non-Buddhists lived pell-mell On both sides of the steep moun-
tain-passes were caves [which had beenj the lodging-places of
arhats and rishis In this country was a tope erected by^soka
to mark the place at which the Buddha on his vzsic to the
district had preached and received members into his church.

In the statement here made about the chmate of the
countiy the words “grew gradually cold” are m the ori-
ginal diien-han ^). This is the reading of the A and
C texts, but the B and D texts instead of chien have j/U
(liJ) meaning, passing, excessive, which is manifestly wrong.
The lattei was the reading of Juhen’s text, and as it did
not suit the words which follow — “there was bttle {wei
frost or snow”, be decided to substitute ch^g (M)
for the icet of lus text He then tianslates — “il tonibe
souvent du givie et de la neige” But this violent altera-
tion seems to be unnecessary, and ?cei is the readmg of
all the texts.

In the Fang-chih the name of this country is given as
Ku-lu-to-lo and also Ku4u-lo, Cunmngham considers that
the distance and beanng of the district from Jttlandhara
coi respond “exactly with the position of KuUu, in the
uppei valley of the Byas river”, and he regards it as the
KulutS of other writers This latter term is the name

1 ‘Ancient Geography of India’ p 142

liADiLK.

299

of a country in the north-west division of the Brihat Sam-
hita^. As the Sanskrit- word kula means, along with other
things a heap or collection the Ku-lu-to country is perhaps
the Chi-chi ^ or “Accumulation” district of the Sar-
vata Vmaya Buddha there goes from the Tamasavana
to the Chi-chi district where he converts and receives
into his church a Yaksha who afterwards builds a mona-
stery. The district also obtained a relic of the Buddha’s
body for which a tope was built called tlie Chi-cJn Tope 2

The pilgnm now tells us of two coantnes which he did not
visit. Gkung north, he writes, from Kuluto for above 1800 li
you come to the Ko-hu-lo country still farther north above
2000 li was the Mo-lo-so (or-s^a) country, the roads being very
bad and cold.

Cuniungham regards the Lo-hu-lo of this passage as
“clearly the Lho-ytd of the Tibetans and the Lahul of
the people of KuUu and other neighbouring states”. The
pilgrim’s Mo lo-so, Cunningham says — “must certainly be
Ladak.” He regards the so of the name as a mistake for
p^o, and Mo-lo-p‘o, he says, would give us Mar-po “the
actual name of the province of Ladak”. A note to our
Chinese text here tells us that another name for Mo-lo-so
was San-p'o-ha. The two countries here mentioned were
of jcourse outside of India.

SHE-TO-T‘IJ-LU.

From Knloto the pilgnm travelled south, over a high mounlam
and across a g^at river, for above 700 h, and reached the coun-
try called This was above 2000 ft moircmt, bounded

on the west by a large nver (supposed to be the Sntlej), and its
capital was 17 or 18 ft in circmt. It was an a agncnltural and
frmt-producing country, -and yielded much gold, silver, and other
precious substances The inhabitants were in good circumstances
and led moral lives, observing social distmctione and adhering
devoutly to Buddhism In and about the capital were ten mona-
stenes, but they were desolate, and the Brethren were very few
About three ft to the south-east of the capital was an Asoka

1 Ind Ant. VoL XXH p 182
* Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch 9

300

PARYATBA.

tope above 200 feet high, and beside it vere traces of spots on
•n-hich the Four Past Buddhas hod sat and walked up and down

Notliing seems to be known of tbe country and city
here described, and the suggestions for identification re-
qninng some tampering with tbe text are not of much
value h The restoration of the name as Satadru has been
generally accepted, but tbe transcription seems to require
rather ^atadure, and this is perhaps better than Satadru
which is the name of a river (the Sutlej) . the characters,
however, may represent Satadru.

P‘0-Ll.yE-TA-LO (PARYATRA).

From Satadru tbe pilgrim proceeded south-west, and after a
journey of over 800 fz, reached the country called Po-h-ye-ta-lo
(Paryatra). This country was above 3000 and its capital about
14 h in circuit. It had good crops of spring wheat and other
gram, including a peculiar kind of rice which in 60 dajs was
ready for cutting Oxen and sheep were numerous, and fruits
and flowers were scarce the climate was hot and the people
had harsh ways, they did not esteem learning and were not
Buddhists The king, who was of the Fei-she (Vaidya

stock, was a man of courage and military skill There were eight
Buddhist monasteries m.a bad state of ruin, the Brethren, who
were very few in number, were flinayanists. There were above
ten Deva-Temples and the professed non-Buddhists were above
1000 in number

The district here described has been identified by M.
Reinaud “with Paryatra or Bairat” and this identification
has been aocepted.^

The rice of this country which grew and npsQsd in
60 days could not have been the ordinary upland or dry
rice, as Jo thinks, for that was well known to the pilg^^
as a product of his own country and of several lands
through which he had recently passed. It must have been
a special variety, as the Cochin-China jrice, to which Juhen
refers, is a peculiar variety.

1 See Jnlien lll, p. 335 A. G. L p. 144.
t Jnhen ITT, p. 836. A. G. L p 837,

MATHUKA.

301

MATHURA.

From FSii^atra, the pilgrim contmuea, a journey of above 500 h
efistwards brought him to the country called Mo (or
(or Mathura)

This name is translated in some Chinese glossaries by
“Peacock', as if Mayura. It is also said to he denved
from madJiu, honey , as if the spelling of the name
were MadhttrS M' (3-rowse considers that the word is proba-
bly connected with the Sanskrit root math^ “to chum”,
“the chum forming a prominent feature in all poetical
descriptions of the local 8cenery’\» In connection with
this it IS mterestmg to observe that m a Buddhist scrip-
ture a sick bhikshu is represented as unable to obtain
milk at Mathura 2 There was also a story of a great
giant Madhu from whom the name of the city and district
was derived This also points to the form MadhuTa.

Yuan-ohuang describes the country of Mathura as being above
60o0 h in circuit, its Capital bemg above twenty It in circuit.
The soil, he says, was very fertile and agriculture was the chief
business mango trees were grown in orchards at the homesteads
of the people there were two kinds of this fruit, one small and
becoming yellow when ripe, and the other large and remaining
green. The country produced also a fine striped cotton cloth
and gold its climate was hot the manners and customs of the
inhabitants were good the people believed in the workmg of
karma, and paid respect to moral and intellectual eminence.
There were in the distnct above twenty Buddhist monasteries,
and above 2000 Brethren who were dihgent students of both
“Vehicles”. There were also five Deva-Temples and the pro-
fessed adherents of the different non - Buddhist sects lived
pell-mell

■Wben Pa-haien visited this country he also found 20
monasteries but he estimated the number of Brethren as
about 3000.3

"We now come to a passage which presents some serious
difficulties. It seems to be faulty both m form and sub-

1 Growse’s MathurS p 73 (2^ ed). See below p 811.
* A.-yii-wsmg-ebing, ch 9.

» Fo-kuo-oha, ch IR

302

THE BUILDIKQS AT MATHURA.

stance and it has perplexed native scholars. For the
present we may render it as follows.

There are three topes all built by Asoka* very numerous traces
left by the Four Past Buddhas* topes (or a tope) for the relics
of the followinjT holy disciples of Sakya Ju-lai, viz Sanputra,
Mudgalaputra, Purnamaitnyaniputra, UpSli, Ananda, and Rahula
topes for ManjuSri and the other P'usau. In the “Three Longs”
of every year, and on the six Pastdays of every month, the
Brethren with mutual rivalry make up parties, and taking mate-
rials of worship with many valuables, repair to the images of
their special patrons The Abhidharma Brethren offer worship
to SSnputra, the Samadhists to Mudgalaputra, the Sutraists to
Purnamaitnyaniputra, the Vinsyists to Upali, the bhikshunis to
Ananda, and the ^rimaneras to Rahnla and the Mahayanists to
the venous P'usas On these days the topes vie with each other
in worship: banners and sunsbades are displayed, the mcense
makes clouds and the flowers are scattered in showers, sun and
moon are obscured and the mountain-ravincs convulsed the king
and his state’smen devote themselves to good works

The difficulties of this passage begin Buth the first sen-
tence, and a native scholar took from the paragraph a
veiT" different meaning from that here given. He under-
stood the author to state that there were three Asoka
topes, viz. one for the numerous iraces left by the Four
Past Buddhas, one for the holy disciples of the Buddha,
and one for the P‘usas. There is something to be said
in favour of this inteipretation, but it does not quite suit
either the construction or the context. With the present
interpretation we have the bald statement that there were
three Asoka topes. The Fang-chih places these within
the capital, bnt our text does not give any information
as to their situation, or structure, or the purposes foi
which they were erected. So also the next clause — “very
many traces of the Four Past Buddhas” — seems to require
at its head either the — “viz. a tope for” of the Cliinese
scholar, or the “On montre” which Juhen prefixes. Then
as to the topes for the relics of the great disciples the
term for relics is t-shen (5^ lit. “left bodies”,
Julien translates i-shen stupa hy “Divers stoupas renfer-
mant les corps”. But i-slien here, as m other passages?
means only the ashes, hones or other relics left after crem-

STATUES OF THE SAINTS.

303

ation, «Zign being used as the equivalent of the Sansknt
word for hodp, Satlra. which is also used in the sense of
a “bodily relic”. Then we have this difficulty, that not
only was no one of the great disciples here named buned
at Mathura, but also there is no authority for stating that
the relics of any one of them were conveyed to this district
Moreover, as the Fang-chih points out, Ilahula was suppos-
ed not to have tasted death. This treatise, accordingly
suggests that the word for bodij (sMn) should not be taken
here in ite ordinary sense, hut should be unterstood as
meaning a visible symbol, such as an image or other likeness.
The reader will observe that our pilgnm represents the
worshippers as paying reverence, not to the topes, but to
images or pictures apparently set up for the occasion
Fa hsien in his general survey of “Mid-India” including
the Mathura distnct, tells us that at the Buddhist viharas
there were topes to ^Snputra, MadgalySyana (Yuan-chuang’s
Mudgalaputra), Ananda, and to the Sutras, the Vinaya,
apd the Abhidbaima. To some of these topes services
were offered, but ho describes the Sramaperas as making
offerings to Bshula not to his tope, and he describes the
MahSyanists as offering worship to “Prajfiaparamita,
Mafyu^, and Kuan-shi-yin”.'

Then our pilgnm is perhaps wrong in representing the
Abhidharmists as worshipping Sariputra, the Samadhists
as worshipping Mudgalaputra, and the Sutra Brethren as
worshipping Purpa-Maitnyaniputra. Sanputra was dis-
tinguished among the disciples for hi 3 great spiritual wis-
dom or prajna, but he had nothing to do with the Abhi-
dharma, which did not come mto existence until after his
death So MahamaudgalySyana was great in magic, in
his superhuman powers, but not in samadhi. MaitriySni-
putra is sometimes praised as a good expounder of the Master’s
teaching but he is not specially associated with the sutras.

Julien takes hlan3usrl to he one of the holy disciples
of the Buddha, and the anthoi of Fang-chih, and others

Fo-kuo-chi.

804

FAST MONTHS Aim FAST DATS.

have taken the same meaning out of the text ButMan-
jnfirl was not a human being; he was one of the great
Bodhisattvas, often figuring as first or chief of all these
MahSySna creations.

This passage tells ue that the Brethren went in parties
to offer worship to their respective patrons in the “Three
Longs” of the year and the Six Fast-days of each month.
By the “Three Longs” we are probably to understand the
first, fifth, and ninth months of each year which were
called the “Three Long Months” and the “Three Long
Fasts”. The Six Fast-days were the 8‘^ 14*^, 15*^* of each
half-month or the 8*^ 14*^, 15^, 23*^, 29*'‘, 30^ of each
month. This has been made known to us by Julien who
obtained his information from a late Chmese Buddhist
compilation. In this work under the heading “Nine Fast
Days” we find the above three month-fasts and six monthly
day-fasts given as making up the “Nine Fast-days”. This
seems w be rather a peculiar way of reckoning, and Julien
gets over the difficulty by changing month mto “in the
month”, and making the “mne Fast -days” literally mne
days. But then, what is to be done with the Fasts called
the “Three long months” or “Three long Fasts”? The
reason for the religious observance of these periods by
the Buddhist clergy and iaily is given in several books.
In the three months specified Indra (or according to
some Yisvamitra, or according to others the four Deva-
rSjas) by means of secret emissaries made a careful exa-
mmation mto the conduct and modes of life of the m-
habitants of Jambudvipa (India). So all the people of
that contment were on their best behaviour in these months,
tliey abstained from flesh and wme, and even from food
lav^ul in ordmary times, and they offered worship and
practised good works. They also kept holiday and visit-
ed the shrines of their divinities to pray for earthly
blessings. In these months there were no executions of
criminals and no slaughter of animals was all owed.^ Thus

1 Fo-Bhuo-chai-ching (No 677)* Shih-sbiix-yao-lan, ch. 8
t'ung-chi, ch 88 (No 1661)

UP08ATHA OEBEBBATIONS.

305

the “Three Long Fasts” were evidently m their origin a
popular rather than a Buddhistic institution, and Buddhism
may have adopted them to a certain extent as a matter
of expediency. They are never mentioned, however, m the
canonical treatises.

The “Six Fast-days of every Month” were also popular
religious hohdays before the time of the Buddha. Accord-
ing to some accounts these days, like the three months,
were devoted by Jhdra's messengers to a roving mspection
of the moral and religious conduct of the people of India i.
The people on their part were caieful on these days to
fast, and offer worship, and do good works, in the hope
of receiving matenal recompense such as fine weather and
good crops This sort of observance was called the “Con-
herd’s Fast”. But the Panviajakas of the Tirthikas
devoted these six days to the pubhc readmg of their
scriptures, and the Buddha ' followed their example He
ordamed that on these days the Piatimoksha should be
recited in a select congregation of the Brethien, and |he
seems also to have appomted the readmg of the Dharma
on these days, the Uposatha days, to the people 2

Our pilgrim is apparently wrong m representing the
Buddhist Brethren as spending the first, fifth, and ninth
months m the manner here mdicated. The fifth month
was part of the Retreat from the rams, and the Brethren
could not break up Retreat for a whole month and go a\\ay
to a tope or a monastery to pay respect to their special
patrons and enjoy themselves with their companions Fa-
hsien makes the festival of Patron-worship occur once a
year after Retreat, each set havmg its own day, and this
is more likely to be correct than yuan-ohuang^s accoimt
According to Fa-hsien also it was the people who provided
the illummations and flowers for the topes while the clergy
preached. These topes, moreover, m his narrative through-
out the region of which he is writing were apparently

t 8«il-t‘ien-T7QBg-ohing (No 722) Teeng-yi-n-Iian-ching, ch 16
* ‘Vinaya Tests’ (S B. B.) VoL 1 pp. £39, 940

V

306

TJPAGtTPTA MONASTERY.

attached to or near monasteries, but the topes of oar pil-
grim’s account do not seem to have been connected with
any Buddhist estahhshment
Returning to our pilgrim’s description of this district
we read that-

going east from the capital five or six li one comes to a “hill-
monastery” the chamber of which was quarried m a steep hank,
a narrow defile being used to form its entrance. This monastery
had been made by the venerable Upagnpta and it enclosed a
tope with a finger-nail relic of the Buddha. Through the north
rock-wall of the monastery was a cave above 20 feet high by
30 feet wide, within which were piled up fine four-mch shps of
wood (that IB, tallies). Wben the Venerable Upagupta was
preaching and converting, every married couple which attained
arhatship put down a tally here, but for single members of famihes
alihongb they became arhats no record of the fact was kept

The words for “a hill-monastery” in this passage are
yv-shan-korlan and Julien translates them “un kia-lan situ^
sur ime montagne”. As has been seen a “hill-ka-lan” was
a idral non-descript vihSra not attached to any superior
establishment Then Julien makes the pilgrim locate the
Tally-cave “dans une caveme qoi est au nord de ce JciO'
Ian”. The text has Jca-lan-^t-yen-hstm-yu^shih-sTiih (fy
^ ^ ^ S steep rock on the nori^

of the ka-lan is a cave. The word yen does not mean
une caverm but a steep wall of rock, and the entrance
to the Tally-cave was through the rock which formed the
north side of the Vihara-Cave. This interpretation of the
text will he found to agree with descriptions given in
other treatisea

The site , of the Upagupta monastery, as we may call
the Ica-lan, of our author’s narrative was apparently
the place called the Urumup^a (or Urumapda or Buru-
manda) Hill, and the Kimurunda of M* Rockhill’s Tibetan
text. The name Urumand^. is rendered in Ohineso by
“Great Cream” its literal significatioiib and

near the hill there was a “Great Cream” to.wn or village.
To describe or indicate this hill various forms of ex-

* A-yii-wang-chmg, di. 9.-

DPAGUPTA MONASTERY

307

pression are used. Thus seen fiom a distance it was “an
azure streak”; it was also a “line of green foiest”, and a
“wood of green tiees” On or at this hill, accoiding to
some authoiities, the brotheis Nata ’and Bata constnicted
the Natabafa-vihara, to which they aftenvards invited Upa-
gupta when he came to live at Mathura This is suppos-
ed to be the “Hill ka-lan” of our pilgrim but it may
have been a sepaiate establishment. This “Hill ka-lan”
was evidently the house or vihara of Upagupta on the
Urumanda hill, and it was probably a laige natural cave
improved by art to constitute a monastery. Connected
with the monastery was the cave in which the disciples
converted by Upagupta’s teaching, on their attainment of
arhatship deposited each a sbp of wood or bamboo. i This
cave IS also represented as a “made house” but this is
evidently a mistake 2 Its dimensions vaiy in different
books, one authority making it 18 cliou long, by 12 dim
wide, and 7 chou high 2 . In our pilgiim’s descnpbon we
should probably regard -“above 20 feet high” as a mistake
for “above 20 feet long” othei wnteis giving the length as
24 or 27 feet, the height being about 9 01 10 feet. Then
Yuan-chuang’s statement, that talhes were kept only of
marned couples attaining aihatship is very silly and does
not agree with the accounts in other Chinese books.
According to these every one who through Upagupta’s
teaching and guiding became an arhat added his tally
to the pile Upagupta had marvellons success as a
Buddhist missionaiy at Mathura, he converted many thou-
sands of lay people, and tlii’ough him 18000 disciples
attained arhatslup. lYhen he died all the tallies deposit-
ed by these arhats were taken away and used at his ore-
mation^. Yet Yuan-chuang would have us believe that he
saw them still filling up the cave.

1 Stir Ym Yoo-sluh, ch 9

2 A-yu-wang-chnan, ch. 5

3 Sar Vm. L c The sli'ou (U.J)'Waa obontl'/j foot. See abo A-
yii-wang-cbing, ch 6

■4 Sar Vin I o TCr. S. 14 f

308

tJRUMAKpA HILL.

In some books tbe hill on which was the Natabata-
vihatSr- occupied by Upagupta is called Sira or TJ^a,
altho||gh we also, have mention of the U^ira hill without
any reference to a cave or monastery k This D^ira hill
was at the side of the “UrumaRda Hill” and the latter
name may have included the two lulls and the wood or
forest adjoining.

General Cunningham considered the site of Upagupta’s
monastery to be that of the Id-’gah or Katra of the present
Muttra, and this opmion has been adopted by others.
But it IS undoubtedly wrong. A later investigator,
M*" Growse, writes. “General Cunningham, m his Archaso-
logical Report, has identified the Upagupta monastery
with the Tasa vihara inside the Katra* but in all proba-
bility he would not now adhere to this theory; for, at the
time when he advanced it, he had never visited theKan-
ksli Tila, and was also under the impression that the
Fort always had been, as it now is, the centre of the city
Even then, to' maintain his theory, he was obliged to have
/ recourse to a .vory violent expedient, and m the text of
the Chinese pilgrim to alter the word ‘east’ to ‘wesf, because,
he writes, “a mile to the east would take us to the low
ground on the opposite bank of the J^unfi, where no
rums exist”, forgetting apparently Fa Hian’s distmct state-
ment that in hiS time theie were monasteries on both
sides of the nver, and being also unaware that there are
heights on the left bank at Isapur and Mah&ban, where
Buddhist remains have been found. The topographical de-
scriptions of the two pilgrims may be reconciled with existm^
facts without any tampering with the text of the narrative.
Taking the Katra, or the adjoining shrine of Bhdtesvar,
as the omphalos of the ancient city and the probable site
of the great stupa of ^^.nputra, a short distance to the
east will bring us to the Kankali Tlla, i. e. the monastery
of Upagupta”. 2 This is very positive but not quite con-

1 Tar. 1 c ‘ Ta-pei-ching (No. 117)
3 Gtowb6 op. c p 112

TiEO-END OF THE HONEF.

309

vincing, and wheie didM'Giowse get his “great stupa of
Sariputia”?

Tins Upagupta monastery is appaiently the “Oream-
viUage” vihara of a Vinaya treatise, one of the many
Buddhist establishments, mentioned as being in the Mathura
distnct * It may also perhaps be the Gruha vihara of the
Lion Pillar inscriptions. 2 We find it called the Katika '
sangliSrama, and the Natabata (01 Natibati)-vihara, as
already stated, and the Natabhafikaranyayatana of the
DivyEvadana.3 It was evidentiy in a hill among trees and
not far from the city of Mathura, but Yuan-chuang seems
to be the only authonfy for placing it about a mile to the
east of the city. This would apparently put the Urumai;^a
hill on the east side of the Jumna, and the situation
assigned to the Monkey Tope m the next paragraph agrees
with this supposition.

The pilgrim’s narrative proceeds to state that to the sonth-east
of the cave (that is, the Chve monastery) and 24 oV 25 h (about
five miles) from it was a large dried up pond beaide which was
a tope. This was the place Yuan-chuang tells us, at which
when the Suddha was once walking up and down a monkey
offered him some honey The Buddha caused the honey to be
mixed with water and then distributed among his disciples
Hereupon the monkey gambolled with delight, fell mto the pit
(or ditch) and died, and by the religious merit of this offering
was bom as a human being

The story of a monkey or a flock of monkeys (or apes)
presentmg wild honey to the Buddha is told with vana-
tions in several Buddhist scriptures In some the
scene of the story* is laid near VaiSab^ (and our pil-
grim, it will be seen, tells of a troop of monkeys offering
honey to the Buddha at this place), in some at SrSvasti*.

1 SSng-ohi-lu, ch 8
J J E. A. S for 1894 p 626

3 Divyav oh. XXVI and p 385 Bur. Int p. 378 Ta-pei-ching
* Ohung-a-han-ching, c/i 8. Sar Vin. Tao-shih, ch 18 Cf Re-
cords, ch 7

5 Hsien-yfi-chmg, ch 12 Der Weise u d T S. 847

310

THE HONEY LAD.

and in -some at the Natika village K The follo'wmg account
of the whole matter is taken chiefly from the “Hsien-yU-
ching”. The Buddha was once visited at Sravasti by a
Brahmin householder who was son-less and wished to
know whether he was to die so. Buddha consoled him
with promise of a son who should become a distinguished
member of the church. In due time the son was bom,
and because it was observed that about the tune of his
birth the honey-vessels in the house became full of honey,
he received the name “Honey-prevailing”. In Chinese the
name is Mi-sheng and the Sanskrit original is

written Mo-Poi^lo-se-chih, that is, Madhurasachi or “Sweet
Influence”, viz. bom with the good omen of honey. This
boy in time became a disciple of the Buddha who ex-
plained to Ananda that Mi-sheng in a long-past previous
existence had been a bhikshu, that he had then once been
disrespectful to a senior Brother. The senior rebuked
him gently and Mi-sheng was penitent, but he had to
suffer punishment for his thoughtless rude language by
600 births as a monkey. It was m the last of tnese births
that the incident of the honey-offering occurred. The
Buddha, and his disciples had halted for rest one day
under some trees by a tank not far from Sravasti Here*
a monkey came and took Buddha’s bowl and soon after
returned with it full of honey and offered it to the Buddha.
The latter sent the monkey back first to remove the in-
sects from the honey and afterwards to , add water to it.
When the honey was thus “mire”, that is, fit for bhikshus
use Buddha accepted it and distiibuted it among his dis-
ciples The monkey wae now up a tree again, and seeing
ids honey accepted and distributed he frisked about with
delight until he fell and was drowned in the pit below.
But by the merit of the gift of honey he was immeiately
bom again as a human creature and became the disoipi®
Mi-sheng. In another treatise the name of the bhiksbu

* Sar Vin, P‘o*Beng-shih, ch 12 This may be the Natik^ of tko
manda. the village and the monastery having the same name.

LEGBND OF UPAGUPTA.

311

is given aS Madhu-Vasishtha, his tamily name bemg Va-
sishtha', and in another work he is called AR-lising or
‘‘floney-natme”.2 in one book the monkey skips with
dehght but does not fall mto the water and in another
he dies and is bom agam m Paradise. <

The story of the monkey and the honey, here lepeated
by the pilgnm, being told of Mathura as an expla-
nation of the name, must have arisen at a time when
the form used was Madhura. There is also another
monkey or ape stoiy conneoted with Mathura. In a pre-
vious existence, the Buddha once explained, Upagupta
was bom as a monkey (or ape) and became the chief jf
a troop of monkeys living at Drumanda. As such he made
offermgs and shewed much kindness to 600 Pratyeka
Buddhas who were living on another part of Urumanda.
The ment of his conduct to these worthies brought the
monkey birth as a human bemg in his next existence, and
m it, as the bhikshu Upa^pta, he rose to be a most suc-
cessful preacher, a peerless samt, and a Buddha in all
but the bodily signs.*

The pilgnm goes gn to nanate that to the north of the dried-
up pondj and not far from it, was a large wood m which were
footsteps of the Four Fast Buddhas, left by them as they walked
up and down Hard by these were topes to mark the places at
which Sanputra and the others-of the Buddha’s 1260 great dis-
ciples had practised absorbed meditation There were also memn-
nals of the Buddha’s frequent visits to this district for the pur-
pose of preaching

The “large wood” of this passage, which lay between
the Upagupta Monastery and the Dned-up Pond, may be
the forest generally mentioned in connection with Uru-
manda. But it is at least doubtful whether any of the
1260 disciples ever practised samadhi m this neighbour-

1 Sar Vin. P'o-seng-shih, ch 12
J Sar Yin. Tao-shih, cA 18
s Ohung-a-han-ching, ch. 6

* Seng-chi-lu, ch 29

* Fo-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-chingi ch 8 Sar Vin Yao-sluh, ch 9
Divjav Oh XXYI

3^2

ItfATHURA.

hood. The Urumanda district was a great resort of asce-
tics devoted to serenity of mind and prolonged meditation,
but this was atter the time of Upagupta. Then the
Buddha’s visits to the Mathura district do not seem to
have been numerous, even if we accept records of doubtful
authenticity We are told that he expressed a dislike to
the country which had, he said, five defects. The ground
was uneven, it was covered with stones and hrick-hats, it
abounded with prickly shrubs, the people took solitary
meals, and there were too many women.* We find men-
tion of the Buddha visiting the country on one occasion
and lodging in a mango-tope near the Bhadra nver.2 On
another occasion he lodged with his disciples in Ass Yak-
sha’s palace (or the monastery of Ass Yaksha) which was
apparently outside the capital ^ He also passed through
this country with Ananda when returning from ins mission
to ^‘Horth-India”, going among yung-chiln-jm ^ A)
or Surasenas until he reached Mathura cily.

It is worthy of notice that in his account of Mathura
and the surrounding district the pilgrim does not give
the name of any hill, or river, or to'wn, or Buddhist esta-
bhshment in the country. His information about the dis-
trict is meagre and his remarks about the Buddhist ob-
jects of interest in it seem to be confused and to a certain
extent second-hand. He apparently did not visit the capi-
tal, and made only a hurried journey across a part of the
country. It seems very strange that he does not mention
by name the famous XJrumnnda (or Urumanda) Hill
intimately connected, as we have seen, with the introduc-
tion of Buddhism into the district, and evidently an o
place of resort for contemplative ascetics of other religious

1 Sar. Yin. Yao-slnh, ch 10. . _

2 Tsa-a-han- clung, ch 2 and 24. The mango topes teem to ^

all disappeared from the MaWiura dBstnct. , ^

~*.Ser Yin. Yao-shih, ch. 10. This hmlding was properly
monastery, but a hall or temple. It "was apparently on the o^
of the Buddha’s returning from the north that he made the f
, "MatharS, converting the vdcked YakshfnTs, and preaching bn re ig

MATHURA.

313

systems. Nor does he mention the great river which Bow-
ed past the east side of Mathura city Fa-hsien men-
tions this nver which he calls Pa-m Jf)) short for the
Yao (f^)-pu-iia (Yabuna) of his translations Our pilgrim
m his translations and in this chuan transcribes the name
Yen-mou-na (Yamuna) Then he does not seem to have
heard of such wellknovm Buddhist estahlishinenls as the
vihftra of the Hsien-jen (|iil J\)-c}m-lao or Rishi village
(or town), or the vihara of the Grove the Ts’unff-lin (^ ^)
~ssiu The former was on the east and the latter on the
west side of the Jumna. ‘ Ts^uny-lin is supposed to be
for the Sanskrit Pinda-vana it could not liave been Kri-
shna's Vrinda-vana, which was on the opposite side of
the nver.

1 Seng-chi-lu, ch 8

CHAPTER X.

CHUAN IV CONT®.

sthaweSvab to kapetha.

«

jFrom the Mathuru country the pilgrim, according to his narra-
tive, proceeded north-east, and after a journey of above 500 h,
reached the Sa-ta-m-ssii-fa'lo (SthSnesvara) country He tells
UB this country was above 7000 li in circuit, and its capital, with
the same name apparently, was above twenty 1% m circuit. The
soil was rich and fertile and the crops were abundant the ch-
mate was warm: the manners and customs of the people were
illiberal: the nch families vied with each other in extravagance
The people were greatly devoted to magical arts and highly
prized outlandish accomplishments: the majority pursued trade,
and few were given to farming: rarities from other lands were
collected in this country. There were (that is, at the capital
apparently) three Buddhist monasteries with above 700 professed
Buddhists, all Hlnayanists There were also above 100 Deva-
Temples and the nou-Buddhists were very numerous.

The capital, the pilgrim goes on to describe, was surrounded
for 200/i^by a district called the ®Blace of Kehgious Merit”
Fti-U Oils The origin of this name Yuan-chuang learned

at the place to be as follows The “Five Indias" were once
divided between two sovereigns who fought for mastery, inva-
ding each other’s territory and keeping up unceasing war. At
length m order to settle the question of supenonty, and so give
peace to their subjects, the kings agreed between themselves to
have a decisive action. But their subjects were dissatisfied wd
refused to obey their kings’ commands. Thereupon the king
[of that part of India which included Sth&neafara] thought of an
expedient. Seeing it was useless to let his subjects have a voice
in his proposals, and knowmg that the people would he influen-
ced by the supematural, ho secretly sent a roll of silk to a clever
brahmm commandmg him to come to the palace. On his arrival
there the brahmin was kept in an inner chamber, and there he

KAUEAVA8 AND PANDAVAS,

315

composed (that is, by the King’s mspiratiou) a Dharma-sutra
(that ifl, a treatise on Duty). This book the king then hid in a
rock-cave, where it remained for several years until vegetation
covered the spot. Then one morning the king informed his
ministers at an audience that he had been enlightened by Indra,
who told him in a dream abont an inspired book hidden in a
certain hill. The book was brought forth, and officials and people
were enraptured. By the kmg’s orders the contents of the scrip-
ture were made known to all, and the sum of them was briefly
this—

Life and death are a shoreless ocean with obb and flow in
endless alternation intell^ent creatures cannot save themselves
from the eddies m which they are immersed. I have an admi-
rable device for saving them from their woes, and it is this —
Here we have for 200 h round this city the place of religious
raent for generations of the ancient sovereigns, but as its evi-
dences have been effaced in the long lapse .of time,, people have
ceased to reflect on the efficacy of the place, and so have been
submerged in the ocean of miserv with no one to save them
from perishing Now all who, being wise, go mto battle and die
fighting, will be reborn among men* slaying many they will be
innocent and will receive divine blessings obedient grand-chil-
dren and filial children serving thoir parents while sojourning in
this district will obtam infinite happiness. As the meritorious
service is little, and the reward it obtams great, why miss the
opportunity? Once the human body is lost there are the three
states of dark oblivion hence every human being should be dih-
gent in making good karma, thus all who engage in battle will
look on death as a return home-
The the lung ordered an enrolment ot heroes for battle, and
an engagement took place on this ground The bodies of thoso
killed in battle were strewn about in confused masses, so great
was the number of the slam, and the huge skeletons of these
heroes still cover the district, which popular tradition calls the
Place of Religious Merit

The whole of this passage about the “Place of Eeligious
Merit” 18 curious and interesting giving, as has been pointed
out by others, the story which our pilgmn heard on the
spot about the wars of the Kauravas and
reads like an extract from the BhagavadgltS The passage
which, in the present rendermg of it, is treated as being
the sum of the inspired teaching of the sutra, is made by
Juhen, in his version, to be a proclamation by the king of

316

STHA15ESVARA.

Stoned vara. The last clause of the passage is treated
by him a6 a separate sentence and he translates it thus —
“La-dessus, tous les hommes combattirent avec ardeur et
couruient joyeusement alamort”, that is, before the king
called on the people to enlist in his service. This treat-
ment of the text seems to be a very unfoiiiunate one as
Yuan-chuang makes a clear distinction between the coun-
sel of the Dharmasutra {Forching j^), and the king’s
proceedings after the promulgation of the counsel

Four or five h to the north-west of the capital, the pilgrim
relates, was an Asoka tope made of bright orange bricks, and
containing wonder-working relics of the JBuddha Above 100 \%
south from the capital was the Ku-hun-Pu (m some texts -cA‘a)
monastery this had high chambers in close succession and
detached terraces the Buddhist Brethren in it led pure strict
lives

The Ku-hun-Vu (or cli^a) of this passage may perhaps,
as has been suggested, be for Govmda. Another restora-
tion proposed is Gokantha, and this is the name adopted
by Cunningham, but it does not seem possible that the
Chinese chaiacters are a transcription of this word. Go-
vinda IB a common name for Krishna, but it may have
been the name of the village in which the monastery hero
described was situated.

The Stbane^vara o? this passage has been identified
' with the modem ThSnesai (Tanesar, Tanessar) in Ambala.
Cunningham seems to regard this identification as beyond
question 1, although in perhaps no point of distance, direc-
tion or measurement do the two places coiTespond. Tha-
nesar is about 180 miles to the north-north-west of Ma-
thura 2, and Sthane^var was about 100 miles to the north-
east of that place* the area of the country as given by
the pilgrim is too great by one fourth and that of the
“holy land” (Yuan-chuang’s Place of Happiness, that is
Keligious Ment) is too small by half. Moreover the
of the Records cannot be regarded as a translation of

i A. G I p 328 J. Ill p. 339
3 Alberum Vol. I p 199

3RUGHKA.

317

Dharma-Kshetra, another name for the Kum-Kshetia. Be-
sides, this latter name designated a laige plain above
100 miles to the south-east of Thanesvar, and the Fu-ti
was all round the city Sthanesvaia for only about 40 miles
Cunningham in his usual manner pioposes to get over
some of the difficulties by takmg liberties with the pil-
grim’s text. It is better, ‘howevei, to regard our pilgnm
as bemg correct in his statement of distance and diiection
from Mathura to Sthanesvaia, and as deriving his infor-
mation on other matters from the Brethren m the monas-
teneo. He seems to represent himself as gomg to the
great monasteiy 100 li (about 20 miles) south from the
capital Had he made a journey to the south of Thane-
sar, he would probably have told us of the celebrated
Tank m the distnct about which Alberum and Tavernier
relate wonderful things. ^

SRUGHNA.

The pilgrim continumg the story of his travels relates
that*—

from this (that is apparently, Sthanesvara) he went north-east
for above 400 h and came to the country Su-lu-l{^in~na

The Life, which calls this country Lu-hin-na, makes it
to be 400 li to the east of Sthanesvara, Our pilgrim’s
transcription has been restored as Srughna, but this does
not seem to be right Another transcription is Su4ti~kw
(ka)'I{^nt and this and the transcnption in the text seem
tb point to an original like Srukkhin or Srughin. Cun-
ningham, taking the “from this” of the text to moan from
the Govinda monastery, makes the 400 h to be counted
from that monastery and accordingly gives the distance
from SthSneSvara to Siughna as only 300 li.^ But the
Life, and the Bang-chih, make Yuan-chuang start from
and count from Sthanesvara, and as it seems likely that

* Albemm Yol H. p. 146 Benuer’s Tifavels (Constable’s Or.
MiBC.) p 302

a A G L p 345

318

MAHAYANA AND HINA YANA

Yuan-chnang did not go to the Govmda monasteiy, I think
we should understand the “from this’’ of the text to mean
from the capital. Cunningham identifies the city ^ruglina
with the modern village of Sugh which “is surrounded on
three sides by the bed of the old Jumna’’. But as the
measurements and distances given by Yuan-chuang, as
usual, do not agree with those requiied by Cunningham,
we may perhaps regard the identification as not quite
established.

Proceeding v-uth his descnption of 8rughna the pilgiim
tells us that

it •was above 6000 h in circuit, bounded on tbe east by the Gan-
ges and on the north by high mountains, and that through the
middle of it flowed tlie river Yen~mo~na (Jumna) The capital,
above 20 h in circuit, was on the west side of the Jumna, and
was in a ruinous condition In climate and natural products the
country resembled Sthanesvara. The inhabitants were naturally
honest they were not Buddhists, they held useful learning m
reopect and esteemed religious wisdom. There were five Buddhist
monasteries and above 1000 Buddhist ecclesiastics, the majority
of whom were Hlnajanists, a few adhering to “other schools”
The Brethren were expert and lucid expounders of abstract doc-
trines, and distinguished Brethren from other lands came to them
to reason out their doubts. There were 100 Deva-Temples, and
the non-Buddhists were very numerous.

The statement here that the majority of the Buddhist
Brethren in ^rughna i‘learned the Idttle Vehicle and a
few studied other schools” is rather puiszling as all the
Eighteen Schools (pu) belonged to the Hmay^a. AH
the texts, however, agiee, and the Fang-chieh shews a
wise discretion by omittmg the difficult words. By th®
“other schools” Yuan-chuang may have meant the Sau-
trSntiksis and other schools which had arisen in the later
development of Buddhism, and were independent of th®
old schools and the two “Vehicles”. The pilgrim hoard
expositions of the doctrines of the Sautrantikas during hi®
stay in the country. But we must also reinemher that hs
uses the terms Mahaygna and Hmaygna in a manuer
which is apparently peculiar to himself.

THE EIVEB GANGES.

319

The narraiiTe proceeds — To the 80 Qtii*east of the capital
and on the west side of the Jnmna outside the east gate of a
large monastery was an Asoka tope at a place where the Ju-lai
had preached and admitted men mto his church. Beside this
tope was one which had hair and nail-relics of the Ju-lai,
and round about were some tens of topes with similar relics of
^Sriputra, Mndgalaputra, and the other great arhats. After the
Buddha’s decease the people of this country had been led astray
to behove m wrong religions and Buddhism had disappeared
Then ^Sstra-masters from other lands defeated the TKrthiLao
and Brahmins m discussions, and the five monastenes already
mentioned were built at the places where the discussions were
held in order to commemorate the victories

A journey of above 800 ft east from the Jumna (that is, at
6rngbna) brought the pilgnm to the Ganges The source of
this niver, he adds, is three or four h wide the nver flows south-
east to the sea, and at its month it is above ten It wide the
waters of the nver vary in colour and great waves nse m it
there are many marvellous creatures in it but they do not injure
any one its waters have a pleaeant sweet taste and a fine sand
comes dovra with the current In the popular hterature the
nver is called Fu^shut or “Kippiness-water” that is, the water
(or. nver) of rehgious ment. Accumulated sms are effaced
by s hath in the water of the nver those who drown them-
selves in it are reborn in heaven with happmess if the hones
of one dead he consigned to the nver that one does not go
to a had place by raising waves and fretting the stream
(that u, by splashing and dnvmg the water back) the lost soul
is saved

In the Life and the Fang-chih the pilgrim proceeds to
the “Source of the Granges” which is 800 h to the east
of tho Jnnma and this is supposed to he what the pilgnm
meant to state. But the context and the sequel seem to
require us to take him literally as simply coming to the
Ganges. It was apparently at a place to the south of the
“Source of the Ganges” that he reached that nver. This
“Source of the Ganges” is supposed to he GangSdvara or
Hardwar, the place where tho Ganges emerges from the
Sivahk mountains into the plams. The expression here
rendered “the waters of the river vary m colom” is shm-
se-Tsang-lang (:^ M) that is, “the water in colour

IS Tseng '^<Mig”, or clear and muddy. The allusion is to

320

STOBT OP DBVA’s MLOBIMAOB.

the Teang-lang river which, as we learn from a hoy’s song
quoted in Mencius, ran sometimes clear and sometimes
muddy. ‘ Julien translates the words by **La coulem* de
ses eaux est hleuHtre”, a rendering which is not correct
from any point of view. Then as the original for Fu^shui,
“Biver of religious merit” (lit. Keligious merit water) Jnhen
gives Mahabhadrl, which is a name for the Ganges but
is not the equivalent of Eu-shtii. This term is a literal
rendering of the Sanskrit and Pali word Punyodaka, went-
wateTi and Punyodaka is the name of a river m the world
beyond. The reason why the name was transferred to the
Ganges is to be found in the next paragraph of our pas-
sage, in which the pilgrim describes the spiritual efficacy
of the water of the river. In this paragraph the words
rendered “by raismg waves and fretting the stream the
lost souls (or spirits) are saved” are yang-f^o-ch’-livrwmg-
hun-huo-cM ^ ^ ^ W)' dhlien connects

these words with the preceding danse which states that
if the bones of a dead person are consigned to the river
that person does not go to a bad place, Julien mai^g the
author add — “pendant que les dots se gonflent et cou-
lent en bondissant, Iftme du ddftint passe & I’autre rive”.
The first clause of this is not a translation of the Chinese,
and Julien’s failaxe to understand his author has spoiled
this passage and his rendering of the story about Peva
P‘usa which follows.

Our pilgrim, in connection with his remarks about the
popular belief in the spiritual virtues of the water of the
Ganges, that is presumably at Gungadvara, relates the
following annecdote —

Deva'P*u9a of the Oh^shih-trii-Jeuo (or Sifiihala country), pro*
foundly versed in. Buddhist lore and ^jinpassionute to the shuplo*
had come hither to lead the people aright. At the time of htf
arrival the populace, male and female, old and young, were W'
BCmbled on the hanks of the river and were remind WAW*
fretUng the current The P*ub*i solemnly setting an exampl®
his head dovm to check and turn the stream. As his mo^^ o

* Mencius, ch. 7. P I.

LEGBND OP DEVA.

321

procedure was different from that of the rest, one of the Tirthi-
kas said to him— Sir, why are you so strange? Deva answered
— My parents and other relatives are in the Simhala country,
and as I fear they may be suffering from hunger and thirst, I
hope this water will reach thus far, and save them To this
the Tirthikos replied — Sir, you are in error and your mistake
comes from not having reflected— your home is far away with
mountains and rivers intervening — to fret and agitate this water,
and by this means save those there from hunger, would be like
gomg back m order to advance, an unheard of proceeding Deva
then rephed that if sinners in the world beyond received bene-
fits from this water, it could save his relatives notwithstanding
the intervening mountains and nvers His arguments convinced
hifl hearers, who thereupon acknowledged their errors, renounced
them, and became Buddhists.

The Chih-sliih-tzu Tcuo or Simhala country of this pas-
sage has been taken to be Ceylon, the country generally
so designated, but it may be here the name of a country
in Indio. Yuan-chuang, as will be seen hereafter, pro-
bably knew that Deva was a native of South-India and
not of Ceylon.

Accordmg to the story here related, when Deva found
the people on the river-side splashmg the water, he set
himself to lead them to nght views He assumed d. grave
air and an earnest manifer, and while the others were
merely going through a religious rite, he seemed to be
making a senous effort to force the river back. As he
evidently desired, bis strange manner attracted attention;
and be was able to turn the Tirtbikas’ criticism against
themselves. Here Juhen give® a rendenng which seems
to be against construction and context, and makes the
story absurd. The Chinese for “giving an example” or
“lesJding angbt” heie is chv-yin (iR 5|) which Julien trans-
lates “voulut puiser de I’eau”. But the phrase is of ctnn-
mon occurrence and generally in the sense of “lead by
example” or “set m the right conree”.

In this Smghna (or Srughin) country, we learn from
the Dife, the pilgrim eiyoyed the society of a learned Doc-
tor m Bnddhi^, by name -Tayagupta. The pilgrim remained
here one winter, and half of the spring following; and “when

322

KATIPUBA.

Jbe had heard all the fibhSshs of the Sautrantika School”
he continued his journey.

■With reference to Yuan-chuang’s mention of the Buddha
having preached at the capital of this country, it may he
stated that the story of the Buddha visiting Srughna and
there meeting the Brahmin named Indra, who was proud
of jiis youth and beauty, is told in the Divyavadana and
m the Sarvata "V^inaya.*

MO-TI-PU-LO (MATIPUR).

The pilgrim proceeds to nerrate that crossing to the east bant
of the river (that is, the Ganges) he came to the Jilo-h-jpu-lo (Mati*
pur) country. This ■vras above 6000 h, and its capital above 20 li
in circuit. It yielded gram, fruits, and flowers, and it had a
gemal climate. The people were upright in their ways; they
esteemed useful leammg. were well versed m magical arts; tod
were equally divided between Buddhism and other religions.

f 'ho long, who was of the Sodra stock (that is caste) did not
eheve in Buddhism, and worshipped the Bevas. There were
above ten Buddhist monasteries with above 800 Brethren mostly
adherents of the Sarv&6tiv5din school of the Hinsyano, There
were also above fifty Deva-Temples and the sectarians lived
pell-melL

The Mo4i-pu-lo or Matipur of this passage has been
identified by Saint-Martin and Cunningham with Madftwar
or “Mandawar, a large town in western Bohilkhand, near
Bijnor”.2 But in Cunningham’s Map No. X, to which he
refers us, MadSwar is to the south-east of Sru^na auo
to the south of GangBdvara, whereas Matipur was
east of Srughna and east of the “Source of the Gang^” “
we are to regard that as the place at which the pilgrhn
halted before crossing the river. Then, as usual, the areas
of the country and its capital do not agree with Cunning'
ham’s requirements.

Four or five h south from the capita], the pilgrim
was the tmall monastery m which the 6&stra-ma«ter
composed above 100 treatises mcluding the ^

1 DivySv. p, 74 Sar. Fin. Yao-shih, ch. 9
a A. G. I p. 848.

LEGEND OF GUNAFBABHA,

323

Truth-expounding Treatioe Thio Gunjiprabha,
Yuang-chuang tells us, from being a verj' clever boy had grown
up to be a mau of great intellectual abilities, and of wide and
varied learning He had at first been a student of the MahS-
yana system, but before be had thoroughly comprehended the
abstruse mysteries of that system, he was converted to the Hina-
3 ana by the perusal of a Vnibhasha treatise After this he com-
posed several tens of treatisea in refutation of the IMahajana
principles, and in defen e of the Hinaj'ana tenets He was also
the author of sonio scores (several tens and more) of secular
books he set aside as wrong the standard treatises of hia pre-
decessors But in his comprehensive study ol the Buddhist
canonical senptures Gunaprabha had experienced difficulties on
above ten points, and of these his prolonged application did not
bring any solution Now among his contempoiaries was an ar-
hat named Devasena, who was in the habit of visiting the Tushita
Paradise This Devasena, by his supernatural powers, op one
occasion took Gunaprabha, at the request of the latter, up to the
Tushita Paradise to have an interview with Maitreya Bodhisattva,
and obtain from the Bodhisattva the solution of his spiritual
difhculties But when presented to Maitreya Gunaprabha was
too proud and conceited to give the Bodhisattva his due reve-
rence, and accordingly Maitreya would not solve his dilfaonlties
As Gunaprabha remained stubborn in his self-conceit even after
one or two unsuccessfal visits, and as he would not be gijided
by the counsels of Devasena, the latter refused to take him any
more into Maitreya’s presence. Hereupon Gunaprabha in angry
disgust went into solitude in a forest, practised the “Penetration-
developing samudhi”, but, not having pnt away pnde, he was
unable to attain arhatship

The Tushita Paiadise, as is well known, is the Heaven
m which the Bodhisattva Maitreya sojourns between his
last incarnation on earth and his future advent as Buddha
The ^astra-master G^u^iaprabha in this pa.ssage considers
himself as a fully ordained Buddhist bhikshu, to be supe-
rior to the Bodhisattva who was enjoying the pleasures
of a prolonged residence in Paradise, and accordingly
G-u^aprabha persists in his refusal to show to Maitreya
the reverence due to a great Bodhisattva. and conse-
quently fails in his career.

The last clause in the above passage is given according
to the correction of the Ming editors. This makes the

X*

324

TATTVA BAHDE8A.

text to read pu-U-clieng-hw) ^ ^ ^), that is, “he
could not realize the fruit^’, viz-of arhatehip. The old
reading of some texts was pu-8hih{^)ch^ng~'kuo, meaning
“he quickly realized the fruit”. The D text has purch^g
im-kuOf which also means “he did not attain to arhatship”,
and this is douhtles the author’s meaning.

In a note to the name of G-u?iaprahha’s treatise, the
“Pien-chin-lun”, mentioned in the above passage Jnlien
restores the Sanskrit original as “Tattvavibhanga castra”.
This seems to show that he had forgotten the restoration
of the name, given in translation and in Chinese transcnp-
tion, which he had made in the Life. There he makes the
name to he “Tattvasatya ^astra”, and this restoration has
been adopted by subsequent writers although it does not
correspond to the translation of the name given by Ynan-
chuang and the Chmese annotator. Now the characters
which Juhen makes to stand for satya are san-tt-sho (£
for sande^a, and the name of the treatise was evi-
dently Tattvasande^ or “Exposition -of Truth”, Tuan-
chuang’s Pien-cMn, with the word for ^Sstra (lun) added.^
This treatise, which at one time had some fame, expoun-
ded the views of the SaxvastivSdin school, but it is un-
known to the existing collections.

The Gupaprahha of Parvata here mentioned is not to
he confounded with the great Ymaya master of the same
name mentioned by TaranStha.^ Bumouf was of opinion
that our Gxmaprahha might he the Grunamati, Master of
Yasumitra, mentioned in the “Ahhidharmako^a-vy^s- >
but there does not seem to he any ground for this un
hkely snpposition.s In the 8^ chuan of our treatise we
find a Gunamati disputing with a great master of the San-
khya system.

Three or four h north from Gunaprablia’s monastery)
chuang^B narrative proceeds, was a monastery vritb above
Brethren, all Hinayamsts It "was in this monastery t a

1 Lofe Ch. 2 J. I. p 109

a T&r. S 126 et al -Wass. Bud S 84

’ Bur. Int. p 566. Tie I/otus de la bonne Loi p 358

aANQHABHADEA AND VASDEANDHU.

325

Sastaa-Master Sanghabhadra «ndcd his life This Sanghabhadra,
it 18 added, was a uative of Kashmir, and a profound scholar in
the VaibhSsha sastras of the Sarrastivadin school.

In this passage it is t specially important to avoid Julien’s
rendenng. “[Le Trait6] Vibhacha QSstra” as the treatise
of Sanghabhadra to be presently noticed does not deal
■with the special work called “Yibhasha-lun”.

Contemporary with Sanghabhadra, Yuan*chnang continues, was
Yasubandhrf Bodlusattva, devoted to mystic doctrine, and seeking
to solve what was beyond language This man in refutation of
the Vibhasha masters composed the “Abhidharma-kosa-^Sstra”
ingenious in style and refined in principles Sanghabhadra was
moved by the treatise, and devoted twelve years tu its study
then he composed a treatise which he called the “Elo 5 a-pao” or
“Bud-hau”, teslra This work he entrusted to three or four of
hia cleverest disciples, tellrag them to use his unrecognised learn-
ing, and this treatise, to bnng down the old man Vasubandhu
from the preeminenee of fame which he had monopolized At
this time Yasubandhu, at the height of his fame, was in Sakala
the capital of Gheika, and thither Sanghabhadra and his chief
disciples proceed with the view of meetmg him But Yasubandhu
learning that Sanghabhadra was on the way to have a discussion
with him, hastily packed up and went off with his disciples To
these he excused his conduct by alleging his age and infirmities,
and be added that he wished to allure Sanghabhadra to Mid-
India where the Buddh st pundits would shew the charater of
his doctrines Sanghabhadra amved at the monastery at Mati-
pur the day after Yasubandhu had left it, and here he sickened
and died On his deathbed he "wrote a letter of regret and apo-
logy to Yasubandhu, and entrusted it, ■with his treatise, to one of
his disciples. When the letter and book were delivered to Yasu-
bandhu with Sanghabhadra’s dying request, ho was moved and
read them through He then told his disciples that Sanghab-
hadra’s treatise though not perfect in dootnne was well written,
that it would be an easy matter for him to refute it, but that
out of regard for the djing requesn of the author, and as the
work expounded the views of those whom he (Yasubandhu) follow-
ed, he would leave the work as it was only giving it a new name.
Thi 6 name was “Shun-cheng-li-lun” the SSstra which accords
with orthodox p’-inciples (NvfliSnnsara-^Sstra) The tope erected
over Sanghabhadra’s relics, in a mango grove to the north-east
jf the monastery, was still in existence

The above passage has been condensed from Yuan-
chuang’s text and the reader will observe that, according

326

banghabhadra’s book.

to Yuan-chuang’s information, Sanghabliadra was not, as
TaranStha represents Mm, the master of Yasubaiidhu.
He is rather the young Doctor in Philosophy who is pre-
sumptuous enough to take up arms against the great chief
renowned far and wide as peerless in dialectics There is
nothing in the text to shew that he and Vasubandliu were
personal acquaintances, or that they evei met. So also in
the Life of Yasubandhu the two men are apparently un-
known to each other, and never meet* Then as to the
“Abhidharma-ko^a-^astra” it will be remembered that accor-
ding to Yuan-chuang it w^as composed by Yasubandhu in
Purushapur of GandhSra, and this does not agree with
the account in the Life of Yasubandhu. Yuan-chuang
also tells us, and the statement has been often repeated,
that Yasubandhu composed this treatise in order to refute
the Yaibhashikas. But, as has been stated already, this
IS not correct.2 The original verses w'ere compiled by
him as a Sarvastivadm Yaibhashika, and the Commentary,
still mainly Yaibhashika, gives a development to certain
questions from the Sautrantika point of vieiv.

As to the treatise which Sanghabhadra wrote to demo-
lish the Abhidharma-ko^a according to Yuan-chuang the
original title is given m the text as Ko^a-hail-lun^ M the
name “AhMdharma-ko^a-^asnia’’ the word koSa is used in
the sense of a hud, the verses being buds in which weie
folded the flowers of Buddhist metaphysics awaiting deve-
lopment So the Ko'^a-pao-lun, or Bud-hail-treatise, is to
be understood as the work wMch was to spoil all the hope
and promise of the Ko^a. Yasubandhu, Yuan-chuang tells
us, changed the name to “Shun-chdng-li-lun” the “SSstra
which follows Right Prmciples”, and the Life of Yasubandhu
gives the title as “Sui-shih-lun” or the “Sastra wbm
follows the True”. These names are probably only difle-
rent rendermgs of a name like NySyanusara- or Anusa^-
!§astra. But the story about the “Bud-hail” title must e

1 Vaeubandhn-chuan (No 1463)
s See ch. VI. p

VIMALA-MITEA.

327

discarded as the work itself shews that the author intended
the title to be something likeNyayanusara-^astra. Moreover
in his subsequent treatise abridged from this he calls his
large work “Shun-cheng-h-lun” * With the wicked title
should go the statements about the author wntmg the
book m a spirit of envious hostility against Vasubandhu.
Nothing of this appears in the treatise, and on the con-
trary, as Yasubandhu stated, the work developes the views
of Vasubandhu and those whom he followed. In its ob-
servations on the verses of the ongmal treatise it some-
times uses the words of Vasubandliu’s own commentary.
The work condemns as heterodox ceitain opimons ascnbed
to the Sthaviras and the Sutra-lords (Clunf^-chu), but Vasu-
bandhu is not mentioned by name TaranStha mentions
a treatise called “AbhidhaimakoSabhashyatlka-tattva” which
he ascribes to Sthiramatn Another name for it is given
as the “Thunder-bolt”, 2 and it is perhaps not impossible
tliat this may be the “Bud-hail” treatise ascribed by Vuan-
cliuang to Sanghabhadra.

The pilgnm’s nurrative proceeds to relate that beBide the mango
plantation which contained banghabhndra’a tope was another tope
erected over the remains of a Ssstra-Master named Vimala-mitra
This man, who was a native of Kashmir and an adherent of the
Sarvata school, having made a 2 >rofonnd study of canonical and
heterodox scriptures, had travelled in India to learn the mystenes
of the Tripitaka. Having gained a name, and finished his studies,
he was returning to his home, and had to pass Sanghabhodm’s
tope on the way At this place he sighed over the premature
death of that great I\Iastcr under whom he had studied. He
lamented also that Vasubaudhu’s teaching was still in vogue, and
he expressed his determination to write a refutation of the Maha-
yana system, and to efface the name of Vasubandhu But hein-

I Abhidharma-tsang-hsien-tsung-lun (No. 1268) The Word tsang
in this title 18 evidently a translation of koia and not of ptfaka. In
the name of the original treatise the word koSa has been explamed
as meaning not only bud bat also core, slieaVi, integument, and other
things Sanghabhadra, however, does not seem to have taken tbo
word in the sense of hud either in the Anns&ra-jSstra or in this
abstract.

* Tar S 180 note, and S 819 and note

328

MITRASENA.

Btantly became debnous, five tonnes emerged from his mouth,
aud biB life-blood guebed forth. He had time to repent, and to
warn his disciples, but he died and went, according to an arhat,
to the HeU which knows no intermission. At the time of his
death there was an earthquake, and a cavity was lormed in the
ground at the spot where he died. His associates cremated the
corpse, collected the bones, and' erected a memorial (that is, the
tope) over them.

It IS unusual for a tope to be erected in memory of a
man reputed to have gone to Hell, and a Chmese ahhotator
has suggested that skipa here is a mistake for ti
meaning “place”. But the correction is not necessary, as
the tope was erected by the personal friends of Vimala-
mitra, who did not think he had gone to Hell. As this
man’s dead body was cr-emated it seems strange that the
arhat should have declared he had gone down mto the
Avichi Hell. It was evidently not the human being Vimala-
mitra who had so descended, but his aUer ego, the embo-
died kaima which had been formed and accumulated in
successive births

From the Life we learn that the pilgrim remained
several months in this district studying Gunaprabha’s Pien-
clien-liin or “Tattvasande^a 6astra”, already mentioned, and
other Abhidharma commentaries. He also met here the
Bhadanta Mt'io-se-na, that is Mitasena (or Mitrasena),
ninety years old who had been a disciple of Gunaprabha
and was a profound scholar in Buddhist learning.

In the north-west of Matipur, Yuan-chuang proceeds to rel^j
on the east side of the Qanges was the city Mo-yii~lo (or Ma*
yhra) above twenty fi'in circuit. It had a large population an
streams of clear water it produced bell-metal {t'u-shih), roc
crystal, and articles of jewelry Near the city and close ^ ®

Ganges was a large Deva-Temple of many miracles, and m i
inclosure was a tank the banks of which were faced with stone
slabs, the tank being fed by an artificial passage from the Ga^s*-
This was called the Ganges-Gate and it was a place for makmg
rehgiouB merit and extinguishing guilt* there were constan y
many thousands of people from distant regions assembled
bathing Pious kings erected Punjasalas in the district for
free distribution of dainty food and medical requisites to
kinless and friendless.

BEAHMAPUEA.

329

The “Q-anges-Grate” of this passage ia said to be the Gan-
gfidvSra of Indup wnters, the modern Hardwar (or Hari-
dvar), the “Source of the Ganges” already mentioned As
Tuan-chuang apparently did not go to Mayura, we should
perhaps regard him as writmg about Gangadvara only
from information given to him by others. Ounnmgham
thinks that this Mayura “must be the present rmned site
of Mayapura, at the head of the Ganges canal”. ^ But'
Ido-yu-lo cannot be taken as a transcription of Mayapura,
and this town was on the west side of the Ganges whereas
Mo-ytl'h (Mayura) was on the east side of that river.

Oar pilgnm proceeds to relate that going north “from tbie”
above 800 h he came to the P’o-lo-hth mo-pn-lo country This
■was more than 4000 h in circuit, with mountaine on ^ aides,
its capital being above twenty li in circmt. It had a nch flour-
ishing population, and a fertile soil with regular crops it yield-
ed bell-metal (t'H'Shih) and rock-crystal the climate was coldish
the people had rough ways they cared httle for lefermng and
pursued gain There were five Buddhist monastenes, but there
were very lew Brethren there were above ten Deva-Temples
and the sectarians lived pell-mell

The P o-lo-hth-mo-jpu-lo of this passage has been restored
by Juben, who here transhterates F‘o-lO‘ki-mo, as Brahma-
pura, and the restoration, said by Cunningham to be correct,
lias been generally accepted Although P‘o-lo-hih-mo is
not the usual transcription for Brahma, we may perhaps
regard these sounds as standing here for this word Brahma-
pura IS the name of a city which is m the north-east
division of the Biihat Samhita^, hut in our author it is
the name of a country. Cunningham, who treats the north
of our text as a mistake for north-east, finds the country
in “the districts of Garhwal and Kumaon”.^ It is not very
clear whether the pilgrim meant us to understand that he
started on his journey to this country from Mayura, or
from Matipura. The Pang-CIuh took the former as the

1 A G I p 851

2 Ind. Ant. "Vol XXIL p 172

3 A G I p 355

380

EASTERN women’s ItAND.

starting-place, bnt it is perhaps better to regard Matiptir
as the “this” of the text from which the pilgrim goes nortli
300 It. This construction is in agreement with the Life
which has no mention of Mayura.

To the north of this country (Brahmapura), and in the Great
Snow Mountains, ‘ was the Suvamagotra countrj' The supenor
gold which it produced gave the country its name. This was
the “Eastern Woman’s Country” (that is, of the Chinesej so called
because it was ruled by u succession of women The husband
of the queen was king, but he did not administer the govem-
ment The men attended only to the suppression of revolts and
the cultivation of the fields This country reached on the east
to TOu-fan (Tibet), on the north to Khoten, and on the west to
San-p‘o-ha (Malasa)

The Suvamagotra country of this passage is perliap'f
the Suvarnahhu or Gold-region m the north-east division
of the Brihit-Saphita, which Kem regards as “m all likeli-
hood a mythical laud”. ‘ Our pilgrim was taught to iden-
tify this district with the “Eastern Woman’s-Conntry” ot
his countrymen, which is undoubtedly a mythical region.
Eurther the situation of the Eastern Woman’s Country
far away from the region in which Yuan-chuang places
his Suvamagotra This name is translated properly m a
note to the text by “the Golds” that is, the Gold familyf
bub the author evidently regarded the name as meamng
“the land of gold”.

KU-PT-SAIilG-MA (GOVISaNA).

From Matipur the pilgrim continued his Journey, he goes on
to state, travelhug south-east for above 400 h to the country o
Ku-p'i-fthv-anfffor sang)-na This couutrj’ was above 2000 it ta
circuit, and its caintal, which was 14 or 15 H in circuit was a
• natural stronghold There was a flourishing population' every-
where was a succession of blooming woods and tanks the cli-
mate and natural products were the same as those of Matipoc*
The people had honest sincere ways, they apphed themselves 0)
learning and were fond of rehgioiis merit, most of them
were non-Buddhists, and sought the joys of this life. There

t Jnd. Ant. Vol XX IE p 100

AHIOHATBA

331

were two Bnddhist monaiiener with above 100 Brethren all Hina*
yimsts. Of Deva-Temples there were above 30, and the oecta-
nans lived pell-mell. Close to the capital was on old monastory
in which was an Asoka tope to mark the spot at which the
Buddha preached for a month on religious essentials. Beside
this were sites of the sitting places and exercise grounds of the
Four Past Buddhas, and two topes with hair and nail relics of
the Jnlai.

For the Ku'p'i^sang^na of onr pilgrim’s text Julien
suggests Qotiiana as a possible restoration, and Samt-
Martin proposes Govi^ana, but a word like Govisinna
would be nearer the Clunese sounds. Cunningham thinks
that the capital of this country was on the site of “the
old fort near the village of XJfain which is just one mile
to the east of the modem Kashipui”. The country lie
thinks, “must have corresponded very nearly to the modem
districts of Kashipur, Hampur, and Pilibhit” > The Fang-
chih here agrees with the Records, but the -Life does not
mention the journey from Matipur to Govisana.

For the woids “rebgious essentials” in the penultimate sen-
tence of the above passage the original is chu-fa-yao
fi which may also he translated “the essentials of
things”. These words are rendred by Julien — “les v6rit6s
les plus essentielles de la loi”.

NGO-HI-CH‘I-TA-LO (AHICHATRA^)

From Govisana, our pilgnm proceeds 1o tell us, he travelled
south-east above 400 /», and came to the country which he colls
Nffo(or 0) Tit-ch't-ta lo This country was above 3000 h in cir-
cuit its capital, which was m a strong position, was 37 or 18 It
in circuit The country yielded gram, and had many woods and
springe, and a genial climate The people were honest m their
ways, they studied abstract truth (<ao and were diligent m
learning, with much ability and extensive knowledge There
were above ten Buddhist Monasteries, and more than 1000 Brethren
students of the Sammitiya School of the Hinayana. Deva-Temples
were nine in number, and there were above 300 professed ad-
herents of the other systems Pslnpatas who worshipped jsvara
(Siva). At the side ot a Dragon Tank outside the capital was

1 A. G L p. 867.

332

vilaSana.

an Asoka tope -where the Ju-lai preached to the Dragon for
seven dajs Beside it were four small topes at the sitting add
exercise places of the Four Past Buddhas.

The first character foi the name of the country here
described is written ^ in some texts and ^ m others,
and the sound of these characters is given as Ngo or wo,
OT 0 or yo. In the Life this syllable is omitted and the
name is given as Hi-chh-ta-lo, apparently by mistake
although it seems to be the reading of all the texts. The
Life also makes the pilgrim go from Bralimapura south-
east above 400 h to this country. Julien restores the
name in our text as Ahikshetra, but the characters seem
to require a word like Ahichitra. Cunningham adopts the
account in the Hecords and writes the name Ahichatra
which, he says, is still preserved although the place has
been deserted for many centuries. The district of Ahichatra,
he bebeves, occupied the eastern part of Bohilkhand.'

P I-LO-SHAN-NA

From Aiuchitra, the pilgrim tells us, he went south (according
to the other texts but according to D, east) about 260 h and
crossing the Ganges went to the south (or according to the
B text, south-west) into the FH~lo~shan-na country. This was above
2000 h in circmt and its capital above ten li in circuit It re-
sembled Ahichitra m climate and products. The people were
mainly non-Buddhists, a few reverencing Buddhism There were
two Buddhist Monasteries -with 300 Brethren all Mahayana stu-
dents There were five Deva-Temples and the sectarians hved
pell-mell In -the capital was an old monastery withm the
closure of which stood an Asoka tope at the pilgrim’s time m
ruins. ‘Tt was here that the Buddha dehvered during seven days
the Batra called. t/un-chte-ch‘u~chinff ^ ^). Dj

were vestiges of the sitting and exercise places of the Four Past
Buddhas.

The name of the country here described is restored by
Julien tentatively as Yiraiana, but it may have been some-
thing like Vila^apa or Bhilasana. F^iAo-shan-na (I^H W*]
is the reading in the A, B, and 0 texts of the Eecords,

i A. G. I. p. 859.

SA1TKA68A.

333

and in the Fang-chih, but m the D text of the Becorda
and in the Life the reading is P^-Zo-Ma(j^)-j2a which may
be for a word like Bhiladaipa.

Cunningham identifies the capital of the P^i-h-shan-na
of our text with “the great mound of rums called Atranji'
Jchera which is situated on the right or west bank of ^e
S^dli Nadi^ four miles to the south of Karsdtui, and eight
miles to the north of Eyta, on the Grand Trunk Koad”.*
The name of the sutra whfcb the pilgrim says the Buddha
delivered at the capital of tnis country is given as yun~
chte-chcur-ching. This means “the sutra of the place of ihe
elements of the skandha”, and it may represent a Sanskrit
name like Skandhadhatusthfina sutra (B. Nanjio suggests
“SkandhadhatuupasthSna sfitra”), the “sutra of the basis
of the elements of phenomena”, that is, of the senses and
their objects. No sutra with a name like this seems to
be known to the collections of Buddhist scriptures, and
the Fang-chih merely states that the Buddha preached
for seven days “the dharma of the elements of the skandha”.

KAPITHA OB SANKA^A.

!From P‘i-lo-Bhan-na, the narrative proceeds, a journey of above
200 h south-east brought the pilgnm to the Kah-pi-t^a (Kapitha)
country. This was more than 2000 h, and its capital above twenty
h in circuit the olrmate and produotc of the district were like
those of P'l-lo-shan-na. There were four Buddhist monaeteneD
(that 18 perhaps, at the capital) and above 1000 Brethren all of
the Sammatiya SohooL The Deva-Temples were ten in number
and the non-Buddhists, who lived pell-mell, were Saivites
Above twenty h east (aocording to the A, B, and 0 texts, but
in the D text, west) from the capital was a large monastery of
fine proportions and perfect workmanship its representations
of Buddhist worthies were in the highest style of ornament.
The monastery contamed some hundreds of Brethren, all of the
Sammatiya School, and beside it lived their lay dependents some
myriads in number T^thm the enclosmg wall of the monastery
were Triple stairs of precious eubitances in a row south to north,
and sloping down to east, where the Julai deicended from the

‘ A, 6 L p. 865

334 :

SABKA88A.

Tayastimca Heaven. The Ju-lax had accended from Jetavana to
Heaven and there lodged in the “Good-Law-Hall” where he bod
preached to his mother* at the end of three months he was
about to descend. Then Indra by his divxno power set up triple
stairs of precious substances, the middle one of gold, the left
one of crystal, and the nght on© of silver. The Buddha descend-
ed on the middle stair, Brahma holding a white whisk came
down with him on the right stair and Indra holding up a jeweled
sunshade descended on the loft stair, while devas m the air
scattered flowers and praised the Buddha. These stairs survived
until some centnnes before the pilgrim’s time when they sank
out of sight then certain kings on the site of the ongmal stairs
set up the present ones of bnck and stone adorned with precious
substances and after the pattern of the original stairs The pre-
sent stairs were above 70 feet high with a Buddhist temple on
the top in which was a stone image of the Buddha, and images
of Brahma and Indra were at the top of the right and left stairs
respectively and these images like the ong’nals appeared to be
descending.

By the side of these was tan Asoka stone-piUar of a lustrous
violet colour and very hard with a crouching lion on the top
facing the stairs, quaintly carved figures were on each side of
the pillar, and according to one’s bad or good deserts figures
appeared to him in the pillar. Not far from the Stairs was a
tope where the Four Past Buddhas had oat and walked up and
down* beside it was a tope where the Ju-lai had taken a bath
beside this wac aBnddhist temple where the Julai had gone into
samadhi. Beside the temple was a large stone platform BO paces
long and seven feet high where the Julat bad walked up and
down, all his footsteps having the tracery of a lotus-flower* and
on both sides of it were email topes oreoted by Indra and Brahma.
In front was the place where the bhikshnni Jjotns flower-ooloor
(Uttpalevoml) wishing to b© first to see the Buddha on his de-
scent iVom Heaven transformed herselTinto a universal lOvereigD-
At the same time SubhQti sitting meditating on the vanity of
things beheld the spiritual body of Buddha, The Julai toW Ut-
palavar^B that she had not been the firat to aee him for SohbOti
contemplating the vanity of things had preceded her in
bis epiritual body. The Bnddha’s exercise platform was enclosed
by a wad and had a large tope to the south-east of which was
a tank the dragon of which protected the sacred traces from
wanton injury.

The Life gives the direction in which the pilgrim tr*”
veiled from jPt-h>-shc?i-f?a to as east instead^o

the sotth-east of our test, but this may b6 a slip, the dis**

aAJSKASSA.

335

tance between the places being the same in the two
books.

Our pilgnm's Kaih-pi-Va has naturally been restored as
Knpitha, and we may retain the restoration for the pre-
sent, although the word seems to be otherwise unknown.
The transcnption may, however, be for Kdlpita, a word
which has, with other meanings, that of “set in order”. It
was perhaps this name which the translator of a sutra
had before him when he gave An-hsiang-huz ^),

“Orderly ajranged Meeting” as the n^me of the place of
the Buddha^s descent. * A note to our teatt here telds us
that the old name of Kapitha was 8mg-T{a-she (fg-
This 18 a trauscnption of the name which is given as
SankE^a or Sangka§ya (in Pali, Sankassa). It is the 8mi-
kasa of some, the Sakaspura of Spence Bnrdy, and the
modem Sankisa-S I’Jie name Sanka^ya op a variety of it
seems to have been generally employed by the Buddhist
writers of India, and the tranelators into Chinese and
Tibetan usually oentented themselves with transcriptions
of the onginaL Another name for the place of the Buddha^s
Descent is that used in the Itmerary of 'W'u-k'ung. There
it is designated Nz’fo-wa-io ((^ ^)> a puzzling word

which the translators have taken to stand for the Sanskrits
DevEvat&ra.’ This is doubtless correct, and the district
obtained the name Dev&vat&ra or Devatftvatarapiam, in
Chinese 2*jen-7<«a-ch*rt f H)*, “Place of Doves’ De-
scent”, because Brahma, Indra, and hosts of inferior doves
here appeared descending to earth with tiie Buddha. But
as this name was not Buddhistic in appearance, the Deva

t Fo-shao-;i-ts«-ohing, cA. 9 (No. 674). But tli* of our

text m&j be the EapiB^la of the Brihat aanhita which the author
of that work places in Madh;adeia>Bee Ind Ant. Yol XXII p. ISO
and Albemni L p 800.

3 For Sokaspnra and Cingalese Terdon of the Tint to Bteaven
and descent therefrom see H. B. p 806. Fof BtaldMA see A. G. 1.

p. 868.

* Shih-li-chingt J. A. T. VL p. 868.

< Divyav. p. 160* 3bR-a-fcaii-chlog, di, 10.

336

SA^KASSA.

or BevatS was probably dropt in popular use, and the
name Avataranam employed to denote the Buddha’s De-
scent. Rockhill’s Tibetan text in Ms Life of Buddha
relates that Buddha descended to “the foot of the Udum-
bara tree of the Avadjaravana (sic) of the town of Sam-
haSya”.^ Here the Tibetan probably wrote Ayajaravana
by a slip for AvatSravana or Avataranam.

From a curious little sutra^ we learn that there had
once been at the place afterwards called Sankara an old
chaitya (or tope), built in honour of Ks^apa Buddha by
his father, and called 8§n^~Jcarshih (Sankfi^a). Before the
time of Gautama Buddha, however, this chaitya had sunk
down until it was all underground. When the Buddha
descended from Heaven at this place, he caused the Chaitya
to emerge above ground as a memorial of his return to
earth. Afterwards it was found that the chaitya as it
stood interfered with the traffic of the city, and so the
king ordered it to he demolished. But during the night
the chaitya left its site to the north of the city, and passed
over the city to a spot in a wood about twenty li south
of it. The chaitya of this sntra is elsewhere a temple,
and is described as the model for the one which five kings
on Buddha’s suggestion erected near its site. 3 This temple,
called the Gods’ or Kings’ Temple, was erected as a me-
morial of the Buddha’s Descent, and was probably the
temple of our pilgrim’s description. In the old stitra, it
will be observed, ^e chaitya of Ka^apa Buddha is called
SankSsya, and this name is transferred to the city. As
such the name is interpreted in another work as meanmg
kuang-ming or “brightness”, “clearness”,^ and this

may indicate a reference to the legend of the chaitya of
El^apa Buddha.

The story of Gautama Buddha leaving Jetavana for the

I Boddufl Life p. 8L

a Fo-shuo-ku-flliu-cliing ^ ^ |E)*

» TBSng-yi-s-han-ching, cA, 28
* A-yU-wang-ching, ch. B.

liEGElvD OP UrPALAVANNA.

337

Trayastnip^a Heaven, spending theie the three months of
Ketreat expounding his lehgion to his mother and the
devas, and of his glorious descent to earth again, is refer-
red to m many Chinese Buddhist books, and with only few
serious variations of detail. In some works the place of
descent is neai a sand, or a large tank, outside of San-
ka^ya city^, and hero the “tank” of the translation may
represent avaid)a in the oiiginal, this woid having also
the meaning of tanlc or jfiowd In some treatises the scene
of the Descent is at Kanyftkubja, which is placed ih the
Sanka^ya Country by one authority, and in the Audhia
country by another 2. The Tope of the Descent was the
fifth of the Eight Great Topes connected with the Buddha’s
career, and it was at Kanyakubja Wu-K‘img vent to
Devavatam to see this tope, but neither Fa-hsien^ noi oui
pilgiiin makes any mention of a great tope in their de-
Bciiptions of the sights of the place, although Yuan-chuang,
as we have seen, incidentally mentions a “great tope’
aftei'u'ards

The legend of the hhikshunT Utpalavarna making herself
a magic Cliakravarti, or Universal Sovereign, by which to
he the first to greet Buddha on his descent; and hei le-
huke by the latter, who told her that Suhlniti, seeing the
spintual body of Buddha, had been before her, is in several
Buddhist works. But it is not in the account of the
Descent given in the Tsa a-han-ching, and m another treat-
ise wo have the bhikshnnl, but Subhuti is not mentioned
by name. The words “tiansformed herself” in the state-
ment that the nun “transformed herself iijto a Chakravarti”
are foi the terms htm-tso f^) and hua-w&i of

the text. But the formei, which is apparently taken fiom
the Fo-ktio-chi 01 some other work, means create 01 pro-
duce the appearance of hy magic Utpalavarna was an

• A'j'u-wang-cliuan, ch 2, Tseng- yi-a-iian-ching, I c.

1 Ta-pheng-pcn-flhung-hfiin-ti-kuan-clung, cA. J (No 966), Pa-ta-
ling-t'a-ming-liao-ching (No 898)

3 See Fo-kuo-chi, eh 37

Y

336

LBGEHD OF TJPPAIiAVAlJHA.

arbat, and so bad snpernomal powers. She tbns, accord-
ing to various accounts, produced the appearance of a
chakravarti with bis seven treasures, 1000 sons, and fourfold
army, and transferring herself into her own magic Cbakra-
varti, obtained the foremost place m IBront of the actual
kings and aU the crowd assembled to welcome Buddha.*
Subbuti at tbiB time was sitting, according to Yuan-dhuang,
in a cave (that is, on the Gridhrakuta raountam near Rajar
gaha), but another version makes him to be in his own
house. Knowing that the Buddha was coming down from
Heaven he reflected on the vanity of phenomena, and rea-
bzing in himself the nature of phenomena, he beheld, by
the vision of spintual wisdom, the spiritual body of Buddha,
that is, the transcendental philosophy of PrajnapEramita.

The TJtpalavarna (in Pali, TJppalavappa) of this passage
was one of the greatest and most noted of the bhikshupis
ordained by the Buddha. Her life as a layvvoman had
been extremely unhappy and, according to some legends,
very immoral. She had two experiences which wore
especially distressmg and produced on her a profound
effect leewimg her, according to one account, to renounce
the world. While living with her first husband she found
him living in adultery with her mother, aud her second
husband brought home, as his concubine, her daughter by
her first husband. Bach of these experiences pierced
her with sharp agony; and she left her home for ever.'
When she became converted, and was admitted inU the
Buddhist church as a bhikshunl, she devoted herself to
religion with enthusiasm, and attained arhatship. But

1 Ta-oluh-ta4un, di, 10, ^-sh&ng-tiao-lisiang-ktmg-t^-chiogi f

(No. 288).

» dk. A (No. 11^); Tib. Tales p. S06. A very diibf

ent account of this lady’s aduassiou into bis cburch by the Buddt*
is given in the Fa-cbu-pi-yu-ching, ch. 1 (No 1868) where she is
called simply lAen~hua or TJtpala For the previous existences of
TJppalavannS see Dr Bode’s “Woman Xieadere of tiie Buddhist Eefor-
mation” in B. A. S. for 1898 p. 682. For her miefortone* see
abo Therf-Gftth^ p. 144 and p. 198 (P. T. S.).

SUBHim.

339

even as a nun she was put to shame and had trouble. And
her death was sad, foi she was bi utally attacked by Deva-
datta and died from the injuries inflicted by him * Her
name “Blue lotus colour” may have been given to her, as
some suppose, because she had eyes like the blue lotus;
but it IS also said to have been indicative of her great
personal beauty, or of the sweet perfume which her body
exhaled.

Subhuti IS interpieted as ineamng “Excellent Manifes-
tation” which IS Yuan-chuang’s translation, oi “Excellent
good auspices”, and is rendered in several other ways. It
was the name of the Disciple who is sometimes mentioned
along with Mahakasyapa, Aniruddha and other great dis-
ciples of the Buddha.2 But he is best known as the ex-
ponent and defender of the doctrines of PrajnapSramita.
He was a son of a learned brahmin ofSrSvasti, and was
educated in the orthodox learning. Afterwards he became
a hermit, and then was converted to Buddhism and ordamed.®

« Sar Viu. P'o-Bong-shih, ch 10 (No 1123)

» Divyav p. 361, SaddliannapnndartkS, cA'. 1 and 4.

5 Bud. Lit. Nep. p 296; Ching-lu-yi-hBiang, ch. 18 (No. 1478).

CHAPTER XI.

CHUAN V.

KAISTYAXUBJA TO VI^OEA.

From the neighbourhood of Sankasya the pilgnm went nortli-
west for nearly 200 h to the Ka-no-kU-ahe (Kanyakubja) country
This he descnbes aa being above 4000 It in circuit The capital,
■which had the Ganges on its west side, was above twen)y b lu
length by four or five h in breadth, it was very strongly de-
fended and had lofty structures everywhere, there were beautiful
gardens and tanks of clear water, and in it rarities from strange
lands wdre collected The inhabitants were well off and there
were families with great wealth, fruit and flowers were abund-
ant, and sowing and reaping had their seasons The people
had a refined appearance and dressed in glossy silk attire, they
were given to learning and the arts^ and were clear and sug-
gestive In discourse, they were equally divided between-ortho-
doxy and heterodoxy There were above 100 Buddhist monastenea
with more than 10,000 Brethren who were students of both the
“Vehicles”. There were more than 200 Deva-Temples and th?
non-Buddhists were several thousands in number

The reading “north-west'’ at the beginning of this pas*
sage 18 that of the Common texts of the Records and Life!
but the D text of the Records has “south-east”.
agrees •with Ea-hsien’s narrative*, confirms' the correction
proposed by Cunningham^, and, as Kanauj is to the south-
east of Sankassa, is evidently the proper reading. Moreover
in the itmerary of the Sung pilgnm Kanyakubja is two

stages {ch^mg to the east of Sankasya s. Ea-hsien

1

1 Fo-kuo-chi, 6k. 18.

5 Anc Geog. Ind p. 376.
» Ma T L cA. 888.

KAmrlKUBJA.

341

xnakes tlie distance between these two places to be seven
yojanas or above 40 miles and this agrees roughly with
Yuan-chuang’s 200

Yuan-chuang here gives to the capital and extends also
to the county the correct name Ka^no-hi-she^^ ^ ^
that 18 , Kanyakubja, while i'a-hsien, like some other wri-
ters, gives the name which was probably in use among
the natives, viz. Ka-nao-yi or Kanoyi, that is, the modem
Kanauj (or Khnoj). Another transcnption of the classical
name is Kan-na-hu-po-she ^ ^ which is wrongly

translated by (J^ /fj) or “Bai -emanation”. In a

note to our text the name is properly rendered by “Hunch-
backed maidens”, the translation whicli the pilgnm uses,
and the story -of the ongm of the name is related by the
pilgnm.

- According to this 6tory long ages ago when Brahmadatta was
king, and men lived very many years the name of the city was
Knoumapura (that is, Flower-Palace or city) Sing Brnhma-
datta was a mighty sovereign and a great wamor, he had alsp
the fall namher of 1000 sons wise and valorous and 100 fair and
virtuous daughters. On the bank of the Ganges there hved at
this time a nshi the years of whose life were to be counted by
mynads, he was popularly called the “Greet-Tree-Kishi”, because
he had a banyan tree growing from his shoulders, the seed of
the tree had been dropt on bun by a bird, had taken root and
grown to be a huge tree m whiob birds hod been building their
nesto while the nshi remamed unconscious in a trance of pro-
longed absorbed meditation (samfidhi) When he had emerged
from the trance, and moved about, be had glimpses of the lung’s
daughtera as they chased each other in the wood near the nver.
Then carnal affection laid bold on him, and he demanded of the
king one of his daughters in mamsge Bat all the princesses
refused to wed “Great-Trce-Rishi”, and the king was in great
fear and diotreos In this extremity, however, the youngest
daughter made a sacrifice of herself by offering to marry the
nslu in order to save her father and country from the effects of
hie displeasure ' But when the circumstances were told to him
the old nshi was very much enraged at the other pnneesses for
not appreciating him properly, andjhe enrsed them with imme-
diate crookedness. In consequence of this the ninety nine prin-
cesses all became bowed in body, and the capital of the country
was twncefortti Vnown as the of the Huach-baoked Maideno.

342

KAHTAKUBJA.

This is a very silly story whicli probably has a good
moral. The brahmins, it will be remembered, have a similar
story to account for the name of the city of Kanauj. They
relate that YSyu, the Wind-god, also called a rishi, be-
came enamoured of the 100 daughteis of Ku^anabha, king
of this country. The princesses refused to comply with
the god’s lustful desires, and he m Ms ire made them all
back-bowed, and from this circumstance the city got its
name jBLanyakubja.^ Another name for the district or
country is Mckodaya, explained as meaning “the land of
great prosperity”. It is sometimes described as being in
the Andhra country, as we have seen, and it is also said
to be in the middle of India, in Madhyade^a.

It will be seen that in the description which Yuan-
chuang gives of Kanyakubja in the above passageAe
represents tie Ganges as being on its west side. Cunning-
ham makes him place that river on the east side, but this
is a mistahs. Other old authonties place the Ganges
on the east side of Kanauj, where it still is. The city is
also descnbsd as being on the Kali-nadi an affluent of
the Ganges on its west side. Fa-hsien merely describes
the capital as reaching to the Ganges ; but this evidently
was not on the west side, as he tells of a tope on the
north bank of tbe nver about six li to the west of the
capital.

Our pilgnm here gives the number of Buddhist ^ta-
hlishments in and about the capital as 100. This number
seems to pcint to a great increase of Buddhism m the
district from the tune of Pa-hsien, as when that pilgwui
visited the J^nauj country there were apparently only two
Buddhist monasteries at the capital. The “non-Buddhists ,
or yi-iao ^), of our pilgnm who meet us so often m
the Becords, wre evidently the priests or other professed
ministers of the various non-Buddhist systems of religion-
These must hae increased and Buddhists decreased at
Kanyakubja affcr our pilgrim’s time, as when tha Sung

1 DowBon’o 01 Btt. Ind. Myth. b. t. Vayu.

BjLBSHA.yABl>£USrA.

343

pilgrim visited the district he found topes and temples
numerous hut there were no monks or nuns.

We hare next an account of the sovereign ruling at
Kanai]^ and his origin.

Thia sovereign was of the Vaiiya caste, his personal name was
Harsbavardhana, and he was the younger son of the great king
whose name was Prabhakaravardhana. When the latter died he
was snooeeded on the throne by his elder son named B^Ja
(or Psjya) vardhana. The latter soon after his acceesion was
treacherously murdered by Sasangka, the wicked king of Karpa-
suvama in East India, a persecutor of Buddhism Hereupon the
statesmen of Hanatg, on the advice of their leading man B&ni
(or V5n^, invited Harsbavardhana, the younger brother of the
murdered king, to become their sovereign, lie prince modestly
made excuses, and seemed unwihing to comply with their request.

“When the ministers of state pressed Harsbavardhana to succeed
bis brother and avenge his murder, the narrative gqes on to
relate, the prince determmed to take the advice of the Bodhi-
sattva Avalokito^vara (whose name is here given correctly in
translation Httun-feu-feoi, the “Beholding Lord”). An image of
this Bodhisattva, which had made many spintnal manifestations,
stood m a grove of this district near ihe (Janges. To this he
repaired, and after due fasting and prayer, he stated his case to
the Bodhisattva An answer was gracionsly given which told
the pnnce that it was his good karma to become king, and that
he should, accordingly, accept the offered sovereignty and then
raise Buddhism from the rum mto which it had been brought
by the king of Karpasuvama, and afterwards make himself a
great kingdom. The Bodhisattva promised ham secret help, hut
warned him not to occupy the actual throne, and not to use the
title Maharaja. Thereupon Harsbavardhana became kmg of
Eanaqj with the title R&japutra and the style ^gditya

Contmumg his narrative the pilgnm goes on to state that os
soon '■as SllSditya became ruler he got together a great army,
and Set out to avenge his brother’s murder and to reduce the
neighbouring countnes to subjection. Proceeding eastwards he
invaded the states which had refused allegiance, and waged in-
cessant warfare until in eis years he had fought the Eive Lidias
(reading ch\l ^ According to the other reading ch‘Sn
had brought ^e Five Indias under allegiance) Then having en-
larged hiB territory he increased his army, bringing the elephant
corps up to 60,000 and the cavalry to 100,000, and reigned m
peace for thirty years without raismg a weapon He was just
in hiB administration, and punotihous in the discharge of hio

HABSHATABDHA2TA.

3M

duties. He foigot sleep and food m hie devotion to good works.
He caused the use of animal food to cease throughout the Kv©
Indias, and he prohibited the taking of life under severe penal-
ties He erected thousands of topes on the banks of the Ganges,
established Travellers Kests through all his dominions, and erec-
ted Buddhist monasteries at sacred places of the Buddhists Ho
regularly held the Quinquennial Convocation , and gave away in
religious alms everything except the matcnal of war. Once a
year he summoned all the Buddhist monks together, and for
twenty one days supplied them with the regulation requisites.
He furnished the chapels and liberally adorned the common
balk of the monasteries He brought the Brethren together for
examination and discussion, giving rewards and punishments
according to ment and dement. Those Brethren who kept the
rules of their Order stnctly and were thoroughly sound m theory
and practice he “advanced to the Lion’s Throne” (that is, pro-
moted to the highest place) and Irom these he received religious
instruction, those who, though perfect in tlie observance of the
ceremonial code, were not learned m the past he merely honour-
ed with formal reverence, those who neglected the ceremonial
observances of the Order, and whose immoral conduct was noto-
nouB, were banished from his presence and from the country.
The neighbouring princes, and the statesmen, who were zealous
in good works, and unweaned in the search for moral excellence,
he led to his own seat, and called “good fnends”, and he would
not converse with those who were of a different character The
kmg also made visits of inspection throughout his dominion, not
residing long at any place but having temporary buildings
erected for his residence at each place of sojourn, and he did
not go abroad durmg the three months of the Ram-season
Retreat At the royal lodges every day viands were provided
for 1000 Buddhist monks and 600 Binbrnins The king’s day
waa divided into three periods, of which one was given up to
affairs of govomment, and two were devoted to religious works
He was indefatigable, and the day was too short for him

Before proceeding to the next part of our pilgnm’s nar-
rative we may add a few notes to his very mteresting
account of the great Harshavardhana. At the heghming
of the above passage we are told that this king was of
the Feishe or Yai^a caste (or stock). This state-

ment Cunmngham thinks is a mistake, the pilgrim confoimd-
ing the Yaisa or Bais Rajputs with the YaiSya caste. Oun-
ningham may be right. But we must remember that Tuan-

HABSHAVABDHANA.

345

ciiuang had ample opportunities for learning the ante-
cedents of the royal fatally, and he must have had some
ground for his assertion. Harshavardhana’s father, Pra-
hhakaravardhana, a descendant of Puspabhuti Iring of
Sthane5vara in Snkantba, “was famed far and wide
under a second name Pratapa^lla”. To him were bom
two sons Kajyavardhana and Harshavardhana and a
daughter 'Rajya^ri, and he had also an adopted son Bhandi
the Son of his queen’s brother*. The princess Esjya^ri
was endertly, as the “Harpa-carita” represents her, an in-
telhgent, accomplished lady, and she was apparently in-
terested in Buddhism. She was present as a listener seated
behind Harshavardhana when the Chinese pilgnm gave
the latter a lecture on Buddhism. It may be noted here
also that the Fang-chih represents Harshavardhana as
“admimstering the government in conjunction vnth his
widowed sister”, a statement which is not, I think, either
in the Life or the Records Tery soon after Rajyavardhana
succeeded his father on the throne he had to go away to
avenge the murder of his brothei-m-Iaw, and to rescue
Ills sister impiisoned in Kanyakubja- He was successful
m battle, hnt he fell into a snare laid for him by the
Gau^a king, according to the “Harsa-canta”, and was
treacherously murdered. Hereupon Harshavardhana became
king, and at once proceeded to rescue his sister, take re-
venge, and make great conquests This is the Sllsdifya
of our pilgrim’s narrative and of the Life, a very inter-
esting and lemarkable personage.

With Yuan-chuang’s story of Harshavardhana going to
consult Avalokitesvara we may compare the statement in
tiie “Har§a-c£irita” that he “was embraced by the goddess
of the Royal Piospenty, who took him in her arms and,
seizmg him by all the royal marks on all his limbs, for-
ced him, however reluctant, to mount the throne, — and
this though he had taken a vow of austerity and did not
swerve from his vow, hard bke graspmg the edge of a.

flar^a-canta, c//. IV (Oowell and Thomas tr)

346

HABSHATAEDHANA.

sword”, i It seems probable that Harshavardbana in the
early part of his bfe bad joined the Buddhist church and
perhaps taken the vows of a bhikshu, or at least of a lay
member of the Communion. Ifis sister, we learn from the
Lii’e, had become an adherent of the Sammatiya school
of Buddhism.2 Our pilgrim’s sympathetic and geneious
praise of kmg Harshavardbana may be compared with
the pompous, fulsome, and feigned panegyric of the king
by Bapa.

In the above transcript from the Records the words
rendered /reigned in peace for thirty years without raising
a weapon” are in Juhen’s translation — ®Au bout d£ trente
ans, les armes se repos^rent”. The text is Gihu-safi’Shih-
nien-ping-'ko-pu-<>}vi (M H 1:55 ^ ^)* Here the

word ch^w is employed, as frequently, to denote “don the
imperial robe”, that is, to reign gently and happily. Thus
the pilgrim tells us that there were thirty years of 6lla-
ditya’s reign in which there were peace and good govern-
ment. Our pilgfim has expressly stated that the king’s
conquests were completed withm six years, and it is against
text and context to make him represent the kmg as fight-
ing continuously for thirty or thirty-six years. When his
wars were over ^llsditya (the style of Harshavardbana as
king) proceeded to put his army on a peace footmg, that
is, to raise it to such a force that he could overawe any
of the neighbouring states disposed to be contumacious.
We shali presently see how a word from him was enough
for the kmg of one of those states. Having thus made
himself strong and powerful Slladitya was able to live in
peace, and devote himself to the duties and functions of a
pious but magnificent sovereign. He was now as fond of
the solemn pomps and gi’and processions of rehgion as
he had been of the marshalimg of vast hosts, the “magni-
ficently stem array” of battle, and the glories of a great
victory.

We find two dates given for the death of kmg Slladitya,

t HarBa-carita, cJu IV. (Oowell and Thomas tr ) p. 67.

* Life, ch. 6.

THE lion’s THEONE.

347

Chinese history placing it in the year A. D. 648 and the
Life in 655^. Taking thirty-six years as the duration of
his reign we thus have 612 or 619 as the date of his
accession. The latter date agrees with a Chinese state-
ment that the tronbles in India which led to Slladityafs
reign took place m the reign of T‘ang Kao Tsu (A. D. 618
to 627). But the date 648» or rather 647, is perhaps the
correct one. It mnst have been in 641 or 642 that, in
conversation with our pilgrim, Sllsditya stated that he had
then been sovereign for above thirty years. This also
gives 612 for the year of his accession, and the addition
of six years to the thirty gives 648 as the date of his
death. But the Chinese envoy despatched in the early
part of that year found, on his arrival in the country, the
king dead, and a usurper on the throne. Moreover it was
in 648 that Yuan-chuang submitted his Records to T^ai
Tsung, and Slladitya must have been dead before this
work was drawn up in its present form.

For the words rendered in the above passage by “ad-
vanced to the Lion’s Throne” that is, promoted to be
chief bhikshus, the Chinese is Pui-sh^g'Shi4zu<k%h4so
^ ^ M)' Julien understood to mean

“caused them to go up on the throne”. The words might
probably have this meaning in other places, but no good
bhikshu would mount a raja’s throne, and it seems better
to take shi-tzurchih’iso here in its Buddhist sense as the
throne of the head of the Order. The term, we know, does
mean a Tang’s throne^ but Slladitya did not use a throne;
and the other use of the teira seems to he here more
correct and suitable. The Lion’s Throne of the Buddhists
was onginally the seat reserved for the Buddha, as leader
of the congregation, m the chapels and Halls of the
Monasteries; and ;afterward8 it became the throne or seat
of the chief bhikshu of a place. Promotion to the Lion's
Throne was given locally by pious kings, and did not inter-

1 See Ma T. 1, 338, T'ang-chien-kang-inu, ch 40 (T'ang T‘ai

Tsong Chen-kuan 22 y ) , Life, cii 6.

548

bXskajoavahma.

fere with piecedence among the Brethren. Here ^ila-
ditya promotes the most deserving bhikshus at his court,
and makes them his private chaplains, personally receiving
fiom them religious instruction.*

By the term “good friend” shan-yu which the

pilgrim here tells us was applied by the king to devout
princes and statesmen, we are to understand the kdlyma-
mitra of Buddhist use. This term means good or auspi-
cious friend, and it is also employed in the sense of spiri-
tual adviser, oi goo'd counsdler in matters of religion,
Eeturning agam to our text we have now an episode
which belongs to a date five or six years later than the
visit of which the pilgrim is here telhng. To be under-
stood properly the narrative must be read m connection
with the account of KSmarupa in Chuan 10 and with the
story given in the corresponding passage of the Life.

The pilgrim, we learn from these texts, was on his way back
to China, And had gOne again to the great monastery of NslandS
in Magadha Here he wished to remain for some time continu-
ing hiB studies in Buddhist philosophy which had been begun
there some years before But BSskaravarma, styled Kumara,
the king of KamarOpa (that is, Assam), had heard of him and
longed to see him. So he sent messengers to Nalanda to invite
and urge the pilgrim to pay him a visit. Yuan-chuang at first
declmed and pleaded his duty to China, but hie old Buddhist
teacher Sllabhadra convinced him that it was also his duty to
go to Kamarapa on the invitation of its king who was not a
Buddhist The pilgrim at length yielded, travelled to that country,
and was received by the king with great honour. In the course
of a conversation Majesty said to Yuan-chuang — “At pre-
sent in various states of India a song has been heard for some
tune called the “Music of the conquests of Ch'in (Tsin) wang”
of Mahachina — this refers to Your Eeverence’s native country
I presume”. The pilgnm replied— “Yes, this song praises my
sovereign’s excellences”

At this time king 6ll5ditya was in a district the name of
which IB transcribed in our Ohmeso texts in eoveral ways Julien
calls it “Kadjoughira”, and Cunmngham identifies it with the

A special seat or pulpit, called a “Lion’s Throne”, was somo-
times given by a king to^ the Brother whom ho chose to be Court
preacher.

MUSIC OF CHIN WANG^S VICTORY

349

modem Kankjol) Ho had been on on expedition to a -country
called K\ing-yii-ta, and was on his way back to Kanauj to hold
a great Buddhist assembly there. Hearing of the amval of the
Chinese pilgnm at the court of long Humara he sent a summons
to the latter to repair to him with his foreign guest. Kumfira
replied with a refusal, saying that the king could have his head
but not his guest. “I trouble you for your head”, came the
prompt reply. Thereupon Kum&ra became submissive, and pro-
ceeded with the pilgnra and a grand retinue to join Slladitya.

When this sovereign met Yuan-chuang, our text here relates,
having made a polite apology to the pilgrim (literally, having
said — I have fatigued you) ho made enquiry as to Ynan-chuang’s
native land, and the object of his travelling Yuan-chuang an-
swered that he ivas a native of the great T'ang country, and that
he was travelling to learn Bnddhism. The king tten asked
about this great T^ang country, in what direction it loy, and how
far 'll was distant Yuan-chuang replied that his country was
the Mahaehina of the Indians and that it was 'Situated some
myriads of U to the north-east of India. The king then relates
how he had heard of the ChHn(TBtn)<oanff-T‘ten-ti!U 3E
•^)) that 18 , the Deva-putra Prince Ch‘in, of Mahaehina.
who had brought thSt country out of anarchy and rum into
order and prosperity, and made it supremo over distant regions
to which hiB good influences extended All his-subjeots, the
king continues, havipg their moral and material wants cared for
by this ruler, sing the “song of OhHn-wang's conquests”, and
this fine song has long been known here. The king then asks
the pilgrim whether this was all true, and whether his Great
T'ang country was the country of the song.

In reply the pilgnm states that CJn-na that is. Chin

waa the designation of a former dynasty in his native land, and
that Ta T'ang de^ed the present dynasty, that the sovereign
then reignmg, T'aS'Tsung, had been styled CK'in-wang before
he came to tiie throne, the title Emperor having boon

given to him on his accession He then adds a compendious
descnption of Ch'in-wang as Pnnee and Emperor.

The musical composition about which our pilgnm here
represents the two Indian rulers as enquiring was known
in China as the Ch*tn-tvang-p* 0 ’Ch‘$n-yao i ^ ^
or the “Music of Oh‘in-wang^8 victory’'. Its history is
briefly as follows. i In the year A. D. 619 T'ang Kao Tsu's

J See Tung-ohien-kaiig-mu, ch 39 (T'ang T'ai Taung 1"* y.), T'ang-
Shu, cA 2 and 21 - 5 ' Ma T L, cA 129t

350

CHIN WANG.

Becon3 son Ch‘in-wang, or Pnnce of Ch‘in, by name Sliib-
min succeeded in supjiressing tbe serious rebellion of Liu
^Yu-chow 1^ jgj) ultimately fell into the hands of
the Turks and was killed by them. In commemoration of
Ch‘m-wang’s militaiy achievments in suppressing this rebel-
lion his soldieis got up a musical performance with song
and dance. This musical composition was entitled ^CkHn-
wang-p^o-ch^en-yao'’ and also ^8Mn-lcung (fi^ -p'o-ch‘en
-yao”, but it came to be generally known by its short
name “P‘o-ch‘en-yao”. The dancing or posture-making
performance was called Cb*i-te-wu or “Dance

of the Seven Virtues”, the name containing a classical
allusion. The dancing was performed by a company of
128 men in silver hauberks and armed with epeara. The
emperor Kao Tsu ordered that the “P‘o-ch‘§n-yao” should
be given when a victonoue general returning from a suc-
cessful campaign entered the capital. At the banquet
which T‘ai-Tsung, formerly Chim-wang, gave on his acces-
sion to the throne the dance and music were both per-
formed. It is interesting to find that the fame of T‘ang
Tai-Tsung’s glory and achievments had reached the two
Indian rulers if we can rely on our pilgrim’s statement*^.
It is also x_ery remarkable that neither of Yuan-chuang’s
translators Uad read of Oh‘in-wang, and it is pitiful to
find Beal telling his readers that the Ch‘in-wang of this
passage is Chun-Shi-Huang-ti of B C. 221.

The Kecords and the Life next go on to relate how
the kmgs Slladitya and Kumara, with their distinguished
Chinese guest, proceeded by land and river in grand pro-
cession to the city of Kanyakubja where Slladitya had
convoked a great Buddhist assembly. ^Prom this city, when
the functions were over, the kings, we learn from Life,
with their Chinese guest, and attended by magnificent reti-
nnes, wenf^ fo PraySga for the great periodical distri-
bution of rehgious gifts and alms which was to be made
there by SiUditya; and at that place our pilgrim bade his
hosts farewell.

Before we take up again the thread of our pilgrim’s

HAHBHAYAEDHANA.

351

account of Kanyatubja we may add a few words about
the great Icing who treated him with sufeh marked distinc-
tion and kindness This 'king, ^lladitya or Sn-Harsha-
deva or HarshUf “the Akbar of the ‘Hindu period’ of In-
dian history”, was not only a great and successful warrior
and wise and benevolent ruler: he was also an intelligent
devoted patron of lebgion and hteiature, and he was
apparently an author himself. His father had been a
sun-worshippei ; but he himself, while retaining pubbcly
the rebgion of his father, and tolerant and bberal to other
sects, was evidently strongly attached to Buddhism. As to
his literary tastes we learn from I-ching that the king
once called foi a collection of the best poems written of
the compositions sent in to him 500 were found to be
strings of jatakas (JstakamalS). According to this author
also Sllsditya put together the incidents of the Cloud-
riding (Jimuta-vShana) Bodhisattva giving himself up for
a naga, into a poem to bo sung, that is, he composed the
“NsgUnanda”. An accompaniment of instrumental music
was added, and the king had the whole performed in
pubbc, and so it became popular. i The king was also a
great traveller, and a seeker after knowledge of various
kinds. His information about the martial fame and ex-
ploits of the Chinese emperor T'ai-Tsung may have been
acquired on one of his expeditions to distant provinces
In the year 641 he sent an envoy to the Chinese Court,
and apparently he sent another soon after. His title in
the documents connected with the former embas^ seems
to have been “king of Magadha”.

"We return now to the pilgrim’s description of KanyS-
kubja, and a^i abnd^ent of his account of the Buddhist
memorials of the neighbourhood is all that is given m
these pages.

To the north--we8t of the capital -waa an Asoka tope TrhOTe the
Buddha had preached excellent dootnnei for seven days, beside
it ■was a tope where the Four Past Buddhas had sat and walked
for exercise, and there was a small tope over hair- and nail-rehcs

' ‘Nan-bai-ohh-knei, sec. 82 and*Takakaia p. 168.

352

NAVABEVAKULA.

of the Buddha South of tho Preaching Tope and close to the
Ganges were three Buddhist monasteries enclosed by a common
wall but each having its own gate These viharos had beautiful
images, the Brethren were grave and reveiend and theie were
thousands of lay Buddhists to servo them The shrine or temple
{ching-shc) of the thiee-fold vih5ra had a casket containing a won-
der-working tooth of the Buddha an inch and a half long, which
was exhibited to crowds of visitors foi a charge of one gold
coin each There were other sacred Buddhist buildings near tho
city, and there were also splendid temples to tho Sun-god and
to Mahesvara respectively

From Eanyakubja, tho pilgrim telle us, a journey of above
100 li south-east brought him to the city na-fo-t i-p'o-hc-lo
(Navadevakula) This city which was on the cast hank of tho
Ganges, was above twenty h in circuit, with llowery groves and
dear ponds giving interchange of sunshine and shadow To the
north-west of.it, and also on the east bank of the Ganges, was a
magnificent Deva-Templo. Five h to tho east of the city were
three Buddhist monasteries enclosed within one wall but with
separate gates m these monastenes were above 600 Brethren
all SarvSstivfidms Near the monastenes were the remains of
an Asoka tope where the Buddha had preached for seven days
Three or four h north of the monasteries was another Asoka
tope This marked the spot at which 600 hungry demons,
having come to the Buddha and attained an understanding of
his teaching, exchanged the demon state for that of devas

The Na-fo-t' i-p^o-Jcu-lo of this passage, restored as
Navadevakula, means “New Deva-Teinple”, and the site
of tho city so called is supposed to be represented
by the present Nohbatgang^ This city has also been
identified with or declaied to he near the village (in one
text, but m the other texts, wood) of A (oi So)-li (ppf or
11^ which JFa-hsien places three yojanas south of Kananj
and on the other side of the Gauges Our pilgrim’s citp
may have been in the distnct of the wood (or village) but
it cannot be identified with the latter In the Life this
city IS not mentioned, and the Nang-clnh calls it '‘Nava-
deva city”. It is not nnhkely that it was from the splen-
did Deva-temple which Tuan-chuang heie describes very
briefly that the city obtamed its name This temple, which

* Bee Jnben ITT, p 3B0, A. G« I. p. 382.

BUDDHA^i^SA.

363

was evidently of recent date, may have, been devoted to
the worship of Vishnu whose name Hari may be the word
transnbed by 'Pa-hsien’s A (or Royiu
Instead of “500 Hungry (^) Demons” in ^s passage,
the readmg of the D text and the JB'ang-chih the common
texts have “more than (^) BOO Demons”. This latter is
doubtless a opyist’s error and the D readmg is the cor
rect one. From another source we learn that the Five
Hundred Hungry Demons came to the Buddha and im-
plored his pity he thereupon requested Maudgalyayana
to feed them. The Buddha had to enlarge their needle-
throats to enable them to swallow the food; having eaten
they burst, died, and went to Heaven. The Buddha ex-
plained that these creatures had once been so many lay
Buddhists, and m that capacity had spoken rudely to
bhikshus, calling them “Hungry Demons” when the hhikshus
called on their morning rounds beggmg their daily food.
The karma of this sin produced the rebirth of the up-
asakas 500 times as Hungry Demons, and their faith in
the Buddha, and prayer to him, obtained their relea.se from
misery and their birth in Heaven.^

The pilgrim, as we learn from the Life, remained at
Kanyakubja three months) being lodged in the Bhadra-
vihara. Here he studied with the learned Buddhist monk
P^i-h-ye-se-na (Vlryasena) the vibhasha (or expository)
treatise by Fo-shih ■^), “Buddha's Servant” or Buddha-
dSsa, called the Oiou CWy or “Varma-vibhashS.” Juhen,
who apparently had a dijBferent text here, represents the
pilgrim as readmg the vibbSsha of BuddhadSsa “et le
m^moiro du maitre ching-tcheou (Arya-vama) sor le Pi-
p*(hcka ()e vibhSchR)”. A BuddhadJlsa will be found men-
tioned m Yuan-'chaang’s accomit of “Hayamukha” as the
author of a maha-vfbhiisha-sastre. As this work was a
book of the Sarvastivadin school of the HlnaySna its author
cannot have been the BuddhadSsa who was a contempo-
rary of VasubandJiU and a disciple of his brother Asanga

» Sar. Tm. Yco-Blnh, e/^ 2

3b4

ATOusri.

Very little seems to be known about any 658tra-writer
with the name Bnddhadasa, and there is no author with
this name in the catalogues of Buddhist books as known
in Ohina and Japan.

A-TTJ-T‘i! (ATODHyA)

From the neigbbonrhood of NavadevaMa city, according to
the !Becordfl, the pilgrim continued hiB journey, going south-east;
and after travelling above 600 h, and croBBing the Ganges to the
south, he reached the A-yU-Ve (Ayudha or Ayodhya) country.

According to the account in the Life it was from Kanauj
that Tuamchuang went 600 1% south-east to Ayudha. The
capital of this country, which was about a mile to the
south of the river, has been identified with the Ayodhya
of other writers, the old capital of Oudh. On account of
difficulties of direction and distance Cunningham proposes
a different site for Yuan-chuang’s Ayudha’. But it seems
to be better to adhere to Ayodhya, and to regard Yuan-
chuang’s Ganges here as a mistake for a large affluent of
the great river. The city was on the south bank of the
river, and about 120 miles east-south-east firom Blanauj.
Its name is found written in full A-yU-H-ye ^

Ayudhya (Ayodhya), and the city us said to have been the
seat of government of a line of kmgs more or less mythi-
caL® We know also that to the Hmdus Ayodhya was
the old capital of B^ma and the Solar race. It is possible
that an old or dialectic form of the name was Ayuddha,
and the Chinese translation of the Sanskrit word, which
suits either form, means inmncible or irresistable. Moreover
we find that Yuan-chuang makes his ^-ctidlia the tempo-
rary residence of Asangs and Yasubandhu, and other
authorities represent Ayodhya as a place of sojourn for
these two illustrious brothers. Then the Ayudha of Yuan-

* A. G. I. p 885. As will he seen there are serious difficulties
in the Identification of Tuan-chnang’e Ayudha with the Sha-ln of
jPo-hsien and with the Ayodhya of other writers
2 Chung-hifi-ching, ch 1 (No. 859).

VASUBANDHU AKD A8ANGA.

355

chliang is apparently the Sha-ki or Saket, that is AyodhyS,
ofFa-hsien; this was ten yojanas southreast from the Ho-
h village which was three yojanas south from Kanauj.
Albemni makes Ayodhya to have been about 160 miles
south-east from Kanauj, being 26 farsakhs down the
Granges from B&n, which was 20 farsakhs east from Ka-
nauj.' It 18 the Saketa or Oudh of the Brihat-sanhitS
which merely places it m the “Middle country”.^ It may
be mentioned m passing that there is no reference to
Ayudha in the account of kmg ^iladitya’s progress from
Kanauj by land and river to Prayaga.

The Ayudha country, the JEtecords proceeds to tell us, ■vraa
above 6000 h in circuit, and the capital was above twenty h m
oiromt The country yielded good crops, was luxuriant m fruit
and flower, and had a genial climate. The people had agreeable
ways, were fond of good works, and devoted to practical learning.
There were above 100 Buddhist monaeteriee, and more than 8000
Brethren who were students of both “Vehicles” There were ten
Deva-Temples, and the non-Buddhists were few in number.

Within the capital, the author contmnes, was the old monas-
tery in which Vasubandhu P'usa m the course of some scores
of year? composed various sastras Mahayanist and Bhnayanist.
Beside this monastery were the remains of the Hall in which
Vasubandhu had expounded Buddhism to princes and illustnons
monks and brahmins from other countries Four or hve It north
from the capital, and close tg. the Ganges, was a large Buddhist
monastery, with an Asoka tope to mark a place at which the
Buddha had preached to devas and men for three months on the
excellent doctrines of Ins religion. Fonr or five It west from
this monastery was a Baddha-relio tope, and to the north of the
tope were the remains of an old monastery. Here Shih-lt-io^io
(restored by Jiihen as Sillabdha), a ^gstra-moster of the Santran-
tika Sehool, composed a santrantiks vibhasha-Sastra

In a mango plantation five or six It to the south-west of the
city was the old monastery in which Asanga P'usa had learned
and taught. By night the P usa went up to the Tushita Heaven,
and there received from Maitreya the materials of three treatiees
which he taught by day to his disciples These treatises, Yuan-
ohuang tells us, were the “ YH-ka-shih-h-hm" 'fill ^

* Aiberum VoL I p. 200.

* Ind Ant Vol XXII. p. 174, 189.

Z*

356

maitheta’s three books.

Chmng-ym-ta shtng chtng'lun” i^)>

“ Chwtg-pien-fH-pte-lun' (4* ^ ^ M l^)‘

The large Buddhist Mouastery and tope, •which in this
passage aie placed four or five to the noith of the capital,
are described in the Life as being to the no) th-west of the
city, the distance being the same.

Our pilgiim’s ^rilabdhn, whose name iS translated by
Sheng-shoo ()^ “Received from the Victonous”, may
perhaps be Taranatha’s “Sutra-2charya-Bhadanta Srilahha”,
a Kashmirian and the founder of a ScbooL.

The three Buddhist tieatises- which Yuan-chuang here
states Were communicated to Asanga by Maitreya require
a short notice The name Til'lia-slnh-li-Iun most likely
stands for “ YogEcharya-bhumi-^astra*’, as in Julien's re-
translation, but it is possible that this was not the ori-
ginal name of tlie Sanskrit treatise We have the work
in Yuan-chuang’s translation, made with the help of several
Brethien, and with an interesting introduction by the pil-
grim’s friend, the distmguished scholar and official Hsfi
Ching-tsilng ^)’ "^I’ose name has a bad mark against

it in history. The treatise, which is a very long one, was
uUered-y we are told, by Maiti’eya. It is a metaphysical
leligious work on the basis of Buddhism, but it is not a
2 /o^tt treatise as the term yoga came to be understood,
nor is the woid shih to he taken here in its ordinary
sense of “master”. The yoga^slvih is merely a disciple
■who devotes himself to profound continued meditation m
the seventeen ti (hhumi) or provinces of faith and know-
ledge. It 18 not unlikely that the name which Mr. Buhyiu
hTanjio gives as the second name of this treatise, 'Viz.
“Saptadasa-hhumi- (or hhumika)-8E8tra-yogach5ryabhuiai”,
is the correct or original titled

The “Chuang-yen-ta-sheng-clung-lim” is evidently, as
Juhen restores the name, the “SutrElankSra-tika’ , the
word Mahdydna, which is required by the Chinese trans-

1 Tsr. S. 4, 67
’ Bun. JTo. 1170.

MAITEBTA^S THBEE BOOKS.

357

xation, being omitted from, the title. “We find the name
also given as “Ta-sheng-chuang-yen-ching-lnn”, and a trea-
tise so designated composed by Asanga was translated by
Prabhamitra, a kshatnya of Magadha and a contemporary
of our pilgrim. This translation is evidently a work of
great merit, and the treatise is interestmg as giving
Asanga’s exposition and defence of MahSySmsm. It is a
work IE verse with a prose commentary throughout, but
there is no reference to Maitreya as author or inspirer
either of verses or commentary.*

The third treatise here said, to have been commumcated
by Maitreya to Asanga is called by our pilgrim “Chung-
pien-ien-pie-lun”, the Sanskrit original name bemg “Mad-
hyanta-vibhaga-^astra”. But this treatise, of which there
are two Cbmese translations, is represented as the work
of Yasubandhn. The Chinese name which Yuan-chuang
here uses for it is that given to Paramartha’s translation,
his own translation havmg a name sbghtly different. The
treatise m hotli translations gives the “Pien-chnng-pien-lun-
sung’' by Maitreya, with a runmng commentary on it by
Vasuhandhu. Maitreya's work is a very short one in seven
poems on seven subjects; and it was this work apparently
which Maitreya, according to Tnan-chnang m this passage,
commnnicated to Asanga. Tht term MadhySnta-vibhSga
seems to mean, as translated mto Chinese, “distinguishmg
between the mean and the extremes”, that is, holding the
mean between the negation and the assertion of existence.*

Above 100 pacOs to the north-west of the Mango Grove was
a Baddha-relic tope, and beside it were old foundations at the
place -where Yasubandhn P'nsa descended from Tushita Paradise
to have an interview with his elder brother Asanga P'usa Our
pilgnm here represents these two brothers as natives of Ghindhara,
and as having lived in the imUenium succeeding the Buddha’s
decease (tha^ is, according to the Ohinese reckoning, before the
third century of our era) Asanga, he teUs us, began his
Baddhist rehgions Oareer as a Mahtiasika and afterwards became
a Mah&ySnist and Yaanbandhu began hia rehgious career in

* »o.'ll 90 .

* Nos. 1244, 1246, and 1248.

358

A8ANGA AND VASUBANDHU.

the ochool of the SarvastivSdino, Yuan-chuang here tells a
corioas story about the two brothers and a great scholar Avho
was a friend and disciple of Asanga, by name Fo-i^c-Bcng-Iuti
translated by Skih-tzii-chiao or “Lion-mtelhgence”, the Sanskrit
onginal being Buddha-sifnha. Those three Brethren made an
agreement that when one of them died and went to Heaven ho
should come back to earth at the first opportunity to enlighten
the survivors as to his circumstances. The first to die was the
disciple Bnddhasimha, but m Heaven he forgot his promise
Then three yenrs afterwords Vasubandhu died and went to To-
shita Heaven He had been dead six months, and no message
had come from him, so the heretics declared that he and Buddba-
siiiiha had gone to a bad place But at length Vasubandhu
remembering his agreement found it m his power to keep it.
So xD the form of a Deva-rishi he descended to earth and visited
his brother, telling him how he and Buddha-simha hod fared in
Maitreya’s Paradise.

The story here given about the death of Vasubandhu
IS at yanance with the accounts of the brothers given in^
the Life of Vasubandhu, and other works, according to
which the elder brother dies first, leaving the younger
brother still living and writing.

The pilgnm next tells of an old monastery 40 h north-west
from Asanga’s chapel, and having its north side close to the
Glauges. "Within this a hnek tope marked the place at which the
conversion of Vasubandhu to Mahayamsm began. According to
the version of the story here given Vasubandhu, having come
from North India to Ayudha, heard a portion of the MabaySna
treatise SJnh-ti-chinff (+ recited by a disciple of Asanga,

amd was thereby led to reflect. He became convinced that he
had been wrong as a Hlnay&nist opponent of MahBy&nism, and
was ready to cut out his tongue as the oflending member which
had revfled the “Gfreat Vehicle” But his elder brother, who
had wished to bring about Vaauhaadhu’s conversion, interfered
and taught him to use his tongfoe in the praise and preaching
of his new creed.

In other works Asanga uses the pretext of fatal sickness
to bring his brother from AyodhyS to visit him at Puru-
shapura, and there reasons with him and converts him to
MahaySnism. After the death of Asanga, his brother com-
posed several treatises all expounding and defending Maha-

HAYAMDKHA.

359

ySmsm; and he died in AyodhyS at the age of eighty years.*
The Shih-ti-ching or «Suti-a of the Ten Lands’* of this
passage is doubtless the work called Shih-chu-chmg (No. 105),
the Da^abhumika-sutra. One of Vasubandhu’s numerous
treatises is a commentary on this sutra entitled Shih-ti~
ching-hm (No. 1194).

A-YE-MU-K‘A.

From Ayudha the pilgnm travelled east, he writes, above
dOO It, and crosBing the Ganges to the north, arrived in the A-
ye-mu-k^a country This country he descnbes as being 2400 or
2500 li in circuit with its capital, situated on the Ganges, above
20 h in circuit. In climate and natural products the country
resembled Ayudha* the character of the people was good, they
were studious and given to good works. There were five Buddhist
monasteries with above 1000 Brethren who were adherents of the
Sammatiya School, and there were more than ten Deva-Temples.
Not far from the capital on the south-east side, and close to the
Ganges, were an Asoka tope at a place where the Buddha had
preached for three months, traces of a sittmg and walking place
of the Four Past Buddhas, and a dark-blue-stone tope with
Buddha-rehcs, Beside this last was a monastery with above
200 Brethren, and in it was a beautiful life-like image of the
Buddha its halls and chambers rose high, and were of exquisite
workmanship. It was in this monastery that the ^astra-Mastcr
Buddhodusa composed his great vibhSshh treatise of the SarvSsti-
Y&din School

The name of the country here transcnbed A^ye-mu-ka
was restored by Julien in his translation of the Life as
Ayamuliha, but m the present passage he mokes these
syllables stand for Hayamukha. This latter restoration
seems to be madmissible; and as A- is the first syllable
of the name in all the texts of the Life and Eecords, and
in the Fang-chih, we must regard Ayamukha as the name
which the pilgnm transcribed. It is not impossible that
the correct form may have been Hayamukha -or Ayamukha,
the former word meamug “Horse-face” and the latter mean-
ing a cre^c or ciianml. Cunningham, who finds Yuan-

‘ y«sabandhu>ohuan (No. 1468).

360

HUMAN SACRmOE.

chuang’s Ayndha m the present Kakapnr, thinks that
Ayainnkha may be represented by ‘‘Daundia-khera on the
northern bank of the Ganges”. But these identifications
are mere conjectures and are of little use.*

In the corresponding passage of the Life we are informed
that the pilgrim left Ayndha in a boat along with a party
and proceeded east down the Ganges towards Ayamukha.
When about 100 li on the way, m a wood of asoka trees,
the boat was attacked by Thugs who robbed the party.
When these Thugs saw that the Chinese pilgrim was an
uncommonly fine-looking man they decided to sacnfice
him to their cruel deity Burga. From this tenlble fate
the pilgrim was preserved by a providential hurricane
which put the wicked Thugs in fear, and made them release
their doomed victim, treat him with awe and reverence,
and under his teaching give up their wicked profession,
and take the vows of lay-Buddhists. After recording this
episode the Life goes on to state that the pilgrim “from
this went above 300 li east and crossed to the north
of the Ganges into the Ayamukha country”. The ‘^this”
here may be taken to mean the place of the encounter
with the Thugs, and the distance from Ayudha to Aya-
mukha would then be 400 li. But the words “from this”
in the above estract fi’om the Life should perhaps be
treated, in accordance with the text of the Becords, as indi-
cate g Ayudha city as the point of departure. The pil-
gnm apparently travelled by land eastwards from the
place where the boat was seized by the Thugs, and he
crossed to the north side of the river near Ayamukha
city. This river cannot have been the Ganges and it may
hafe been the Sai. We may even doubt whethey the nver
in the Asoka wood on which the Thugs had their pirati-
cal boats was the Ganges proper.

The great vibhashs treatise, wfiich Ynan-chuang here
tells us was composed by Buddhada^a in a monastery of
this country, is probably the “Yanna-vibhashS” already

* A. O. L p. 887.

prataga-

861

mentioned, above p. 353, in connection with the pilgrim’s
account of Khnaui.

PRATAGIA.

From Ayamukha the’pilgrun vent Bonth-eaat, he tells us, and
after a journey of more than 700 h, crossing to the south of
the Ganges and the north of the Jumna he came to the Po-lo-
pa-ka (Prayaga) countiy.

There is evidently something wrong in the accounts
which our pilgrim has given of his journeys m these districts.
He applies the name “Ganges”, apparently to more than
one nver, and it seems probable that his Ayudha and
Ayamukha were on an affluent or affluents of the Ganges
proper. From Kanauj he ma,y have made an excursion
to these two cities. From Ayamukha he apparently return-
ed to the Ganges somewhere near Navadevakula, which
was 20 miles to the south-east of Kanauj. From the
neighbourhood of this place to PraySga, going south-east,
is about 140 miles or 700 h, Cunningham seems to take
no notice of the statOTaents in the Records and Life that
Ayamukha was to the east of Ayudha. Moreover he
wrongly represents Tuan-chuang as going by boat all the
way down the Ganges south-east from tlie latter city to
Ayamukha. So we csmnot wonder that he finds it impos-
sible to make distances agree. ^

The pilgrim goes on to state that the Prayaga country was
above 6000 U in circuit, and the capital above 20 h in circuit
This city, which apparently bed the same name, he places at the
junction of two nvero (viz the Granges and the Jumna). He
praises tlio country the climate, and the people He tells us there
vere only two Buddhist establishments and very few Brethren
all Hlnayfimsta. There were some hnndradB of Deva-Tcmples
and the majority of the inhahitonts were non-Buddhieto
' In a ohampaKe grove to the south-west of the capital was an
old Asokn tope to mark the spot at which the Buddha once
overcame his religious opponents (that is, lA controversy) Beside
it were a Buddha-hair-and-nail relic tope and an Esercise ground.
Near the rehc tope was an old monastery m which Deva P'usa

‘ A. G I p 388

362

BEIiIQIDUS BUIOEDE.

composed the “Kuang-pai-loift” for the refatetion of the Hliia-
y&niats and the conquest of the Tlrthikaa

PraySga, the capital of this country^ corresponds, as lias
been shown by others, to the modeni Allahabad. The
word Fmya^a means sacrifice^ or a holy ground set apart
for sacrifices.

The Deva P'usa of this passage has been already met
with at the Sources of the Ganges. His treatise here
mentioned, the “Kuang-pai*lun”, which we have in Yuan-
chuang’s translation, is a very short one m verse arranged
under eight headings. It denounces the belief in individual
permanence and argues against brahmins and others ^

In the capital, the pilgrim goes on to relate, was a celebrated
Deva-Temple in front of which was a great wide-spreading um-
brageous tree. In this tree once lodged a cannibal demon, hence
the presence of numerous hones near the tree. Visitors to the
temple, under the influence of bad teaching and supernatural
beings, had continuously from old times all lightly committed
suicide here Lately, however, a very wise and learned brahmin
of good family had tried to convert the people from their evil
bebef and stop the practice of suicide. He accordingly went up
to the temple and in the presence of fnends proceeded to kill
himself in the usoal way by mounting the tree to throw himself
down from it. When up the tree, addressing the spectators he
said — “I am dymg (lit have death); formerly I spoke of the
matter as an illusion, now I have proof that it is real, the devas
with their acnal music are coming to meet me, and I am about
to give up my vile body from this mentonous spot” As the
Brahmin was about to throw himself down from the tree to be
killed hiB fnends tried to dissuade him from the act, but their
counsels were in vain. They then spread their garments below
the tree, and when the Brahmm fell he was unhurt, but was in a
swoon. When he recovered he said to the by-standors — “What
is seen as the devas m the air' summoning one is the leading of
evil spirits, not the acquisition of heavenly joy”.

The story bere told leaves somewhat to be supplied in
order to make it as intelligible to us as it was to Yuan-
ebuang’s Chinese reader. Hor some reason not explained
in the story it had long been an article of popular belief

I Bun. No. 1189.

SWBITS AT TIME OP DEATH.

363

that suicide at this Devar-Temple led to birth in Heaven.
Then those who “threw away their lives” he^i'e were evi-
dently left unburied and were supposed to be devouied by
the man-eating demon who lived in the great tree. This
tree was undoubtedly a banyan, and Cunmngham thinks
that “there can be little doubt that the famous tree here
described by the pilgrim is vthe well-known Akshay-Bat,
or “undecaying Banian tree”, which 'is still an object of
worship at Allahabad”.

Not long before the time of Yuan-chuang’s visit, he
tells us, a biahmin “of good family” had tried to convert
the people fiom their folly m committing suicide here.
The Chmese rendered by “of good family” is tsu-hsing-teu
(M, “Son of a clan”. This expression is one of

very common use m Buddhist books and jneans simply
“a gentleman”. Yet Julien here translates it by “dont le
nom de famille 6tait JFhls (Pouttra;”.i

This brahmin gentleman, when up in the banyan tiee,
hears music and sees beings; and he thinks (or pretends
to think) that these are the harbingers of a happy death
giving an entiance into Heaven. But when he recovers
from his swoon he recognizes, and declares, that he only
saw in the air devas summomug him, that these were evil
deities coming to meet him, and that there was no heavenly
joy. The language here used belongs partly to a popular
Chinese behef or fancy. The Chinese geneially believe
that dying persons often leceive intimation or indication
of what IS to be their lot after they depart this life, and
the information is supposed to be often conveyed by the
appearance of a certain kind of emissary from the other
world These ©essengers from the woild beyond aie said
to chie-ijin or to yin the dying individual, that is

to welcmie or introduce him. It is these terms which are

1 The phrase tsii-hsvng-tzu is the equiralent of the Indum term
Jailapuira, “son of a family”, that is, clansman, and the dansmen
were regarded as well-born In the Buddhist books tsxi-hsing-t&u is
appbed to eminent laymen, and also to bbiksbus, who moreover use
it in speaking of themselves

364 :

ABJ3NA OF LAEGES8E.

here translated by “coming to meet” and “leading”. The
Brahmin mistook the character of the tielcome to be given.
We are probably to understand that he taught his friends,
and the people generally, that the music and angels of the
suicides were in all cases haibingers of posthumous misery,
not of bliss m Heaven.

On the eaet side of the capital and at the confluence of the
rivers, the pilgrim proceeds, wafi a sunny down about teu h
wide covered with a white sand. This down was called m tho
popular language “The Grand Arena of Largesse” It was tho
place to which from ancient times princes, and other liberal bene-
factors, had come to make their offerings and gifts Yuan-chuang
then proceeds to describe how king ^iladitya acted on the occa-
sion to which reference has already been made Tho king, as
we have seen, went in state from Kanauj to this place for his
customary quinquennial great distribution of gifts, and alms, and
offerings Ho had come prepared, and he gave away all tho
public money, and all hia own valuables Beginning with offer-
ings to the Buddhist images on the first day, Yuan-chnang here
^ tells us, the king went on to bestow gifts on the resident
Buddhist Brethren, next on tho assembled congregation, next on
those who were conspicuous for great abilities and extensive
learning, next on retired scholars and recluses of other religions,
and lastly on the kinless poor. This lavish distribution in a
few (according to the Life in 75) days exhausted all the pubhe
and private wealth of the country, but in ten days after the
Treasury was emptied it was again filled.

At the junction of the nveta end to the east of tho Arena of
Largesse, Yuan-chuang continues, every day numbers of people
arrived to die in tne sacred woter, hoping to be thereby reborn
in Heaven Even the monkeys and other wild creatures came
to this place, some bathed and then went back, others fasted
hero until they died. In connection with this statement Yuan-
chuang tells a story of a monkey which lived under a tree close
to the nver, and starved himself to death at the time of Slla-
ditya’s visit. He adds that this occurrence led to the following
cunoua and trying au8tenty->performance on tho part of the local
devotees given to austerities. H’.gh poles were erected m the
Ganges at this place, each with a projecting pbg near the top,
at sunrise a devotee mounted o pole, holding on to the top with
one hand and one foot, and supported by the peg, he stretched
out his other arm and leg at full length. In this jposture he
followed keenly with his eyes the sun’s progress to the right;
when the sun set the devotee came down from his perch to

SELP-TOBTUEE.

365

resume it next mommg This painful auatenty 'was practised
•with the -new of obtaining release from mortal hte, and it was
carried on for several tens of years without relaxation

This story of our pilgrim seems to he rather silly and
not very mtelbgible. One cannot see the connection be-
tween the monkey’s suicide and the devotees’ practice on
the poles But if we regaid the date given for the mon-
key’s deaih, viz. the time of Slladitya’s visit, as an acci-
- dental mistake (which the context seems to show it mnst
he) then we probably have here a fragment of some old
story told to account for absurd austerities still practised
at the time of T uan-chuang’s visit. According to the
Fang-chih the monkey of the pilgium’s stoiy was a husband,
and his wife was attacked and killed by a dog. The hus-
band found the dead body of his wife, and with pious care
carried it to the Gauges, and consigned it to that sacred
nver, then he gave himself up to gnef, would not take
any food, and after a few days died. It is probable that
the oiigmal story also told how the bereaved monkey
. every morning went to the top of one of the poles at the
bank of the nver, and sat there gazing intently at the sky;
that he came down at evening, and spent the night in his
lonely home, and that when he died he rejomed his wife
in Heaven. When the history of this pious uxorious mon-
key became generally known, seekers after Heaven were
moved to adopt the means which they had seen the mon-
key use. So they set up poles in the nver, and sat perched
on these after the marner of monkeys, as the pilgrim
descnbes, cranmg their necks to watch the sun through
all his course from east to west. This is what they thought
the pious intelligent monkey had been doing.

koSambi

From PraySga the pilgnm went, he tcllo us, sontb-'wect through
B forest infested hy •wild dephante and other fierce aniroalB, and
after a journey of above 600 It (about 100 miles) he reached the
Kta 0 ' 6 hanff~mi (that is Kaul&mbl or Kosambl) country This
IE described by the pilgnm os being above 6000 h in circuit, and

366

KOSMEM.

its capital (pvidently named Ko6ambl) ns being above 30 li in
circuit. It -was a fertile country with a hot climate: it yielded
much upland nee and sugar-cane; its people were enterprising,
fond of the arts, and cultivators of religious merit There were
more than ten Buddhist monasteries, but all in utter ruin, and
the Brethren, who were above 800 in number, were adherents
of the flinaySna sjstem There were more than fifty Deva-
Temples and the non-Buddhists were very numerous.*

In the corresponding part of the Life distance and
direction of Kosambl fiom Prayiiga are also given as
above 600 li to tbe south-west. This agrees with the state-
ment, in a subsequent part of the Life, that the pilgrim
on leaving PiaySga journeyed south- w'est through a jungle
for seven days to Kosambl. Cunningham, (who was misled
by Julien’s shp m writmg 60 instead of 500, m his trans-
lation of the Life) identifies the city of Kosambl here de-
scribed with the modern Kosam, which is only 38 miles
by road south-west from Allahabad.2 M. Saint-Martin
could not offer any identification for our pilgrim’s Kosambl,
and seems to think that it lay to the north-west not south- ’
west of Prayaga.3 Cunningham’s identification has been
conclusively shown to he untenable by M*" Vincent A. Smith,
whose studies on the subject have led him to the conclusion
that “the Kau^Smbl twice visited by Hiuen Tsiang is to
be looked for, and, when looked for, will be found, m one
of the Native States of the Baghelkhand Agency, in the
valjey of the Tons Biver, and not very far from the East
Indian Railway, which connects Allahabad with Jabalpur
In short, the SatnS (Sutna) railway station marks the
a^roximate position of KauSambi”.^ But this identifica-

1 There is reason for suspecting tbe genumess of the passage in
the 6th chwtn of the Life which seeme to be a remembrance of tbe
passage in the 8rd chuan In transcribing tbe name Ohoshila the
author uses characters different from those in the 3rd chwtn and
from those in the Records. This passage also makes the pilgrim go
back from BraySga to Ko^ambi south-west, and continue his journey
from tbe latter going north-west
' 2 A, G L p. 891.

» J. TTT- p. 862 and see Map in J. IL

< J. R. A. S for 1898 [See now Dr Yost’s article, ibid. 1904.]

POBIMOK OF KOSAMBl.

367

tion also is beset mth difficulties •which seem to me
inBurmountable. For the pilgrim to go south-west
from Prayaga was to go out of his line of travel, and
although this detour might he necessary for one visit it
would be unnecessary on the return journey. M*' Smith
has noticed the discrepancy between Yuan-chuang’s loca-
tion of Kosambi and that given by Pa-hsien, and he thinks
the latter’s north-west is a clerical mistake for south-west,
but, on the other hand, Yuan-chuang’s south-west may be
an error for north-east Smith, moreover, has not
noticed the important difference between the Life and the
Becords as to the distance and direction of YuSakhS from
Kosambi, and this difference increases the difficulty of
identification.

Now our pilgnm’s statements here, as to the bearing
and distance of Kosambi from Prayaga and other places,
are not in agreement with other accounts of the situation
and bearings of Kosambi. Thus the Life, which in one
place reproduces the words of the Records, m another
passage makes Pi-so-ha (Vi^oka), on the way to SrSvasti,
to be 600 h east of Kosambi, while the Records, as we
shall see presently, puts it about 880 li to the north-north-
east of the city. Again, Fa-hsien places the Kosambi
country thirteen yojanas (about 90 miles) to the north-
west of the Deer Park to the north of Benares.' This
would make the city of Kosambi he to the north of
Prayaga. Then in the Vinaya we find that in going from
R,a3agriha to Kosambi one went by boat up the nver, that
is, the Ganges. 2 Further we read of the Buddha on his
way from SrEvasti to Kosambi passing through the town of
Bhaddavatika, and this was the name of the S'wift elephant
of the king of Kosambi.’ In some books the Kosambi
and Kosala countries- aie adjacent, and the bhikshus of
■Sravasti and Kosambi keep Retreat at the same town in

1 Fo-kuo-chi, (3i. 84

2 Vm. Chul. XI 1

2 J§.taka Vol I p 208 (Ohalmers tr)

368

KTNCf KDATAKA.

the Kosambi country.^ So also when a hermit’s life is
threatened by the king of K.osanibS in the Udayana Park
the hermit flies to Sravasti 2 Fnrthei m the Sutta Nipata
the deputation from the Brahmin Bavan going to visit
the Buddha at Sravasti proceed to “Kosamb! and Saketa
and Sravasti” ® From all these it would seem that
Kosambi instead of being 500 li to the south-west of Pra-
yaga, was rather to the north of that place, and it evi-
dently was not very far from ^rSvasti. It was the capital
of the Yatsa (in Ghmese Tu-tzu ^ ^ “Calf’) country,
and the land of of the Yatsas was in the Middle Region
of the Bnhat Samhita.-*

‘Within the old royal inclosore {kung) of the capital, the pilgnm
relates, was a large Buddhist temple {chxng'sM) over sixty feet
high in which •vias a carved sandal-wood image of the Buddha
with a atone canopy suspended over it. This image made inira-
culoua manifestations, and no power could move it from its place
BO paintings made of it were worshipped, and all true hhenesses
of the Buddha have been taken from this image It was the
one made for king Udayana by the artist conveyed to the Tra-
yaatrimsa Heaven by Mudgalaputra at the king’s request When
the Buddha descended to earth near Sankasya the image went
out to meet him and the Buddha put it at ease saying — “What
1 want of you is that you convert those distressed by error and
and that you teach posterity”.

The Udayana of this passage was the prince born to
the king of Kosambi on the day on which the Buddha
was born. His name (in Pali books Udena) is translated
into Chinese in a note here by ch^vrai ({i{ ^), “yielding
affection”, but it is also rendered by ck^u-kuang (%), “yield-
ing brightness”, by jih-tzu (0 “the Sun”, by jih-chu
(^) or jih’Chu both meaning “Sunnse”. He is represent-
ed as originally a cruel wicked king with a very bad
temper, and as an enemy to the Buddhists. But he took

1 Seng-ki-lu, ch. 28.

2 Sar. Vin Tsa-shih, ch, 3.

» Sutta Nipata p. 185 (P. T, S.).

< Bivyfiv,p.B28 ‘Yin-kuo-ching, ch.l (N 0 . 666 ); Ind. AnkYoLSXII.

pp. Wo. 181.

GHOSILA ON QHOSITA.

369

into ius harem the peerless beauty “whose father, when the
Buddha refused to take her to wife, gave her to the king.
This concubine was wicked and ambitious, and she poison-
ed the king’s mind against tlie queen, whom she slander-
ed as unfaithful to him. Her influence with the king was
so great that he ordered the queen to be put to death.
She, however, was mnocent, and was a pious Buddhist,
and her good karma turned aside the weapons of death,
and preserved her life.‘ Greatly moved by this miracle,
the king repented, jomed the Buddhists, and became an
enthusiast m the now religion (as we see by the passage
under consideration). The image, accordmg to one state-
ment, was taken to China, and accordmg to the Life it
went of itself through the air to BLhoten A copy of the
image had been brought to China as early as the time of
Hail Mmg-Ti.

After mentioning certain memonals of the Four Past Buddhas
and of the Buddha at this part of the capital the piJgnm pro-
ceeds — In the south-east comer of the cit> are the mins of the
house of the Elder Ku-shth-lo ^ or Ghoshils, Here
also were a Buddhist Temple, a Hair-and-Nail-relic tope, and the
remains of the Buddha’s baUi-houso Not far from these but
outside the city on the south-east side was the old Ghosilaramu,
or Monastery built by Gbosbila, with an Asoka lope above 200
feet high Here, writes Yuan-chnang, the Buddha preached for
several years Beside this tope was a place with traces of the
sitting and walking up and down of the Four Past Buddhas, and
there was another Buddha Hair-and-uail reho tope

The Ghosila of this passage was a great man of very
small stature: ho was one of the three chief mimsters of state
of Kosambi in the time of the Buddha, who converted him
and admitted him as a lay-disciple TJien Ghoshila, within
Ins own grounds, set up an arama or Monastery for the
Bnddha; and it was m it that the Buddha usually lodged
on hi8 visits to Kosambi These apparently, were not
very frequent, and we do noi know Yuan-clmang’s autho-

» Divyuv ch XXXVI Dh p 172 ff Fo-shuo-yu-tien-wang-cbing
^No 88) Yu-t'S-yen-wang*chmg (No. 23 (No 29))

AA

370

THE VIDT5MATEA8IDDHI.

rity for his statement that the Buddha preached here for
several years. In Pali literature this Ghosila is called
Ghosita the setthi, and his monastery is the GhositSrSma.
His name is translated in some of the Chinese versions
of Buddhist books by Mei-yin (H •^) or “Pine Voice”.
In his infancy and childhood this Ghosita had a long
’=:eries of the most excitmg escapes from attempts to mur-
der him.!

To the south-east of the Ghoshil&rama, Ynan-chuang proceeds,
■was a two-story building -with an old briclc upper-chamber, and
in this Vacubandhn lodged und composed the Wei-skih~hm
or 1^) for the refuting of Hinay&nists and the con-

founding of non-Buddhists

The Sanskrit original of the name given here, as in
other passages of the Life and Becords, as Wei-sliih-
lun is restored as “VidySmatra siddlii ^tra” by Juhen,
M* Bunyhi iN^anjio giyes “ VldySmStrasiddhi” as the
Sanskrit name, and apphes it to several other works,
such as the “Ch‘eng - wei - shih - lun”.^ This last is a
commentary by DharmapSla, Sthiramati, and eight other
P‘u8as on Vasubandhu’s ^Wei-8htJi-8an~8hik4un (or with
8ung)^. The little treatise Wei- shih -lun is called in
the Mi^ collection “Ta-shlng-Leng-ka-ching-wei-shih-
lun” that is “MahaySna-Lanka-BUtra-TidyamStra ^Sstra”,
a' name which does not appear in the old tests, and is
perhkps nnanthorized.^ Some of the old teste give the
title as *Ta-BhSng-wei-shih“li!n” and this is warranted by
the contents. There are three Chinese translations of this
treatise, bearing different names, and -with variations in the
matter. The first translation is by Gautamaprsynarachi
(or according to some, by Bodh^chL) A. D. 520 ths
second ie by Paramartha about A. D. 560 <, and the third

1 See J. JBt. A S 1698 p Idl , DivyBv p. 699.

2 Buu. Wo. 1107.

* No. jm

* No. 1289.

asaitga’s comrdsntaet 371

by our pilgnin in the year 661. < The treatise has another
title — ^P^o-sd-hsin-lun ■0, l^)”> is, “the sSstra

which refutes matter and mind”. The book is a small
philosophical poem with an explanatory commentary on
the relations of mind and matter It teaches the unrea-
lity of phenomenaj and consequently of our sense-percep-
tions apart from the thinking prmciple, the eternal mind
unmoved by change and unsoiled by error This work
was regarded by its author as an exposition of the Buddha’s
views and teaching on the relation of mind to matter It
quotes and refutes tenets of the non-Buddhist Vaiseshikas
and of the Buddhist “Vibhasha masters of Kashmir”.
Some of the author’s tenets^ are to be found in the ‘•Laq-
kavatara sutra”, but we cannot properly describe the Wei-
shih-lun as a commentary on that suti’o.

In a mango wood east of the GhoBilaraom were the old found-
atiOBB of the house in which Asanga P'usa composed the “Heien-
yang-sheng-chiao-lun”

The translation of the title of Asanga’s work here given
means “the §Sstra which developes Buddhism” that is,
developes Buddha’s teaching. The treatise, which we have
m Yuan-chuangs translation^, is an exposition and deve-
lopment of the “Yogacharyabhumi i§astra” already men-
tioned

At a distance of eight or nine h south-west from the capital,
Ynan-chuang proceeds, was a venomous dragon’s cave ih which
the Buddha had left his shadow after subduing the venomous
dragon This was a matter of record, but the shadow was no
longer visible. Beside the Dragon’s Cave was an Asoka-built
tope, and at the side of it were the traces of the Buddha s exer-
cise-ground, and a hair-and-nail-relic tope at which in many
efises the ailments of devotees were cured in answer to prayer.
This Kosamhl country is to be the last pla*^ in which the $akya-
[mnni] religion will cease to exist; hence all, from king to
peasant, who visit this land feel deeply moved, and return weep-
ing sadly.

» No 1240
a No 1177

AA»

f

372 THE EXTINCTION OF BDHDHIBM.

According to the Mahasangika Ymaya the malicions
dragon of Kosambi, An-p‘o-lo (;^ ^ by name, was
subdued by the bhikshu 8han~lai (§ or Svagata *
M*" Cockburn, who does not accept the situation of the
Dragon’s cave given by our pilgrim, is disposed to identify
the cave with one now called “Sita’s Window”. This is
“an ancient Buddhist Hermit’s cave, cut into the vertical
face of a precipice 50 feet high. This precipice forms the
scarp of the classic hill of Prabhasa, Allahabad District”.^
But this description, it will be observed, does not suit the
pilgrim’s account of the neighbourhood of the cave.

Our pilgnm here, it will be noticed, speaks of the 8ht!i-
Tcorfa or Sakya dharma, that is, the dispensation of Sak-
yamuni, the system of belief and conduct which he esta-
blished. The final extinction of this system which was to
take place in Kosambi is predicted by the Buddha in the
“MahamSya sutra”. At the end of 1500 years from the
Buddha’s decease a great bhikshu at this city was to kill
an arhat: the disciples of the latter would avenge the
murder of their master by the slaughter of the bhikshu.
The troubles caused by these crimes would lead to the
destruction of topes and viharas, and finally to the com-
plete extmction of BuddhiBm.8 As the 1600 years were
at the time of the pilgrim’s visit about at an end, pious
Buddhists were distressed at the signs of the near fulfil-
ment of the prophecy.

From the Dragon’s cave, the piJgnm tells ns, he proceeded in
a north-east direction through a great wood and, after a jonmey
of above 700 /i, he crossed the Ganges to the north, to the city
of Ka-sTie-pu-lo (that is, Kaeapura or Kajapura). This whs abdve
ten h in circuit, and its inhabitants were in good ciromastancet.
Close to the city were the rains of an old monastery whero
Dhormap&la had once gained a great victory over the non-
Bnddhists in a public discuBBion. The discussion had been brought
about by a former king who wished to destroy Buddhism m the

1 Seng-ki-lu, ch. 20.
a J Ben A. S. Vol LVI p. 31.
s h£o ho-mo-vR-ching, ch 8 (No. 382).

DBVASABMAN AlH) GOPA

373

ooantry. Beside these rnms was an Asoka tope, of which 200
feet still remEined above ground, to mark the place at which
the Buddha had once preached for six months, and near this
were traces of the Buddha’s exercise ground and a tope with
his hair-and-nail relics.

The name of this city, which is not mentioned in the
Life, IS restore^ by Julien as Kasppura.

P’l-SHO-KA.

From Kasapura, the pilgnm narrates, he went north 170 or
160 h to the country which he calls Pt (or Pinff, or Pi or Fi)-
s5o-fco (that 18 , perhaps, Visoka) This country was above 4000 h
in circuit and its chief city was sixteen h in circuit The gram
crops of the country were very plentiful, fruit and flowers abound-
ed, it had a genial climate, and the people had good ways, were
studious and given to good works It had above twentj Buddhist
mcnastenes and 8000 Brethren who were all adherents of the
Sammatiya School There were above 60 Deva-Templea and the
non-Bnddhists were very numerous
On the east side of the road south of the capital was a large
monastery In it the arhat Devasannan composed his “Shih-
Ehen-lun” in which he denied the Ego and the non-Ego At
this place there had also been another arhat by name Gopa, who
wrote the treatise “Sh^ng-chiao-yao-shih-lun” (or “^Sstra on the
essential realities of Buddhism”), affirming the existence of the
Ego and the non-Ego The opposite doctrines of these two
great rehgious philosophers led to senous controversies in the
church

The Life, which as we have seen makes Vi^oka to be
500 h to the east of Kosambi, places the large monastery
of this passage on “the left side (east) of the south-east
road”, but tung, “east” is possibly a clerical error for
ch^eng, “city”. The Life also gives the name of Deva^rman's
treatise as “Shih-shen-tsu-lnn ^ 1^)”, “the sSstra

of the Foot of the Perception Body”. "We have the woik
in Yuan-chuang’s translation, the title being as in the
Life with the word Abhidharma prefixed.* Its Sanskrit
title has been restored as “Abhidharma VynanakSyapada

1 No. 1381. See Bur. Int. p. 448 T&r S. 66 and 296.

374

DHAEMAPiLA.

Sastra”, but its short title, is “Yijnanakaya ^astra” as in
our pilgrim’s translation here. The treatise is one of the
Six Pada {Tsu) called Abhidharma sutra of the Sarvasti-
vadin School, and it was considered by the Yaibhashikas
as canonical, but by the Sautrantikas as only the work of
a bhikshu. Yuan-chuang, it will be noticed, calls the
author an arhat, but in other places he is merely a bhik-
shu or sthavira. The work is a tedious argumentative
treatise combating the views of a Mogmhn who denied
the reahty of the Past and the Future, and arguing against
other tenets apparently held by other early Buddhists.
Our pilgrim’s statement that it demed the Ego and the
non-Ego, or “I and men”, is a very unsatisfactory one.

The treatise by Gopa mentioned in the present passage
does not seem to be in the Chmese collections of Buddhist
works, and nothing is known apparently about the author
or his work. As Devasarman is supposed to have hved
about 400, or, according to some, about 100 years after
the Buddha’s decease Gopa must have lived about the
same time.

At this laffge monastery also, Tuaa-chnang proceeds to narrate,
Hu~fa (Dharmapala) P'nsa once held a discussion for seven days
vath 100 Hinayana ^astra-mastere and utterly defeated them.
In this district, moreover, the Buddha lived for six years preach-
ing and teaching. Near the tope which commemorated his stay
and work and which stood near the large monastery was a mar-
vellous tree, it was six or seven feet high This tree had been
developed from a tooth-stick which the Buddha after using it
had cast down The tooth-stick took root and grew and flou-
rished, and it still remamed a tree in spite of the persistent efforts
of heretics to cut it down and destroy it

The Tooth-stick tree of this passage was above 70 feet
high according to the Life and the Pang-chill. Pa-hsien,
it will be remembered, has a similar story about his city
of Sha-M, and there the tree, as in our text, was only
seven feet high

Cunningham thinks he proves that the Pi-sho-Jca or
Vi^oka (?) of Yuan-chuang is the Sha-ki (or Sha-ti) oi

THE TOOTH-STICK TBEE.

376

Fa-hsien, and tbe Saketa or Ayodhya of Indian literature. ‘
But in hife arguments he seems to qmte ignore the fact
that Pa-hsien places Shaki thirteen (not as Legge has by
a slip, three) yojanas or nearly 100 miles in a south-east
direction from Kanauj and so either at or near Yuan-
chuang’s Ayudha which was 100 miles south-east from
Banauj Then Ounningham makes the name of this city
to be the same as that of the lady VisSkha; but Yuan
chuang, like others, transcribes the lady’s name by three
characters different from those which he uses for wntmg
the name of this city. Further, from Shala to SrSyasti
the direction was south and the distance eight yojanas or
less than 60 mdes, while from Vi^oka to ^rSvasti it was
500 It or about 100 miles in a north-east direction. More-
over the Life, as has been stated, places Yiioka 600 li
to the east of Kosambl. So, unless we agree with M' V. Smith
m treating Pa-hsien’s distances and directions as mistakes,
we cannot make Yuan-chuang’s Vifioka to be Fa-hsien’s
Shaki, but the former may perhaps be taken to represent
the Saketa of the Buddhist scriptures.

The precisely similar stones about the Buddha’s tooth-
stick beconung and remainmg a miraculous tree are in
favour of the identification of 8ho-ki and Yiioka. But
they are not enough to prove that the two names denoted
one city, as such stories were probably invented for several
places. We have already met with a tooth-stick tree in
the early part of the Records, and we are to meet with a
third m a future chapter.

It IS not impossible that Yuan-chuang made an excursion
from Kosambl to Kniapura, returned to Kosambl, and
from the latter contmued his journey gomg east to Visoka™
This would agree with the account in the Life which does
not mention Ka^apura. M* V. Smith thmks that Yuan-
chuang’s Kaiapuia “may very plausibly be identified with
the group of nuns centremg round Mohanlalganj” fourteen
miles south of Lucknow. He adds — “Kursl, m the Bara-

1 A. G L p 401

376

KASAPURA.

bankl District, about 27 miles in a direct line from Mohan-
lalganj, coiTesponds admirably in position with Vi^akha
[that is Yi^oka] which was 170 or 180 li (less than 30
miles) from Ks^apura”. ^ But these proposed identifications
are not given as stiictly accurate, and, as M* Smith ad-
mits, the identifications must await further researches.

1 op. 0 . p. 623.

OHAPTIE XU

OmTAK VL

Sravasti to KUSTNARA.

From the Vi^oka distnct tbe pUgnm travelled, he teHs ue,
above 600 h (about 100 miles) north-east to the Shih-lo-fa-Bi-tt
(Sravastj) country This country was above 6000 h in circuit*
its “capital" was a wild Toin -without anything to define its areas,
the old foundations of the “Palace city" were above twenty H
in circuit, and although it was mostly a ruinous waste yet there
were inhabitants. The country had good crops, and an equable
chmate and the people had honest -ways and were given to
learning and fond of good works There were some luindreds
of Buddhist monastenes of which the most were in ruins* the
Brethren, who -were very few were Sammatiyas, There were
100 Deva-Temples and the non-Buddhists were very numerous.
This city was m the Buddha’s time the seat of government of
long Prasenajit and the foundations of this king’s old palace
remained in the old “Palace city". Not far east of these was
an old foundation on which a small tope had been built this
was the 'Site of the large chapel (Preaching Hall) which king
Prasenajit bmlt for the Buddha. Near the site of the chapel
was another tope on old foundations this marked the site of
the nunnery (ehtnff~Bh$) of the Buddha’s foster-mother, the bhik-
shiml PrSjapatl, erected for her by king Prasenajit. A tope to
the east of this marked the site of the house of Sudatta the
Elder (chief of the non-official laymen). At the side of this was
a tope on the spot where Angulnnala gave up his heresy ^hiB
Anguhmala, whose name denotes Finger-garland, was a wicked
man of ^ravasti who hamed the city and country, killing people
and cutting a finger oft each person killed, in order to make
himself a garland He was about to kill his own mother in
order to make up tbe required number of fingers, when the
Buddha in compassiou proceeded to convert him Finger-gar-
land on seeing the Buddha was dehghted, as his Brahmin teacher

378

sTlvatthl

had told him that by killing the Buddha and his own mother
be would obtain birth in Heaven So he left his mother for the
moment, and made a motion to kill the Buddha. But the latter
kept moving out of reach, and by admonishing the murderer
led him to repentance ond conversion. Finger* *• garland then was
admitted into the Order, and by zealous perseverance he attain-
ed arhatship

In this passage the pilgrim, according to his usual prac-
tice, gives the bansknt. foim of the name of the country
he describes, viz — Sravastu This was properly not the
name of the country, which was Kosala, but of the oapi
tal of that coimti7 Fa-hsien uses the old and generally
accepted transcription She-wd f^), perhaps for Sevat
or Ssvatthi, and he makes the city so called the Capital
of Kosala, aaid eight yoj anas south from his Sha-hiK This
last name, which may have been Sha-k‘i, or Sha-eh‘i, or
Sha-ti, 18 supposed to lepresent Sakefca, but the restoration
of the name and the identification of the place are uncer-
tain. Smith would change Fa-hsien’s south here to

north-east and his ei^ht yojanas to eighteen or nineteen
ymanas, changes which seem to be quite inadmissible as
the'^ilgrim evidently made the journey.* In the Yinaya
we find the city of Sravastl stated to be six yojanas from
Saket, and the former is apparently to the east of the
latter. 3

The site of the Sravasti of the present passage was
long ago confidently identified by Cumungham with that of
“the great ruined city on the south bank of the Bapti,
called Sahet-Mahef* in which he discovered a colossal
statue of the Buddha w^th an inscription containing the
name “^ravasti”. This identification has been accepted
and defended by other investigators, but there are several
strong leasons for setting it aside.^ These are set fofth

• Fo-kuo-chi, ch 20

2 J. R A. S 1898 p 623.

3 Yiu Mah. VII. In another Vinaya treabse (S8ng-ki-lu, ch 11)
from SrSvaati to Sha-ki is a two days’ journey for Upah

*• Arch Sur. India Yol I. p. 380, XI. p 78. A. G I. p. 409. Set
Mahot by W. Hoey, J. A. 8 Bengal Yol LXI (Extra number) An an-

THE PALACE CITY.

379

by M' Y Smith who, after careful study and personal exa-
mination of the districts, has come to the conclusion that
the site of Sravasti is in the district of Blhajura in Nepal,
a short distance to the north of Balapur and not far from
Nepalganj in a north-north-east directionui But this pio-
posed identification also its diflGiculties, and must await
fuither developments. No discoveries have been made to
support the identification, but there seems to be the usual
supply of mounds and nuns.

The terms rendered in this passage by “capital” and
‘^palace-city” are respectively tu-ch*eng |^) and laing-
ch^eng But by the term tu-ch^eng here we are to

understand “the district of the capital”, what is called in
other books “the Sravasti country” as distmgmshed from
“the Kosala country”. Kiutg-ch^^ng here is taken by Julien
to mean “the palace”, and by Beal to mean “the walls
enclosing the royal precincts”. But we must take the
term in this passage to denote “the walled city of 6ra-
vasti”. That this is its meaning in our text is clear from
what follows, and from the corresponding passages in the
Life and the Fang-chih, and the description m the Fo-
kuo-chi. In these treatises the words iu, tu~ch'eng, and
ch‘eng, all used in the sense of capital, are the equivalents
of our pilgrim’s kimg-cUeng. His usual term for the chief
city of a country is ta-tvrch^eng, and he seems to use Uir
(h^Sng here in a peculiar sense. It has been suggested
by a learned and intelligent native scholar that the tu-
ch^eng of this passage denotes the towns and cities of
Kosala which were inferior and subordinate to the capi-
tal, the lcung-ch*^ng. The tiMih^eng of ancient China were
the cities which were the official residences of the sub-
oidinate feudal chiefs whose sovereign reigned at the royal
capital According to this mterpretation ihe pilgnm states
that the other cities of the country were m such utter de-

cient inscribed statue from Sravasti, byTh Blocb Ph D (J.A S Bengal
Vol LXVn p.274.)

* op. c. p. 697, and J. B. A S. 1900 Art. I

380

PEASENAOIT.

solation that their boundaries could not be defined; but
the capital, though also in rums, had old foundations by
which its area could be ascertained.’ But it is perhaps
better to take tic-ch^^g here as meaning “the Sravasti
district”.

The pilgrim here tells us that Sravasti had some hun-
dreds of Buddhist monasteries, very many of which weie
in rums. This statement as to the number of Buddhist
monasteries m the district is not in agreement with other
accounts which represent Sravasti as having only two or
three Buddhist establishments. It will be noticed that
Yuan-ebuang mentions by name only one monastery, viz —
the great one of the Jetavana. Pa-hsien, however, tells of
98 (m some texts 18) monasteries, all except one occupied,
being round the Jetavana vihara. The translation which
our pilgnm gives for the name Prasenajit (m Pali, Pase-
nadi) is Sheng-chun or “Overcoming army*'. I-

ching, who transcribes the king’s name as in the text and
also by F‘o-se-m ^ It), gives our pilgrim’s translation
and another rendering, slieng-kmng The lattei

means “Excelling bnghtness”, and the name is said to
have been given to the son bom to Brahmadatta king of
Kosala on the morning of the birth of the Buddha, on
account of the supernatural brightness which then appeared.
Another rendermg for the name transcribed JFo-se-nt is
So-yue which means clieeifid, Jiappy-lookifig.'^ The

two latter feranslations seem to require as their ongmal a
derivative from, prasad (the Pali pasidati), and the tran-
scription F‘o-se-nii which is the one in general use, seems
to pomt to a dialectic variety like FaseniA.

Of the old sites in ^rSvasti of which our pilgrim here
tells us, the nunnery, the house of Sudatta, and^the place
of AnguhmSla’s conversion are mentioned by Pa-hsien.
But the earlier pilgnm does not seem to have known of

1 Sar. Yin Tsa-ahili, ch 20, RockhiU’s Infe p 16.

2 Shih-erii-yn-clung (No. 1374)

ANOUUUlLA.

381

or seen the remains of the king’s palace or those of the
chapel built by the king for the Buddha.

In Julien’s translation of the last paragraph in the
above account of the ancient sites of SrSvaati city vre have
one of his mischievous glosses, which has been, as usual,
followed and adopted by others. He translates — “Ce fut
en cet endroit q,u’[lin des sectaires appelds], Yang-Jnu-li-
ino-lo (Angouh-malyas), abjura ses erreurs”. There is no-
thmg in the text to warrant the words which I have put
withm square brackets. If Juhen had known the story
he would not have written thus, mor of “les AngoulimE-
lyas”, and “des sc6l6ratB du royaume de QrSvasti” m the
continuation. The pilgrim’s narrative tells of only one man
who had obtained the iU-aounding nick-name AngulimSla
or Finger-garland. As the |nlgrim knew the story this
man was only a cruel murderer of Sravasti who cut off a
finger from each person he killed, and strung the fingers
mto a garland. He also wanted to kill his own mother
and the Buddha to secure him rebirth m Heaven.

The story of this terrible murderer is told more fully
and with several variations of detail in other books. In
some versions of the story the original name of the man
was Ahupsaka or Innocent, in Chinese Wu-nao fg) or
Inoffensive. He was at first a brahmin student of mar-
vellous bo^y and mental powers, and he was the disciple
of a celebrated master. This master had a wife fair and
frail, and Ahiipsaka was falsely accused by her of havmg
ma(de an attack on her virtue. Fearing to lay violent
hands on the troublesome clever disciple the jealous master
thought to get rid of him by a terrible task. 'Scjc he en-
joined on Ahimsaka the necessity of attaining to immor-
tahty by abstinence from all food for a week, and withm
that perio4 collecting lOOO fingers from as many human
beings, whom he was to slay with a certain sword. The
disciple very reluctantly undertook the task, and went
about killmg people and cutting off a finger from each
person he killed, until he had obtained 999 fingers. At
this stage his mother having come to nim with food he

382

ANatJLTMZiiA.

was about to kill her, in order to complete bis tale, when
the Buddha appeared on the scene. The misguided joutii
soon yielded to Buddha’s power, was converted and oi darn-
ed, and rapidl} attained arhatship ‘ Tn some of the
Buddhist Scriptures Fmger-garlahd is meiely a cruel
highwayman robbing and murdering, and rendering the
loads impassable The Buddha goes to the district in-
fested by the muiderer, and he goes unattended mo\ed
by gieat compassion he meets with the murderer, calls
on him to stay in his evil course and give way to his good
karma ^ '

Our pilgi'im and Fa-hsien, we have seen, found within
^ravasti city a memorial of the place where this Finger-
garland had been conveited, and sanctified, and beatified.
But this 18 against the general testimony of the Buddhist
writings. According to these the murders were commit-
ted and the sudden conversion effected m the country
beyond ^ravasti^, or at a place very nearly ten yojanas
from that city or in the Angutala country ^ or in the
land of Magadha.6

The pilgrim proceeding with his desenption relates as
follows —

“Five or ?ix h south of the city is the She-to wood (Jetavana)
•whicli 18 the kei-ku-tu-puan (AnaUiapin^ad#u»snia) the temple
Tvhich king Prasen^it’s great Munster Sudatta erected for tho
Buddha* formerly it was a safigharama (monastery), now it is in
desolate rmn "

According to Fa-hsien the Jetavana vihara v/as 1200 pu
(paces) outside the south gate of Sravasti, on the west
side of the road, with a gate opening to the east, that is,

1 ^ B. p 257. JBsien-j u-ching, ch 11, end Der Weise u. d, T.
S. SOD Ang-kn-mo-ching (No. 621) where the student has to collect
100 fingers. Tseng-yi-a-han-ching, ch. 31

5 Rhys Davids Questions of IVIilinda in S. B B. VoL XXXVI,
p. 356 J P. T S for 1888 p 2 Fo-shuo-Ang-ku-chi-ching (No. 622)

3 Fo-fihuo-ang-ku-chi-ching
« Ang-kn-mo-lo-ching (No 434)

» Tsa-a-han-chmg, ch 88 (Ang-Lu-to-lo
« Pie-yi-tea-a-han-chiiig, cA 1

THE TETAVANA VUTAEA,

383

toward the highway. The 3200 im of this accoujit made
above 6000 feet, and so the two pilgrims are in substantial
agreement as to the situation of the Jetavana raona'^tery.
In other accounts this estabhshment is represented as
being at a convenient distance from the city of SiavastiJ,
but br&gai^una seems to describe it as having been within
the city.2 The term here, as before, rendered “temple”
18 chtng-she, and Tuan-chuang seems to use it in this
passage in the sense of “vihSia”. This is tlie sense in
which the term is commonly used by the early Ciiinese
Buddhist writers gnd translators Thus Fa-hsien calls the
great establishment now uaider notice the C^hi-huan (for
Jetavana)-c7itn^-fi7<e. In our text this term is evidently
used as the equivalent of a? ama, m the sense of
monastery, and covers all the buildings of the great esta-
blishment.

The name “Sudatta” is translated by our pilgrim Shan
shth or “Well-bestowed” (also interpreted as ^Good-

giver”), and his Tcei-Jcu-iu is the old and common rendering
for Anllthapindada. Yuan-chnang hero calls Sudatta a
“high official” (ta-ch‘en ^ g.), and this title is applied
to the man by other writers®, but he was only a setthi
or Householder. He had been engaged in trade, and had
enormous wealth; he is said to have been a butcher, but
this is piobably a late invention.

At the eut -gate of the Jetavana monaster; were two atone
pillars, one on each side of the entinnce these, vrhich were 70
ieet high, had been erected by king Aaoha, the pillar on the
left side was svrxnounted by a sonlptnred wheel and that on the
right Bide by an ox.

The statement in this paragraph agrees precisely with
Fa-hsien’s account of the two pillars. Jnlieh’s lendenng
of it IB inexplioahle and Beal’s is not correct.

See the 8he-w«i-kno-0h‘i-hnan-t»u*t*u-ching ^ ^ ^ tfl
K Ssa-fSn-W, ch. 60, SSng-ki-lfl, ch. B8

* Fa-kai-cheng-hsmg-BO-chi-ching, ch 4 Taeng-jn-a-lian-ching,
ch 83

* e g in Hsien-yfi-ohing, eh 10.

384

THE TETAVANA 71HABA.

On the site of the Jetavana monastery the pilgrim found only
one building standing in solitary lonelmess. This building was
the bnck shnne ■which contained the nnoge of the Buddha made
for king Prasenajit. This image, which was five feet high, vas
a copy of that made for king Udayana of Kosamll already
mentioned.

This shnne was also the only building which Fa-hsien
found in the JetaT?ana, and according to him it was the
image in it •which came from its pedestal to meet the
Buddha ou his return from the Trayastriip^a Heaven, and
which was to serve as a model for all future images of
the Buddha.

_ We have next Yuan-chuang’s version of the ott-told
story how the Jetavana, and the Anathapipdada arama
name into the possession of the Buddhists.

The cettbi Sudatta, noted for his mnmficent chanty, wished
to build a vihSra for the Buddha whom he invited to visit him
at his home in 8ravasti Bnddha sent 8anpntra as an expert
to act as manager in the matter for Sudatta The only suitable
site that could be found near Sravasti was the Park of Prmce
Jeta When the Elder asked the pnnce to sell his park the
pnnce said joking — "Yes, for as many gold coins as vnll cover
it”. This answer debghted Sudatta, and he at once proceeded
to cover the ground with gold come jfrom his treasury (not as
Jolien has it, from the trisor royaX) When all the ground ex-
cept a small piece was covered the pnnce "asked Sudatta to
desist, saying — “The Buddha truly is an excellent field, it is
meet I cow good seed”; so on the uncovered ground he erected
a temple”. Then the Bnddha said to Ananda that as the ground
of the park bad been bought by Sudatta, and the trees had been
given by Prince Jeta, the two men having like intentions, their
merits should be respected and the place spoken of as “.j eta’s
trees AnSthapindada’s SrSma”.

In Julien’s rendering of this passage he makes the pil-
grim represent Sudatta as unable to cover all the Park
with gold, but this is not in the text. Then Juben trans-
lates the words Fo'<^'eng-liang-V%en M A —

“C’est, en verity, Texcelient champ du Bouddha*\ But this
is not at all the meamng of the expression. The words
state plainly that the Buddha is an “excellent field” or
generous soil, and this sort of expression is of verj^ com-

JBTAVAKA VIHABA

385

mon occurrence in the Buddhist Scriptures. To give ahais
of food or clothing, or do any service to Buddhas, P'usas,
or eminent monts or nuns, was to sow good seed in good
ground, the crop to be reaped either m this life or in
one to come. Hence the beings to whom such meritorious
services are rendered are called “excellent fields”, and of
these the most “excellent field” always is the Buddha. In
the present case the Prmce wished to share in the reward
which Sudatta would have, and in order to secure this
result he remitted a portion of the price for the ground
and built a “temple” (cliing-she) for the Buddha on the
space unoccupied by gold coins Some other accounts
represent J eta as refusing to sell even for as many gold
coins as would cover the park, and when Sudatta claims
that the mention of a sum makes a bargain, and Jeta
maintains it does not the Judges to whom the matter is
referred decide agamst the Prince This last is also re-
piesented a<? contnbuting a porch or vestibule to Sudatta’s
vihara, and m no case is he described as building the
whole monastery i The statement which Yuan-chuang here
makes the Buddha address to Ananda about the trees
havmg been given by the Prince, and the ground purchas-
ed by Sudatta, is a stupid mvention to account for the
common way of designatmg the vihara in Chinese trans-
lations It was not the pilgrim, however, who invented
the story, as it is found m other accounts of ,th6 trans-
aotion.2

The original Jetavana monastery, which was probably
neither very large nor substantial and was not well pro-
tected, was destroyed by fire m the Buddha's lifetime.*
After the death of Sudatta the place was neglected aa
there was no one to look after the grounds and buildings.

A new vihara was afteiwarde built on a greater scale but
this also WDfi buimt to the ground. At one time, we read,

* SBu-f&n-ltt 1 c , OhaDg-bfla-olting, cA. 11 (No 859).

* b g in Fo-shuo Po-ching-ch'ao (No 579)

» Shih-Bong-ln, ch 61

BB

386

JETAYANA YIHABA.

the place was utterly abandoned by the Buddhist Brethren
and was used as the king’s stables, but the buildings were
again rebuilt and reoccupied by Buddhist monks. Tn its
palmy days, before its final destruction and abandonment,
the Jetavana monastery must have been a very large and
magnificent establishment. We may believe this without
accepting all the rather legendary descriptions of it still
extant. Some authorities give the extent of the Park as
80 ching or about 130 square acres, * Others tell us that
the grounds were about ten h (or two miles) m length by
above 700 pu (paces) in with, and that they contained
120 buildings, or even several hundred houses of various
kmds.2 There were chapels for preaching and halls for
meditation, messrooms and chambers for the monks,
bathhouses, a hospital, libraries and reading-rooms, with
pleasant shady tanks, and a great wall encompassing alL
The Libraries were richly furnished, not only with ortho-
dox literature but also with Vedic and other non-Bud-
dhistic works, and with treatises on the arte and sciences
taught in India at the time. The monastery was also well
situated, bemg conveniently near the city, and yet away
from the distracting sights and noises of the streets.
Moreover tlie Park afforded a perfect shade, and was a
delightful place for walking in during the heat and glare
of the day; it had streams and tanks of clear cool water;
it waa also firee from noxious stinging creatures; and it
was a favourite re«ort of the good and devotional people
pf all religions. The native beauties and advantages of
the place had been greatly improved by its first Buddhist
occupants, for the Buddha directed his disciples to plant
trees in the grounds and by the roadside. He also caused
the grounds to be protected from goats and cattle, and
kid a- supply of water brought in by artificial means.®

1 Fo-shuo-Poh-ckmg-ch'ao.

3 Sh9-vr©i-kno-Cli'x-hiiaii-0B«-t‘ti-cliing. Shib-erh-yn-ohing (No. 1374

tr. A J>. 392),

* SsS-fSn-lB, ch. 60,

THE niTDDHA. HTTEBES A SICK MAN.

387

ContanninR bis desonption Yuan-cbaang tells us that at the
north-east of the Anuthapindadarama ^as a tope to mark the
spot at 'which the Bnddha washed a sick bhikehu This was a
Brother who was snffenng pam and h-ving in isolation. The
Master seeing hnn asked him what •was hip malady and why
he was hving alone The Brother replied— I am of an indolent
disposition and mtolerant of medical treatment, so I am nOw
very ill and have no one to attend on me Then the Bnddha
was moved with pity and said to him — Good sir, I am now
yonr medical attendant. Thereupon he stroked the patient with
hiB hand, and all the man's ailments were cured The Buddha
then bore him outside the chamber, changed his bed, washed
him and dressed him in clean clothes, and told him to be zealohs
and energetic. Hearing this the Brother felt grateful and be-
came happy m mmd and comfortable in body.

This story is related in several of the Buddhist Scrip-
tures with some variations of detail. According to the
Vinaya, and some other authorities, the Buddha and An-
anda one day going the rounds of the Jetavana eatabhsh-
ment found a Broker lying in a chamber apart from all
the others, and suffering from a troublesome and unpleas-
ant malady. The siok man, who was apparently Quite
helpless, explained to Buddha that the Brethren left him
to himself because he had been useless to them. This
means that he had been a selfish lazy man refosiiig to
help others or do his proper share of work. In the Vinaya
the incident is made the occasion of the Buddha drawing
up rules for the care to he taken of a sick hhikhshu by
the Brethren.* In one book the Buddha is represented
as tellmg the neglected sick Brother that his present mis-
fortunes were the result of ill conduct ia a previous esis-
tenoe.2 In two treatises the scene of the incident is laid
at BSrjagaha, and these have other differences of defaSL#

the north-west of the fir&tna, we are next told, was a pmell
tope which marked the spot at which Maudgala-pntra (Maud-

* Vin. Mah VUI. 26* S6ng-ki-lu, ch 28 See also the ctoty in,
Yibh5BbS-lun, cA 11 (scene not given). '

2 Fo-sbno-shfing-chihg, eA 8 (No. 669 tr A. D iS5)

> Tsfeng-yi-a-han-ch'mg, ch 40, B'n-BH-pSn-BhSng-man-lan, dft. 4
(No. 1312 tr. cir. A. D. 970)

BB*

388

magic less than -wisdom.

gaiy&yana or Hoggall&no) made an inefifeotaal attempt to raise
the girdle (or belt) of ^lariputra against the will of the latter.
Once, the pilgnm relates, when the Buddha was at the Anava-
tapta Lake with a congregation of men and devaa he discovered
that ^Sriputra was absent, and he sent Maudgalaputra through
the air to summon him to the meeting. In a tnce Maudgala*
putra was in the Jetavana Vihara where he found ^Sriputra
mending his canonical robes When the Master’s request was
communicated to him Shnputra said he would go as soon as
hiB mending was finished, but Maudgalaputra threatened to carry
him off by his supernormal powers. 6ariputra then cast his
girdle on the floor and challenged his fnend to lift it Mand-
galaputra tried all his magical powers, but although he produced
an earthquake he could not move the girdle. So he went back
alone through the air to Buddha, and on his arrival found Ssri-
putra already seated in the congregation. Thereupon Maudgala-
putra declared that he had learned from this occurrence that the
potency of rtddht (possession of supernormal physical powers)
was inferior to that of pr^fld (spmtnal intuition or transcen-
dental wisdom).

This little story is told m several Buddhist treatises with
considerable additions. In the “Tseng-yi-a-han-ching^’i it
18 the Dragon-king of the Anavatapta Lake who misses
Sanputra from the congregation, and asks Buddha to send
for him. Here the legend is given -with ridiculous wild
exaggerations and, as in Yuan-chuang^s version, there is
the presence of an imfriendly feeling between the two great
disciples. In the “Ta-ohih-tu-lun ”2 the Buddha and his
arhats are assembled at the Anavatapta Lake for the pur-
pose of hearing jatakas told, and Sariputra is missed.
Maudgalyayana is sent to bring him, and in order to hasten
matters he fimshes the mending of Ssriputra’s garment
by magic, a procedure which suggests to Sanputra the
idea of the tnal of prajiia agamst jiddhi When Maud-
galyayana saw that he could not even lift his friend’s
girdle from the ground against the owner’s -will, he knew
it was useless to think of taking the man himself by the
ear, or the shoulder, through the afr to the Anavatapta

t Ck. S9.
3 Ch. 46 .

3fHE MUEDEBED HAELOT.

389

Lake. The Buddha used this incident, as he used certain
other events, to teach the supenonty of high spiritual
attainments over the possession of great magical powers.

Near the “Raasing-the girdle Tope”, the pilgnm proceeds, "vraa
a -well from which water had been drawn for the nse of the
Buddha Close to it wae an Asoka tope contaimng a relic of
the Buddha, and there were in the vicinity, at places where he
took exercise and preached memorial topes at which there were
miraculous manifestations with divine music and fragrance. At a
short distance belund the Jetavana monastery was the place at
which certain non-Buddhist BrShmaohanns slew a harlot in order
to bring reproach on the Buddha. These men, as Yuan-chuang’a
story goes, hired this harlot to attend the Buddha’s discourses
aud thus become known to all Then they secretly killed her
and buned her body in the Park. Having done this they pro-
ceeded to appeal to the king for redress, and he ordered investi-
gation to be made. "When the body was discovered at the mo-
nastery the heretics exclaimed that the great 6ramana Gautama,
who was always talking of morabty and gentleness, after having
had' ilhcit intercourse with fhe woman had murdered her to
prevent her from talking. But thereupon the devas in the air
cried out that this was a slander of the heretics.

Fa-ltsien aud other authorities give the name of the un-
fortunate harlot of this story as Sundarl. This, it will he
remembered, was the name of the fair charmer who once
led astray a wise and holy ascetic. The word means
l^autfvl woman, and it is rendered in some dlinese trans-
lations hy Mao’Shou or “Good-Head” i The woman of
our Story is also called Sundarauandl,^ which is the naine
of a nun in the primitive Buddhist church. She is re-
presented as the djsoiple (and apparently, the mistress) of
one of the old non-Buddhist teachers of Kosala (or of
anoiiier district). Seeing these teachers distressed at the
growing preeminence of Gautama Buddha, she suggested
to them the e:q)edient here described for mining Gautama
and restoring her master and the other teachers to their
former position of influence. But some authorities like
Yuan-chuang and Fa-hsien represent the harlot as having

i Po-shuo-yi-tBU-ohlng, ch. 1 (No 674).
* P‘u-sa-ch'u-t‘ai-ching, ch, 7 ^o. 433).

390 devadatta’s pit.

been forced by the Brahmins to attend the Buddha’s ser-
mons, and afterwards submit to be murdered According
to one account the Buddha had in ages before been an
actor and the •woman a harlot at the same time and in
the same place* the actor had then killed the harlot for
her ornaments, and buned her body at the hermitage of
a Pratyeka Buddlia.* In another old story this Sundan
had been m a former birth a wicked queen, and the
Buddha had been the ■wise and faithful servant of the
Icing her husband. 2

Continuing his narrative the pilgrim atates that above 100 pnces
to the east oi the Jetavana monastery was a deep pit through which
Devadatta, for havmg sought to kill the Buddha by poison, went
down alive into Hell Devadatta, the son of Hu-fan-toang (“Peck-
food-kiiig’’), had m the course of twelve years by gealous per-
severance acquired the 80,000 compendia of doctrine, and after-
wards, for the sake of its matenal advantages, he had sought to
attain supernormal power. He associated vnth the irreligious
(lit wicked friends) and reasoned with them thus — “I have all
the outward signs of the Buddha except two, a great Congrega-
tion avtends me, and I am as good as the Ju-lai” Putting these
thoughts in practice he broke up the Brotherhood (that is, by
alluring disciples from the Buddha to himself) Bat Maudgalya-
putra and Sariputrst, under Buddha’s instructions and by his
power, won the strayed Brethren back. Devadatta, however, kept
his evil mind, put poison in his finger-nails with a view to
kill Buddha in the act of doing him reverence, and fared os in
the story.

The temporary “breaking up” of the Biotherhood insti-
■fcuted by Gautama Buddha by the schism caused by bis
cousin Devadatta is a famous mcident in the history of
tile primitive Buddhist Church. The story of the schism
is narrated in several hooks at greater or less length and
■with a few variations of detaiL^ According to some
accounts there "were 500 weak young Brethren seduced
from the Buddha by Devadatta, and after a short time

1 Hsing-chfi-hsing-ching (No. 73^.

3 Po-shuo-Poh-ching-ch'ao.

3 Yin. Chuk YU, 3, EookhiU Life p. 94; Dh. p. 146; Ssu-fen-lfi,
ch 48.

THE DEVABATTA LE&END.

391

brought hack again by Sferiputra and Maudgalyayana,
These 500 men then misled by the great schismatic had
been his dupes many ages before. In one of their former
bn tbs they had all been monkeys forming a band of 500
with a chief who was Devadatta m his monkey existence.
On the advice of their chief these simple monkeys set
themselves to draw the moon out of a well, and were all
drowned m the attempt by the breaking of the branch by
which they were swmging.i

It 18 worthy of note in connection with Yuan-chuang’s
description that I'a-hsien did not see any pit here. The
latter describes the spots at which the wicked woman and
Devadatta went down into Hell as havmg marks of identi-
fication given to them by men of subsequent times. The
design and attempt to mui'der the Buddha by poison here
descnbed by Yuan-chuaug are mentioned also by Fa-hsien,
and they are found in the Tibetan texts translated by
M' Hockhill,2 but they are not in all the accounts of
Devadatta’s proceedings. The great learning and possession
of magical powers here ascribed to Devadatta aie men-
tioned in some of the canonical works, and his claim to
be the equal of his cousin in social and religions quali-
fications 18 also given. 3 But bis abiupt bodily descent
into Hell is generally ascribed to other causes than merely
the abortive attempt to poison the Buddha.

Our pilgrim here, as we have seen, calls Devadatta’s
father Hu fan-wang which is a literal i enderiug of Drono-
danarajo. This Dronodanaraja was a brother of king
Suddhodaua the father of Gautama Buddha By a strange
slip of the pen Julien makes the pilgnm here describe
Devadatta as “le fils du roi Ho-wang'\ and the mistake is
of course repeated by others. We are to meet with this
troublesome man Devadatta again in the Eecords.

‘ ScTig-ki-lu, cJt 7.

» Eockhill Life p 107

’ Shih-8ung-Iu, ch 86, Tseng-yi-a-han-clung, ch 47, Abhi-ta*vib ,
c7i 116

392

OHINOHA'S SLAimER.

To the Boutb of Devadatta’s fosse, Yuan-chuang continues,
was another pit through which the bhikshu Kvrka-U (Kokahka)
having slandered the Buddha went down ahve into Hell.

This man KoksHka is better known as a partisan of
Devadatta than as an enemy of the Buddha. He was, we
learn from other sources, an unscrupulous friend and fol-
lower of Devadatta, always praising his master and •call-
ing right wrong and Avrong right in agreement with him.
They had met m a former state of existence when Koka-
lika was a crow and Devadatta a jackal. The latter had
scented the corpse of an unburied eunuch, and had nearly
devoured its flesh, when the hungry crow, eager to get
bones to pick, praised and flattered the jackal in fulsome
lying phrases. To these the latter replied in a similar
strain, and their feignmg language brought on them a re-
buke from a rishi who was the P'usa.*

Still farther south auove 800 paces, the pilgrim proceeds, was
a third deap pit or trench. By this Chan-che, the Brahmin
woman, for having calumniated the Buddha, passed alive into
HeU. Ynaa-chuang then tells his version of the story of Chan-
che whom hOx calls a disdple of thd'Non-Buddhists Tn order
to disgrace and rum Gautama, and bnng her masters into repute
and popularity she fastened a wooden basin under her clothes
in front. Then she went to the Jetsvana monastery and openly
declared that she was with child, ilhcitly, to the preacher, and
that the child in her womb was a Sakya. She was believed by
all the heretics; but the orthodox knew she was speaking slander.
Then Indra, as a rat, exposed the wicked tnok, and the woman
went down to “Unremitting Hell” to bear her retnbution.

The loyal bad woman of tins story, called bj the pil-
grim “Ohau-che the Brahmin woman”, is the Chindio-ma-
navika of the Pali Scriptures*. This Pali name may also
be the original for the Chafi'cM-nuMia of Pa-hsien and
others, another- form of transcription of the name being
Ckan-che-mO’Tia-'k^i with.nft, “woman”, added.* But we
And the original name translated by Pao-chih or

1 Bo-shuo-sh&ng-ching, ch. 3; Sar. Vm. P'o-sSng-shih, cn. Jb.

2 Dh.p. 388; Jst. 8.298, 4.187. Ohinchl in Hhrdy M. B. p. 284
» P‘u-Ba-ch‘fi-hai-ching, clu 7.

VATlTOUEi LE&ENDS OE CHTNCHa

393

“Fierce-mmdeii”, that is, Chaijdainana,, which was apparently
the early form of the name^ In a Chinese translation of
a Buddhist work the woman is designated simply the
“Many-tongued Woman”.^ Accordmg to one authority she
was a disciple of the Tirthika teacher Ke^akamhaLi, and
it was at the instigation of this teacher that she pretend-
ed to he with child to the Buddha in the manner here
described. Another version of the story, and perhaps the
earhest one, makes Chan-che (or OhandS) a Buddhist nun
led astray by evil influences. When hei tnck with the
basm is discovered she is sentenced to be buried alive,
but the Buddha mtercedes for her, and she is only bamsh-
ed. Then the Buddha gives a very satisfactory explana-
tion of the woman’s conduct She had come in contact
with him long ago in his existence as a dealer in pearls,
and he had then mcurred her resentment They had also
met in another stage of their previous lives when the
P'usa was a monkey, and Chanche was the relentless wife
of the Turtle (or ^e Crocodile) and wanted to eat the
monkey’s liver. So her desire to inflict injury on the
Buddha was a survival from a very old enmity ^ The
Pah accounts and Fa-hsien agree with Yuan-chuang in
representing Chan-che as gomg down ahve mto Hell, but
as has been stated, Fa-hsien differs from Yuan-chuang in
not makmg mention of the pit by which she was said to
have passed down.<

The narrative next tells ns that fXi or 70 paces to the east of
the Jetavana Monastery "was a temple {chvng-shi) above sixty
feet high which contained a sitting image of the Bnddha with
hiB face to the east. At this place the Jnlai had held discnssion
with the Tirthikas (loai-fao) To the east of this chvng'ShB was
a Deva-Temple of the same dimensions which was shut out from
the western sun in the evening by the Buddhist temple, while

1 Fo-ahuo-sheng-chmg, ch. 1 (Here Chan-che is a nun)

> Hsing-ch'i-hsing-ching, ch. 1.

3 Fo-shuo-shlng-ching, ch, 1 Jfitaka (tr. Ohalmera) VoL L p. 142
* In some of the books e. g. m the Oh'B-t‘ai-chmg and the Fo-
shuo-shfeng-ching the woman does not unaergo any punishment, in
the former treatise moreover the occurrence takes place at VesBli.

394

' sabtputta^s tope

the latter in the niorning was not deprived of the rays of the
sun by the Deva-Temple.

Pa-hsien also saw these two temples, and he given
a similar account of them But he applies the name
Ying-fu or “Shadow Covei” to tlie Deva-tcmple

while Yuan-chuang gives it to tlie Buddha-temple- in the
former case the term means Ovet shadowed and in the
latter it means Overshadomtig.

Three or four h east from the Overshadowing Temple, Yuan-
chuang continues, was a tope at the place where Suriputta had
discussed with the Tlrthikas When SSnpntta came to Sravasti
to help Sudalta in founding his monastery the six non-Buddhisl
teachers challenged him to a contest as to magical powers and
Sanputta excelled lus competitors.

The contest of this passage took place whilo Sariputta
was at ^rS'^asti assisting Sudatta in the construction of
the great monastery. But the competition was not with
the “six gieat teachers”: it was with the chiefs of the
local sects, who wished to have the young and successful
rival m religion excluded from the distiict. In our passage
it will be noted that the pilgrim writes of Sariputta dis-
cussing with the iion-Buddhists, and tlus seems to be ex-
plained as meaning that he fought them on the point of
magical poweis. This is m agreement with the storj" as
told in some of the Buddhist books. All the leading oppo-
nents of the Buddha w6re invited to meet Sariputta at
an open discussion* they came and when all were seated
the spokesman of the Brahmins, Bed-eye by name, was
invited to state the subject of discussion.^ He thereupon
intimated that he wished to compete with {Sariputta in
the fexhibition of magical powers this was allowed and the
result was that Sariputta came off conqueror.

Beside the Ssnputra Tope was a temple {chtng-shc) in front
of which was a tope to the Buddha. It was here that the Buddha

1 Chung-hsii-chmg, ch. 12, BcckhiJl Life p. 48 This tope to Sari-
putra IS not mentioned by Ba-hsien, it is perl)aps the tope to San-
putra in the Jetavana pointed out to Asoka in tlie Divyav p 394,
AT-yu-wang-chuan, ch, 2

THE EIGHT GEEAT TOEES.

395

worsted his religious opponeuts m argument, and received Mother
Visakha’s invitation

The spot at -which the Buddha silenced Jus proud and
learned opponents at Sra-vasti was supposed to have been
marked by a special tope. This was one of the Eight
Great Topes, already leferred to, associated -mth the
Buddha’s careei. We cannot regard the tope of this
paragraph, or the temple of a previous passage, as the
celebrated Great Tope of Sravastn^

Of the lady here called “Mother VisSkha” we have to
make mention presently. The inmtat'ion or request here
mentioned was probably connected with the fiall she made
for the Buddha and his disciples 2

To the Bouth of the Accepting-mvitation Tope, the pilgrim
proceeds, was the place at which king Vitiidliaka, on his way
to destroy the Sakyas, saw the Buddha, and tumed back with his
army. When Yirudhaka ascended the throne, Yuan-chnang re-
lates, he raised a great army and set out on the march [from
Sravaati to Elapilavastu] to avenge a former insuli A bhikshu
reported the circumstance to the Buddha, who thereupon left
Sravasti, aud took his seat under a dead tree by the roadside
When the king came up he recognized Buddha, dismounted, and
paid him lowly reverence He then asked the Buddha why he
did not go for shade to a tree with leaves and branches “My
clan are my branches and leaves”, replied Buddha, “and as they
are in danger what shelter can I have?" The kmg said to him-
self — “The Lord le taking the side of his rdatives — let mo
return”. So he looked on Buddha moved with compassion, and
called lus army home

Near this place, the pilgnm goes on, was a tope to mark the
spot at which 500 Sakya maidens were dismembered by this
same king’s orders. When Yirudhaka had taken his revenge on
the Sakyas he selected 500 of their maidens for his harem But

1 Dr Hoej proposes to identify the chtttff-shS with its tope of
this passage with “the nuns named Bagbaba Bbn” near Sahet Mahet,
and he thinks that this may be the site of “Yis&kha’s PUrvarama”
But this 18 quite impossible, and the pilgnm does not note, as
Dr Hoey says he does, that the chxng-sht was “m strict dependence
on the Sangharama (of the Jetavana)”, op c p 88

2 Or the request which the Buddha accepted may have been
Mother YisakhS’s petition to he allowed to present robes to the Brethren.

396

KING VreODHAKA.

these young ladies were haughty, and refueed to go, “ahusiug the
king tts the son of a slave” {h-ch't-wang’Cha-jm-chih’tzu

t^e learned what they
had done, he was wroth, and ordered that them aidens should he
killed bj mutilation So their hands and feet were cut off, and
their bodies were thrown into a pit. ’'While the maidens were in
the agomes of djung they called on the Buddha, and he heard
them. Telhng his disciples to bring garments (that is, for the
naked maidens) he wont to tho place of execution fiere he
preached to the dying girls on the mysteries of 'his rhligion, on
the bindmg action of the five desires, the th^ ways of trans-
nhgration, the separation from the loved, and the long course of
births and deaths. The maidens were punfaed aud enhghtened
by the Buddha’s teaching, and they all died at the same time
and were reborn in Heaven. Indra in the guise of a Brahmin
had their bodies and members collected and cremated, and men
afterwards erected the tope at the place.

Hot far from this tope, the pilgnm tells us, was a large dried-
up pond, the scene of Virhdhakas extinction. The Buddha
had predicted that at the end of seven days from the time of
the prophecy the king would pensh by fire. When it came to
the seventh day the king made up a pleasure party by water
aud remained in his barge with the ladies of his harem on the
water in order to escape the predicted fate. But his precautions
were in vam, and on that day a fierce fire broke out on his
barge, and the king went abve through blazes into the Hell of
unintermitting torture.

We are to meet witli this kiag Yirudhaka again presently
in connection with his sack of Kapilavastn. Fa-hsien, with-
out mentioning the dead tree, makes the place at which
the Buddha waited for Virudhaka to have been four li
to the south-east of SrSvasti city and he says there was
a tope at the spot. In Buddhas reply to the kmg about
his kindred being branches and leaves there was probably
in the onginal a pun on the words fekkhE, a branchy and
^akya. By the answer of the Buddha the Kng knew that
he was speaking from an affectionate interest in his rela^
tives, and the king was accordingly moved to recall his
army. The Buddha repeated the interview with the king
twice and then left the Salcyas to the consequences of
their karma.

The number of Sskya maidens Carried off by Virudhaka

WOOD OF RE8TOEED EYES.

397

is reduced to six m the Vibhasha-lun‘, but some other
treatises have the 600 of our text. 2 In one treatise the
number of the maidens is raised to 12000, and they are
all made whole by Buddha, and become bhikshunls.^

The Ohiuese words here rendered “abusing the king as
a son of a slave” are translated by Julien — “accabl6rent
d’lnjures les fils de la famille royale”. But this cannot be
accepted; and the meamng seems clearly to be that the
young ladies called their king insultingly “son of a slave”,
that IS, of a slave mother Yirndhaka’s mother, we know^
had actually been a household slave, but “son of a female
slave” seems to have been among the Sakyas a favourite
term of abuse for the king of Kosala,

By the “three ways of transmigration” of Buddha’s
address to the maidens the pilgrim probably meant us to
understand the way of pain, the way of perplexity, and
the way of moral action These three “ways” are the
agents which by their constant interaction produce the
ceaseless revolutions of hfe and death ^ But the term
san-t‘u (or its equivalent san-iao) is also used by the
Buddhists in several other senses.

Continuing his narrative the pilgnm relates that three or four
h to the north-west of the Jetavana Yihara was the “Wood of
obtained eyes {Ti-yen-lm ^ ^ in which were traces of an
exerciee-place of the Buddha, and scenes of arhats’ sam&dhi, all
marked by memonal topes The story was that once 600 brig-
ands had hamed this country. When these cnmmals were arrest-
ed king Prasenajit caused their eyes to be tom out, and the men
to be abandoned in a deep w'ood Here they cned m their
sufferings on the Buddha who, in the Jetavana monastery, heard
their cry, and was moved with pity A genial breeze blew heal-
ing from the Snow-Mountains, and the men regained eyes and
sight When they saw the Buddha before them they became
converted, paid joyful homage to the Buddha, and wen* away
leaving their Btioks which took root.

t Ch. 11

> Tslng-yi-a-han-ching, ch 26, Sar. Ym Tsa-shih, ch 9, Rockhiff
Life p 121

s Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ohing, ch 14 (No 114).

* Te-ming-san-tsang-fa-Dhu, c/i 12 T(No. 1621).

^398

THE ANDHATANA.

lP?i-hsien, who also places the “Wood of obtained eyes”
four h to the north-west of tlie Jetavana YihSra, does not
know of brigands, and the 600 who receive their sight
and plant their sticks were blind men resident at the
monastery. Juhen suggests “Aptanetravana” as possibly
the Sanskrit ongmal for “Wood of obtained eyes”, but
we know that the name was Andhatana. This means the
dark or blind wood, and it was translated by An-Un ;fjc)
with the same meaning, or by Ckou(^)~an-hn, the “Wood
of day-darkness”. “Obtained Eyes” and “Opened Eyes”
(kai-yen) are names which must have been given long
after the Buddha^s time, and it is possible that they exist
only in translations. The Andhavana, as we learn from
the pilgrims and the Buddhist scriptures, was a 'favourite

resort of the Buddhist Brethren for meditation and other

\

spiritual exercises. Here ilie early bhikshus and bhik-
shunls spent a large portion of their time in the afternoons
sitting under the trees on the mats whi6h they had earned
on their shoulders for the purpose. The Wood was very
cool and qmet, impervious to the sun’s rays, and free from
mosquitoes and other stinging torments.^

Before we pass on to the next city in our pilgrim’s
narrative we may notice some of the more important
omissions from his list of the interesting eights of the
SrSvasti distnct. There were two mountains in this dis-
trict, one called the T^Orshan or Pagoda Hill, that is per-
haps, Chaityagiri, and the other called the 8a ^n some
texts P'o)-Zo-&>> or Salar (?) mountain, and of neither of
these have we any mention.* Some of the serious Brethren
in the early church resorted to these mountains, and lived
on them for several months. Then our pilgrim does not
notibe the A-dii-lo (or H) or Aciraratl B-iver

i.See S6ng-ki-ia, ch 9; To6iig-yi-»-haii-clmig, ch 83; VibhftahS-
lun, 13 ; Sam. Nik. Vol L p. 128, 185 (P T S ) In the Sfing-
ki-lS (ck 29)_we find the rendering “opening eyes wood” and so in
other places. ~

2 Seng-ki-lu, ch. 32 (T'a-shan), Ohnng-a-han-ching, eh. 8 (8o or P'o
-lo-lo shan).

THE PtTBBABAMA AT SAVATTHI.

399

which flowed south-eastwards past the Sravasti city nor
does he mention the Sundara (or Sun’t^e-li) or Sundarlka
River. "We read in other hooks also of the “Pond of
Dismemberment”, and this is not mentioned by the pilgnm.
It was the basin of water near which the Sakya maidens
were mutilated and left to perish. This is apparently the
Pu to-h, the “celebrated water of Sravasti”, also called
Patali and Pafala. The Tibetan translators apparently
had Patali which they reproduce literally by “red-colour-
ed” But the onginal was perhaps Patala which is the
name of a Hell, and it will he remembered that Yuan-
chuang places the pond or lake through which Virudhaka
went down into Hell close to the spot at which the mai-
dens were muialated. Then the lake is said to have re-
ceived a name from this dismemberment. In the Avadana
Kalpalata it is called the Hastagarbha or “Hand-contain-
ing” Lake, and -this is apparently the meaning of the
Tibetan name which RockhiU seems to translate “the
pool of the severed hand”.* Then that one of the Eight
Great Topes of the Buddha which was at Sravasti is not
mentioned, unless we are to regard it as the tope at
Buddha^s shrine already noticed. But the strangest and
most unaccountable omission is that of the Pnrvarama or
East monastery. This great and famous establishment
WAR erected by Yisakha known m religion as “MngBra’s
Mother”. She was actually the daughter-in-law of Mrigara;
but after she converted that man, and made him a devout
Buddhist, she was called his mother. In Pah her mona-
stery IS called Pubbarama Migaramatu Pasada, that is,
the East Monastery the Palace of MigBra’s mother. This
name is translated hterally mto Chinese, but the trans-
lators also render Idig&ramatu by Lu-mu, or “Deer-motheP’,
and MigSra is “Deer-son” This monastery which was

I SSng-ld-ltl, cli. 15 et aL {A-c^i-fo nver), Ohung-a-han-ching,
dh 29; Tsfeng-yi-a-Jian-Dlung, ch 6, THa-E-haii-chiDg, ch, A7 , Sam
Nik, Yol. I p. 167, Fa^Bhu-pi-yii-ching, ch 1,

* SSng-Li-lu, ch 8, Shih-nung-lu, ch. 46, SockhiU Lifa p 121-

I

400 KA^APA THE BUPDHA.

second only to the Jetavana Vihara was in a disused royal
p^rk. There were hnildings at it for the residence of the
hhikshus and hhikshnpls, and there were (juiet halls for
meditation and for religions discourse. Fa-Lsien makes
mention of this famous establishment and places its site
six or seven U to the north-east -of the Jetavana VihSra.
This agrees with references to the monastery in other
hooks which place it to the east (or in the east part) of
the ciiy. and not far from the Jetavafia.*

Above Bixty ii to the north-west of firavasti, the pilgrim
nairates was an old city, the home of Kalyapa the previous
Bnddho. To the south of this old oity was a tope where this
Buddha after attaining bodhi met his father^ and to the north
of the city was a tope with his bodily relics- these two topes
had been. erected by king Asoka.

Fa-hsien who places E^a^apa Buddha’s natal city 60 U
to the west of ^ravasti, calls the city Turwei These

characters probably represent a sonnd like Topi, and the
city is perhaps that called Ta-yi in a Vinaya treatise. 2
Fa-hsien also mentions topes at the places where Kafyapa
Buddha met his father, where he died, and where his body
was preserved, hut he does not ascribe any of these topes
to Asoka. Hardy’s authority makes Benares to have been '
the city of this Buddha and this agrees with several sutras
in Chinese translations. In a Yinayk treatise Benares is
the cify, and the king Ki-li-ki :^) erects a grand

tope at the place of Hassapa Buddha’s cremation.^

» M. B. p. 238; Angut Hik. ToL IIL p. 344 (P. T. S); Tsa-a-
han-ching, ck. 38, Ohtmg-a-haa-obing, ch, 39^ Ta-chih-tu-lun, cA. 8.
The term PtlrvSrama (or Pahbarama) io Bometimes interpreted aa
meamng “what was formerly an 5rama”, or “a former arama”, but
thiB doea not eeem bo emtablo as “j^ast Brama”. In the Sar. Via.
Tea-flhih, ck. 11, l-ching has Ina-tzn-mu-chiu-ynan (J^
or “the old arSma of MigaramSta”.

i Ta-yi ib culled a chG-lao of the Sr&vaati country m S^ng-

ki-lu, ch. 23.

® M. B. p. 99 Ohu-Fo-fa-tan-hBing-tBfi-ohing (No. 626); PcHihuo-
ch*i-Fo-ching (No. 860); Po-Bhud-Po-ming-ching, ch. 9 (No. ^04) where
the name of the city chth-chih '^) ig said to be an old name

OLD SIl’ES IN KOSALA.

401

Theie were .some other places ol interest to Bud-
dhists wliich are described in Buddhist books as being
in this Kosala country. One of these was the Ka-li-lo
(jfe ® S^all which was at a large cave not far from
the capital i Tins transcription is perhaps for Katli a which
means a cave^ and may have been tlie name of a hill, or it
may be for Kareru, a place often mentioned in the Pah
books. It was in the Kahio HaU that the Buddha dehver-
ed the very interesting cosipological sutia entitled “Ch‘i-
shih-yin-pen-chmg”. Then near the capital was the So-
Iq-Io ^), that is, Salsra lull, with steep sides, m the

caves of which Anituddha and some hundreds of other
bhikshus lodged.2 Farther away and about three yojanas
from,Sravasti was the ^akya village called Lu- (Ji f:)
or Deer-Hall Here the Buddha had an establishment in
which he lodged and preached, and in which he was visited
by the king of Kosala ^

for Benares Sar. Yin Tsa-shih, ch 25, where king of Benares

erects a ^nd tope to this Buddha

1 Ch'i-shih-yin-peu-ching (No 549)

2 Chung-a-ban-ching, ch 19,

5 Tseng-yi-a-han-cbing, ch 82

ON YUAN CH WANG’S
TRAVELS IN INDIA

Volume II

KAPILAYASTU.

“From this” (that is apparently, the neighbourhood of Sravasti)
the pilgnm continued his journey, he tells us, and going south-
east for above 500 li he came to the Kapilavastu countrj This
he describes as above '4000 It (about 800 miles) in circuit, and
as containing more than ten deserted cities all in utter rum
The “royal city”, (that is, the district of the capital) Yuan-chuang
adds, was such a complete waste its area cdHild not be ascer-
tained But the sohd bnck foundations of the “Palace city”,
within the “Royal city”, still remamed, and were above fifteen h
m circuit. As the distnct had been left desolate for a very
long time it was very sparsely inhabited The country was
without a sovereign, each city having its own chief, the sod was
fertile and farming operations were regular, the climate was
temperate, and the people were genial m their ways There
were remams of above 1000 Buddhist monasteries , and near the
“Palace city” was an existing monastery with above 80 (in the
D text 3000) inmates, adherents of the Sammatiya School There
were two Deva-Temples, and the sectarians hved pell-melL

It 18 remarkable that while all^ the texts of the Records
here give 600 li as the distance from Sravasti to Kapila-
vastu, the texts of the Life give 800 li, the direction hemg
the same; the Fang-chih agrees with the Records Then
the Life does not mention the “more than ten deserted
cities all m utter rum”, but it tells us that “the tu-ch^eng
that IS, tlie other cities for above 1000 h (m D
10 li) were all utterly turned”. Here agam also the Life
and the Records use the term “Palace city” to denote
the walled city of the distiict called the cujoitaL The word
ch'eng means city and city-wcdl, and it was the waU of the
city which yvas made of bnck as to its foundations and
'was fifteen It in cucuit.

The numbers which Yuan-chuang gives for the mmed

* A

2

KAHIiAVASTU.

towns and deserted monasteries in tliis coimtry were pro-
bably either hearsay statements or mere conjectures. We
read of eight cities in the country, and we find “Eight
Cities” used apparently as a proper name for a locabty.i
The number of monasteries is eiridently an exaggeration;
as Buddhism does not seem to have ever flourished, either
at Kapilavastu, or in the surrounding districts.

The pilgnm next proceeds to enumerate the various
objects of mterest, all connected with the Buddha^s hfe,
which he found within the capital.

On the “old foundations” of king Snddhodana’s prindpa] xaan-
sion there was a shnne (or temple, cJnng-sh^} in which was a
representation of that king Near this was the site (ht “old
foundation”) of the bedroom of MahamSya (the queen of Snddho-
dana and mother of the Buddha) and in the shnne which maik-
ed the site was a representation of this queen. The shnne beside
this had a representation of the P‘usa descending to become
incarnate in MabSmayS’s womb To the north-east of this was
the tope to mark the place at which the righi Asita read and
announced the baby P'usa’s destinyi At the south gate of the
dty was a tope to mark the place where the P'nsa competed
with other Sakyas in athletics and threw an elephant over the
city-moat The elephant, in falhng, made a hole which came to fee
colled “The ditch of the elephant’s fall”, and near the tope was
a shrine with a representation of the P'usa. Beside this tope
was also the side of the part of the palace which served as bed-
chamber of YasodharS the P'usa’s princess, and in the shnne
here were pictures of her and her son Rahnla. Near this was
the site of the P’usa’s schoolroom 'On -which was a shrine with
a picture of the young P'usa as Prince In the south-east comer
of the city, at the spot from which the Prince (the P'usa) began
hiB flight over the city-waH, -was a shnne with a representation
of him on his white horse in the act of going over the walk

In the above passage the word shnne or temj^ stands
for the CJhinese ching-she as before. Juhen renders this
term as usual by vihara] but the context shews clearly
that the, term is not to be taken in that sense in this
pMsage. Ea-hsien, whose description of Klapilavastu is
neither full nor precise, calls the memorial structures

t Tsa-a-han-chiag, ch, 20.

SHRIKES AND PAINTINGS

3

wluch he saw on vanous sites or topes^ probably using
the word in an extended sense and as meaning also a
small shnne.

Then the Chinese word in the above passage rendeied
“picture’ or “representation” is haiang (f|i), commonly and
correctly translated “image”, which m Juben’s rendering
18 “la statue”. Thus the words clmng-tso-wang-hmang (pf*
rendered by him — “au centre duquel 8 ’ 4 l 6 ve
la statue du roi’V but the meaning is simply — “withm
which 18 a representation of the king”. In the case of
the shrine at the spot where the P'usa entered Maha-
maya’s womb Juben rightly translates “on a represents le
Pou-sa)\ Accordmg to I’a-hsien, who has only one re-
presentation of the Queen and the Pusa, the picture
shewed these two at the moment when the P‘usa “mount-
ed on a white elephant entei’S his mother’s womb”. Neither
this mcident, nor that of the Prmce (L e. the P'usa} flying
over the city-wall on his horse, could well be represented
by a statue. The bkenesses or representa.tions of the king,
queen, and other persons were probably pictures of them
pamted on the walls of the shnnes opposite the entrance.
Small temples with such pamtmgs are famibar to all tra-
vellers in India and Chma,*

Now as to the sites and “old foundations” pomted out
to our pilgnm and his piedecessor as those of the vanous
buildings connected with the palace of king Suddhodana,
all labelled, as it were, with their topes or shrines, we
may confidently assert that the mformation given was not
coiTect. At the time of Gautama Buddha there was
neither a king Suddhodana, nor a palace of bis, at Kapila-
vastu. The city was apparently within the temtory ruled
over by the kmg of Kosala, The father of the Buddha
was no more than a member of the Sakya clan, perhaps in-
vested with some rank oi importance as a chief magistiate,
although this does not appear.^ He may also have bved

1 It IS possible, however, that the pilgnm may have used the word
Jisiang here m its ordinary sense of image

5 Oldenberg’s ‘Buddha’, p 101 Ehys Davids’s ‘Buddhism , p 92

4

KAPILAVASTU.

in or near a place called Kapilavastu, but be had not a
palace and did not reign there. The topes and shrines
shewn to the pilgrims must have been set up long after
the Buddha’s decease. Even the author of the ‘^Asoka-
vadana”, although he mentions the city*-gate by which the
P'usa passed out from his home to become an ascetic,
does not seem to know anything of the various memorial
buildings here mentioned.*

According to our pilgrim’s description in the present
passage the throwing of the dead elephant by Prince
Siddhartha (the P‘usa) was kept in memory by three ob-
jects. There was a tope at the South gate of the city
where Devadatta killed the elephant, Nanda drew its body
out of the way, and Prince SiddhSrtha threw the body
over the city-wall and moat Then at the place where
the dead body, thus thrown, fell outside the city, there was
the great hole or pit which it made by its fall The third
memento was a shrine containing a representation of
the Prince Ynan-chuang’s language might seem to imply
that the shnne was beside the pit, but his meaning evidently
18 that it was beside the tope.

The “Pit of the Elephant’s Eall”, as Yuan-chuang calls
it, IS not mentioned by Ea-hsien, but we find it in some
other treatises. In the Sarvata Vinaya^ we find the story
told very much as oui pilgnm tells it, and there the Pit
IS seven li from the city. The “Eang-kuang-ta-chuang-
yen-ching ”3 also has a version of it similar to that given
■m our text In the story as told in the sutra just cited
the Prince lifts the dead elephant with a toe of his left
foot, and sends it thi ough the air over the seven-fold wall
of the city to a distance of above a furlong, and the ele-
phant falling makes a great hola In the “ Ying-kuo-ching” ^
Devadatta kills an elephant which blocks the thoroughfare,
Nanda then flings the dead body out of the way, and

1 Divy&v. p 390

2 P‘o-Beng-chih, ch 3

s Ch. 4 (No 1B9)

* Ch. 2 (No 666)

prr OF THE elephant’s fall

6

Prince Siddhsrtha huils it over the city wall and brings
it back to life as it reaches the giound, and a similar
version of the story is told in the “T‘ai-tzti-sui-png-pen-
cb*i-cbing”^ Neither in these sutras nor in the “Chnng-
hsii-ching”, which also relates the miracle, 2 is there any
mention of a hole or pit made by the elephant’s fall.
According to Ynan-chuang and the Pang-kuang-ta-chuang-
yen-ching the elephant which Devadatta kills is one which
the king had ordered to carry back the Prince from the
athletic contest m which he had beaten all his competitors.
Devadatta, m ill temper at havmg been beaten aU round
by his cousin, meets the elephant gomg out to carry home
this successful rival, and giving way to his temper kills the
animah But some other accounts, as the “Chung-hsil-
chmg”, represent the elephant «is a present from the people
of Vaisah to the Pnnce, and Devadatta Jails it out of
envy and jealousy. It is not necessary to suppose that
Yuan-chuang actually went to the Hastigarta or “Ele-
phant’s Grave”, nor indeed need we beheve that there
was a ditch or pit with that name near Kapilavastu.

Going on with his descnption the pilgnm takes us oatride of
the capital To the south of the city, he tells us, and at a dis-
tance of above 50 It (about ten miles) from it, was an old city
with a tope This was the birth place of the Past Buddha Sa-
lo-ha-t^un-t e (that is, Krakaohunda or Krakuccbanda, the Kaku-
sandha of the Pali scriptures) Not far to the south from this
city was a tope to mark the spot at which Krakachunda having
attained to perfect enlightenment (that is, having become Buddha)
met his father Another tope, which was to the south-east of
the old city, marked the place in which bodily relics of this
Buddha were deposited. In front of this tope was a stone pillai,
erected by Asoka, above 30 feet high with a carved lion on the
top, ahd ah account of [Krakachunda’s] decease (parinirvSna) on
the sides Above 30 h (six miles) north-east from this old city
was another “old large city” which also had a tope Here the
Past Buddha Ka-no'ka-moit-m (Kanakamuni) was bom Near
this city, on the north-east, was the tope which marked the spot
where this Buddha, after attaining Bodhi, admitted his father into

‘ Ch 1 (No 665)
2 Ch 3 (No 869)

KAPHiAVAsnr.

6 ,

his rehgion, end north of this was a tope with bodily relics of
Kanakmuni Buddha. Here too was a stone pillar above twenty
feet high, with a hon on the top, and a record of the circum-
stances of this Bnddha’s decease on the sides, this pillar also
had been set up by Asoka.

Fa-lisien places the old city of Krakachunda, (called by
bim KiirlurchHn Buddha) twelve yoianas (about 96 miles)
to the south-east of ^ravasti, and he tells us the city had
at his time topes and vihSras (that is, commemorative).
He gives the name of this city as ( 5 ^ IBJ{; ^jj(i),

which IS perhaps for Nahhika the name of a town in the
far« north. Less than a yojana to the north of Kraka-
chunda Buddha’s city, Fa-hsien relates, was the city of
Ku-na-lian (Kanakamuni, in the Pali texts Kopagamana)
Buddha, also with topes. This latter city was according
to Fa-hsien less than a yojana to the west of Kapilavastu.^
There is thus, as Cuumngham has observed, a serious
difference between the pilgrims as to the situations of
these two old cities. Accoi;dmg to Yuan-chuang, as wc
have seen, Krakachunda’s city was 50 li to the south of
Kapilavastu and Kanakamuni’s city*^ a few h to the south-
east of Kapilavastu, while Pa-hsien places Kanakamum’s
city to the west and Krakachunda's city to the south-west
of Kapilavastu. Yet the two pilgrims are in tolerable
agreement as to the distance and direction of Sravasti
from Kapilavastu.

In the Buddhist hooks various names are given to the
cities feigned to have been the homes or birth places of
the two Past Buddhas of this passage, but without any
indication as to the localities in which the cities were
situated. Thus Bjakachunda Buddha’s city is called TFw-
zvei or “Fear-less ”, 2 and An-ho ^) or “Peaceful har-
mony”, s and Shu (sometimes written Jjun)-ha’li-H-na (H
13 ^1 ii M) or Suhridin, perhaps the origmal for An-ho.*

1 Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 21.

2 Fo-shno-Fo-ming-ching, ch. 8 (No 404).

3 Ohang-a^han-chmg, ch. 1. Khemavatl- in Pah. (D. 2 7.)

< Chh-Fo-fu-mu-hemg-tzu-ching (No 626) The character for Shu

TOEES OF PBBTIOTTS BUDDHAS.

7

The city of Kanakamum is called Chuang-yen j^i
“adorned’', a translation of Subhavati, and ChHng-diing
if if) or “Punty”,2 and Ch^a-mo-gtie-U ^ H) or

l^hamSvat, 3 and Ku-na or Kona,^ The tope

over the relics of Krakachunda Buddha is represented as
having been built by a king contemporary -with that
Buddha and named Asoka ^ or, in one book, ^ubha ®
We find the tope of Kanakamum located m the Benares
distnct,^ but his city Kopa was apparently not far west
fi:om Kapilavastu. On the pillar recently discovered in
the Nepalese Terai, neai NiglJva, is an inscription in which
kmg Asoka records that he had twice enlarged the tope
of Kanakamum and offered it worship. This information
is very mteresting, but it does not tell us which of the
great events m that Buddha’s career the tope commemo-
rated. Yet some Indian archaeologists do not hesitate to
call it the 2vzf vana Tope of Kanakamum Buddha Ka-hsien,
who places the two old cities on the west side of the
capital, does not mention the presence of Asoka pillars
and Yuan-chuaug who places the two old cities to the
eastward of the capital, records the existence of the pillars.
He represents the mscnptions on the pillars as giving
particulars of the decease of the two Buddhas, but the
inscription on the Nigllva pillar does not give such par-
ticulars.

The pDgxim oontmmng; his desonption relates that above 40 h
to the north-east of Elapilavastu was a tope at the place where
the young “faeir-apparent” (that is the P'usa while a young
prmce) sat m the shade of a tree watching ploughers at work.
"While BO sitting he became absorbed in Bamadhi, and obtamed
emancipation from cravmgs. The King, hia father, observing that
while his son was lost in ecstatic meditation the sun’s rays tum-

^ Fo-shuo-Fo-ming-ching, eh 8 ^o 404)

^ Ohang-a-han-ching, eh, 1.

® Ch'i-Po-fu-mu-bsing-tzm-ching (No 626)

* Sar Vin Yao-shih, eh 7,

® Divyav. p 418

8 A-yu-wang-ching, eh 4 (No. 1343) Sobha in Pali (D 2 7.)'
’ Cheng-fa-nien-ch‘u-ching, eh, 47 (No 679)

8

KAPILAVA8TU.

ed back and the tree gave him contmued shade, became con-
vinced of the miraculous sanctity of his son, and felt for him an
increased reverence

The story of this passage is told or referred to in many
Buddhist hooks with little variation as to the main inci-
dents. In the A^okavadana Upagupta points out to the
king the jambu tree under which the P‘usa had sat to
watch the labourers, and tells the king how the P‘usa here
went into the first dhyana having attained true views. He
also tells Asoka how Suddhodana, on beholding the mi-
racle of the continued shade, prostrated himself before his
son in adoration.! It was, we read in another treatise,
pity for the toiling creatures which made the boy think
deeply of earthly miseries and the way of escape. Sitting
under the umbrageous jambu tree, which all the day screen-
ed him from the glare of the sun, he attamed by samadhi
to absolute puiity of thought. 2

To the north-east of the capital were several hundred thousand
topes where the Sakyas were put to death When king Virii-
dhaka conquered the Sakyas, and took them prisoners to the
number of 99,900,000, he caused them all to he massacred the
corpses were strewn about in heaps and the blood made a pond*
on the promptmg of devas the skeletons were collected and
buned. To the south-west of these topeSr were four small topes
where four Sakyas repulsed the army. When Prasenajit suc-
ceeded to the throne he sought a marriage alliance with the
Sakyas of Kapjiavastu, but these despising him as not of their
class, deceived him by giving him as bride, with great ceremony,
the daughter of a slave-woman Prasenajit made this girl bis
queen, and she bore him a son, the pnnce Virudhaka. In dne
course this prince went to the home of his mother to be edu-
cated in various accomplishments, and on his arrival at Kapila*
vastu. he lodged wnth Ins retinue in the new ohapel to the south
of tbe city. The Sakyas hearing of this became enraged at the
young prince, and abused him because he — “the low son of a
slave girl” — as they called him, had presumed to occupy the
chapel which they had built for the use of the Buddha When
Virttdhaka became king he promptly led an army to Kapilavastu,

' DivySv. p. 891 A-yu-wang-chuan, ch 2 (No. 1469) A-yu-wang'
ching, cli 2 Bur. Int. p. 882 ff * Tsa-a-han-ching, ch. 23.

^ Fang-kuang-ta-chuang-yen-ching, ch 4 (No. 169)

■vieOdhaka’s eevenge

9

determined to have revenge for the insult "While his army was
encamped at some distance from the city lour Sakya husbandmen
attacked it and drove it back HaMng done this the nmn came
to the city, but their clansmen cut them off from the clan, and
droiethem into exile, because that they, the lineal descendants
of universal sovereigns and Dharmarajas, by having dared to
commit wanton atrocities, complacently killing others, had dis-
graced the clan These four men, so banished, went to the
Snow ^Mountains and founded dynasties still existing, one in
TJdyana, one m Bamian, one in Himatala, and one in Shangim
(Sambi?)

The summary accouut here given hy Yuan-chuang differs
considerahly from the history of Virudhaka as related in
the Buddhist books. Thus some authorities represent king
Prasenajit as demanding from the Sakyas of Elapilavastu
one of their daughters to be his queen in order that he
might have an attraction for the Buddha m his palace ^
The Sakyas, 500 in number, consider the demand m coun-
cil They fear to refuse, yet they cannot depart from their
law which forbids the marriage of their females with ahens
Their Piesident (or Elder) Mahanama gets them out of
the difiSculty hy sendmg his daughter by a female slave
(or, accordmg to one version of the story, the slave her-
self) to be the king’s bride But there is also a different
account which repiesents Prasenajit as falling in love with
a kind and thoughtful yoimg maiden who turns out to be
a slave of the Sakya MahanSma.^ The King demands the
girl from hei master, who had seized her foi arrears of
rent due to him by her late father as his agent. The
master gladly complies with the King’s request, and the
slave-girl becomes queen. In due course she hears a son,
the prmce who receives the name Virudhaka (or Yidudabha
or Vaidurya) "When this son grows to be a boy he is
sent to Kapilavastu to learn archery and other accomphsh-
ments, becoming a young prince in the household or under
the supervision of Mahanama, supposed to he his maternal

1 Tsang-yi-a-han-ching, ch 26 Dh p 216.
i Sar. Vin. Tsa-shih, ch 7, 8 (No 1121) Rockhill, Life, p. 74
Journal Buddhist Text Society Yob Y. P. 1

10

KAETLATASTU.

grand-father. But the night of his arrival at the city is
spent in the New Hall or Chapel, and the young Saliyas,
in the circumstances described by the pilgrim, treat the
pnnce with rudeness and violence, or, according to others,
after he has left, they speak of him very contemptuously
and treat his presence m the Hall as a defilement of the
hmlding. In the course of time Virudhaka succeeds his
father as King of Kosala, having played foully for the
Kingdom. One of his first acts after his accession was
to collect an army for the invasion of Kapilavaatu, and
the punishment of its inhabitants for their wanton insults
to him in the days of his boyhood. On his way, and when
only a short distance from Sravasti, he had the memorable
interview with the Buddha seated under a dead tree as
already related. When the Buddha left the Sakj^as to
the terrible fate which they made for themselves the kmg
renewed the invasion. While his forces were encamped in
the neighhouryood of Kapilavastu, the Sakyas m the ciiy,
following the Buddha’s advice, resolved to shut themselves
up within the walls aud make a passive resistance. But
one man bM-ma (that is, perhaps Sama, Mi*. Kockhill’s
Samaka) hving at a distance from Kapilavastu, took up
arms against the invaders, defeated them, and slew many
thousands of them.^ According to the account followed
by Yuan-chuang there were four country-men who fought
and repulsed the invading enemy. As the fighting had
taken place without the sanction of the Salc^as, and against
their decision to make only a passive resistance, the brave
patriot (or patriots) not only did not receive any recogni-
tion from the besieged clansmen, but actually had to un-
dergo the punishment of expatriation. The crime of ^ama
(or of the four heroes) was that he, a Kshatriya and a
member of the Bu^ddhist community, had taken human life,
and caused it to he taken, in violation of the principles
to which they were all vowed. "When Virudhaka found

» TB&ng-yi-R-lian-cWng L c.: Oh'n-yao-obing, ch 3 (No. 1821):
j^ckhiU, Life, p 117,

THE Buddha’s detuen home.

11

tliat the Salcyas would hot fight he attacked their City the
gates of which were opened to him through bad advice.
He then destroyed the buildings of Kapilavastu, and mas-
sacred all its inhabitants except a few who managed to
escape.'

Three or four h south of Kapilavastu, the pilgrim’s description
proceeds, in a wood of Ni-ltu-lil ^ flp;) tjees was an
Asoka tope at the place where Sakya gu-lai, having attained
Suddhahood and returned to hts native land, met his father and
preached to him. The king had sent a messenger to remind his
son of his promise to return homo on attaining Buddhahood,
and inviting him to make the visit at once Buddha’s reply was
that after the lopse of seven days he would return home Hearing
this the king ordered the streets to be cleaned, and he went in
state to a distance of forty h from the city to await Buddha’s
arrival The Buddha came through the air, escorted by devas
and followed by his bhikshus, to the place where the king was
waiting, from this the procession went to the Nt~1iU~lU monastery
Not far from this was a tope on the spot where the Buddha,
Bittmg under a large tree with his face to the east, accepted a
gold-embroidered monk’s robe from his aunt and foster-mother.
Next to this was a tope to mark the spot at which the Buddha
admitted into the Brootherhood eight pnnecs and 600 Sakyss.

The m~knrlil of this passage, as of other passages in.
the Records, stands for the Sanskrit word Nyagrodha (m
Pah, Nigrodha), the Banyan tree. This transcription,
which seems to represent a coUoqmal form of the Indian
wordv probably adopted by the pilgnm from early
Chinese translations of the Indian books. In his own
ti’anslations fi'om the Sanskrit Yuan-chuang uses a tran-
scription nearer to the form nyagrodha. All this passage
18 unsatisfactory; and it seems to have been composed m
a careless burned manner. As the passage itself shews,
and as we learn from other sources, it was not m the
Banyan ‘Wood, south of the city, that Suddhodana met the
Buddha. The king went out in state along the load to
^ravasti (or, accordmg to some accounts, towards Baja-
gliha), and at the river Lu-ha-Ka (Bohitaka?) forty h

1 Liu-h-wang-chiog (No 671). MahSbodhivamsa p 98 "Wu-fen-lu,
ch 21* Spence Hardy M B p 298.

12

KAPILAVASTU.

from Kapilavastu, waited for the Buddha’s crossing into
his territory i Fa-hsien mentions the place at which father
and son met, but he does not say anything about a tope
or wood, and indeed he does not seem to have known of
a Banyan Wood. There was one large banyan tree, we
know, and there may have been several such m the neigh*
bourhood Theie was also near Kapilavastu the Nyagio-
dhilrama (in Pah the NigrodharSma) or Banyan Monastery
here mentioned. This establishment was formed by the
Buddhists of the distnct after their conversion. Yet our
pilgrim malces the Buddha go to it on his first visit, as
Buddha, to his native place

The name of the messenger sent by Suddhodana to his
son was Udayi or Kaludayi. When this man came with
the king’s message he was converted by the Buddha and
ordained, and so having come as the king’s messenger he
went back as the Buddha’s apostle 2

The “great tree” under which the Buddha was sitting
when he received the Kasha, or monk’s robe, from his
aunt Maha Prajapatl was, according to Pa-hsien, a banyan.
This pilgrim’ calls the robe a sanghati, and says the tree
was still in existence at his time. The vestment was of
fine mushn, w'e learn, and queen Prajapatl had made it
herself. Out of kindness to her the Buddha accepted tie
robe, and handed it over to the Brotherhood. ^

The “eight princes” of whom Yuan-chuang makes men-
tion here were the Sakyans named, in one account, Ani-
ruddha, Bhadi (or Bhaddiya), Nandi, Kimbila, Nanda, Upa-
nanda, Ananda, and Devadatta. But this list does not
agree with the histones of the disciples given in other
works. Upali, the barber, who left Kapilavastu in atten-
dance on the young “piinces” when these went to be
ordained, also made up his mind, on the way, to jom the

X Chung-hsu-ching, ch 12. Sar Vin P'o-song-sbih, c7i 9 Ohung-
pen-ch‘i-ching, ch. 1 (No. 566) NockhiU, Life, p 51
2 Sar Vm P'o-seng-ahih 1 c.

2 Po-8huo-fen-pie*pu-8luh-ching(No.980). Chung-a-ban-clung,cA.47.

THE SAKYA LOCAL GOD

13

Buddha’s Bi otherhood. He was ordained before his formei
masters, and consequently these, on becoming bhikshus, had
to reverence Upali as their senior in religion, a seivice
which some of them were very reluctant to render There
IS not perfect agreement as to the place where the ordi-
nation of Upali and the Sakya “princes” occurred, for
the Yinaya and some other treatises refer it to Anupiya
in the country of the Mallas,* while the pilgnms and other
authonties represent the ordination as having taken place
at Kapilavastu. It was in consequence of an order from
king Suddhodana (or from the Salgra Elders) that the
500 young men and the eight “princes” joined the Brother-
hood; but the 'princes’ are, more properly, to be included
among the 600 2 Every family which had more than two
sons, or only two sons was, required by the state decree
to send the best son to become a Sakya blukshu

Inside the east gate of the city, on the left side of the road,
' was a tope where Prince Sarv&rthanddha (the P'usa) practised
various accomphshments Outside this gate, the pilgrim con-
tinues, was a temple of j^vara-Deva containing a stone image
of the god in the attitude of rising and bowing. This was
the temple into which the infant prince (the P'usa), on the
way from the place of his birth to the palace, was carried by
command of the king his father (who was present with the party)
to be presented to the god according to the eustom of the
Sakyas As the baby was borne into the temple the stone image
descended to pay respect to him, returning to its place when the
baby prince (the P'usa) was earned awa^.

The place where the P'usa while Prince Siddhartha
“ pi actised various accomphshments” was probably the site
of the school in which he learned archery and the other
manly accomphshments of the Sakyas. The temple of the
Deva of tins passage, which is not mentioned by Fa-hsien
may have been on the site of the temple of the Salgra-
Vardha (or -Vardhana) God to which accordmg to other
accounts the infant Buddha, was home. This Sakya-vardhana
{Shth'lca-iseng-chavff ^ ^ a Yaksha, the special

1 Dhp 139 fF ViURja CulL VII 1 Ssii-fen-lu, ch 4
5 Ohung-hfin-ching, cA 13 Ta-chuang-yfin-lun-ching,cA 8(No 1183).

14

KAMIiAVASTU.

protector of the Sakyas, and all Sakya children were home
to his temple to he presented to the deity and obtain his
favour and protection for life.'

GonUnumg his description the pdgnin relates that outside of
the sooth gate of the city, and on the left side of the road, was
a tope to mark the spot at which the Prince (that is, the P'usa),
competing in athletic accomplishments with the other Sakyas,
shot at iron drums. His arrow pierced the drums, W'mt thirty-
two li to the south-east, and penetrated the ground up to the
top, causing a clear spring of water to gush forth. This spot
also was marked by a small tope; and the spring still existed, and
had heahng powers of great reputation. The people had always
called it the Arrow Spring

Fa-hsien has a similar account of the Arrow -Well or
^arakupa, but he has no mention of a tope. In another
treatise, however, which relates the incident, a tope is
stated to have been set up by believing brahmins at the
side of the Well. 2 Of all the Sakyas who were competi-
tors in the military exercises Nanda and Devadatta were
practically the only rivals to Siddhartha, the fixture
Buddha, their strength and skill were very great, but they
were far surpassed by the superhuman achievments of their
cousin.

From the Arrow-Spring, the pilgnm proceeds, a walk of 80
or 90 h north-east brought one to the La-fa-m (Lumhim) Grove.
In this Grove was the beautiful bathing tank of the Sakyas,
and about twenty-four paces from it was the old asoka tree at
which the Buddha had been bom into the world. On the east
of this was an Asoka tope, at the place where two dragons
washed the newly bom prince with hot and cold water To the
east of this were two clear springs with topes where two dragons
emerged on the birth of the P'uss and produced two springs
South of these was a tope where Indra received the nCwbom
infant P'usa Next to it were fonr topes to the four Oevarajas
who had taken charge of the baby Buddha after his birth. Near
these topes" was a atone pillar set up by Asoka with the figure
of a horge on the top Afterwards the pillar had been broken

1 Divyav. p. 391. A-yu-wang-ching, ch. 2 Rockhill Life p 117*
Snr. Vm P o-song-shih, cJi 2.

5 Fang-kuaiig-ta-chuang-yen-ching, ch. 4: Sar. Vin. P'o-sSng-
shih, ch 3

liPMBTWI GAEDBN.

15

m the ndddle, and laid on the gronnd (that is, half of it), by a
thunderbolt from a mahoious dragon. Near this pillar '\ 7 as a
small stream fiowmg south-east, and called by the people the
Oil River. It -was ongmaDy a tank of a pure oily liquid pro-
duced by the devas for the use of the Buddha’s mother in cleans-
ing herself from earthly soil after the birth of her son. The
tank had become changed into a stream of water which, however,
atiU retained its oily character

The La-fa-ni Grove of this passage is the “King’s Park
(or Garden)” of Pa-hsien, who gives its name as Lun-min
(1^ J^) i® Lummin or Lnmbin, and places it 60 li to
the east of Kapilavastu.* This pilgrim mentions a bath-
mg-tank m which MahamSyS bathed before giving birth
to her son; and also a Dragon A^ell, but he does not re-
cord the existence of either tope or pillar m the ‘Park’.
We observe, however, that the narratives of the two pil-
grims agree m placmg Lnmbmi abont mne or ’ten miles
to the east of Blapilavastu. According to others it was
between that city and Devadaha, and belonged to the
latter. This Garden (or Grove) is celebrated in Buddhist
legend as containing the very spot at which the future
Buddha emerged from his mother’s womb. Tts name,
which appears to have been pronounced Lumbini and
Lummim, was originally, according to some accounts, that
of the queen of Suprabuddha, kmg of Devadaha, for whom
the garden was made. Yuan-chuang’s transcription La-
fa-ntj which seems to be unknown to other authors, is
apparently for Lavaul which means “beautiful woman”.
The various legends differ in the accounts which they give
of this place In some it is a Park or Grove, in some a
Garden, and m some merely a part of the general forest
So also they differ as to the kind of tree under which
MahSmaya stood when she was dehvered of her child.
According to the Sarvata Vinaya, and other authorities, it
was /an asoka tree. When king Asoka visited Lumbmi he
saw the actual asoka tree, and conversed with its guardian
genius.2 Pa-hsien saw this asoka tree still alive, and

1 Bo-kuo-olu, eh. 22
s Divy&v. p. 889

16

KAl'ILAVASTU

Yuan-chuang saw it, m its place, but dead. The Lahta-
vistara makes the tree to have been a peepul, and the
authorities used by Hardy and Bigandet call it a saL
One Chinese translation merely has “Lin-p‘i (Lumbi) trees”,
and under one of these the P‘usa is born.^

As to the present i epresentative of Kapilavastu there
have been several sites proposed. Cunningham thought at
first that the site of the city might be located at Nagar
Khas, m ihe southern part of the Basti distnct, near the
confines of Nepal. But afterwards he abandoned this m
favour of the site ‘ on the bank of the Bhuila Tal or Lake
of BJiuila, which is situated m Fargana-Mansuraagar, in
the new part of the Basti Distnct, about 25 miles north-
east from Faizabad and about 15 miles west-north-west
from Basti”. This is the identification made, with great
confidence, by Mr. Carlleyle, who thought he had discovered
at the place nearly all the objects mentioned by the Chi-
nese pilgrims.* More recently, however, this site has been
abandoned; and a new one, the existence of which was
pointed out by Dr. Waddell, has been discovered by the ar-
chseological explorers of the Indian Grovemment. This is
declared to be the true Kapilavastu, and the identification
rests mamly on certam inscriptions on stone pillars found
recently m the Nepalese Terai. Near the village of Padena,
which 18 about about iwo miles north ofBhagvanpur and
about thirteen miles from Nigllva, in the Terai north of
Grorakhpur, Dr. Piihrer found one of Asoka’s monohths.
On this piUar is an mscnption which records that king
Piyadasi (Asoka) in the 21®^ year of his reign personally
worshipped at the place as the spot at which the Buddha
Sakyamuni was bom. There is considerable difference of
opinion as to the precise meanmg of the rest of the m-
sciiption. It seems, however, to mtimate that the king
caused a pillar of polished stone to be set up at the
Buddha’s birth place, and reduced the Government contn-

‘ Fo-shuo-p‘u-jao-ching, ch 2 (No 160).

2 Arch. Sur. India Vol SII. p. 83 and XSIl p 1

LUJIBINI GAEDEN.

17

bution from the Lmamini village. i With reference to this
inscnption may observe that neither in the Sansknt
text of the Asokavadana, nor m any one of the three inde-
pendent Chinese versions of it, is there mention of a stone
pillar set up by the king, or of any reduction of taxation,
or of the existence of a village at the Garden According
to these texts the first place which Asoka and TJpagupta
reach on theu* pilgrimage from Pstabputra is the Lum-
bini Garden, Upagnpta tells the kmg that this is the
place of Buddha’s birth, and points out the particular tree
under which Mahamaya stood when her child was bom;
then the king sets up a shnne, or a tope, at the place,
and makes a donation of 100000 ounces of gold (or of
precious substances), and goes away. Perhaps tie shrime
referred to is the one recently discovered, close to
the spot where Asoka’s pillar was found. 2 It contains a
statue of Mahamaya, nearly life size, giving birth to the
infant. The existing statue has not been closely examined,
so its age 18 quite uncertain. Neither of the pilgrims has
any reference to a tope erected by Asoka; and the topes
now existmg, near the shrine and mscnbed pillar, are very
smalL Yet we find mention of a great tope at the spot where
the Buddha was bom,’ and about the year A. D. 764 the
tope was visited, we are told, by the Chinese pilgrim known
as Wuk‘ung.< Yuau-chuang, we have seen, mentions a stone
pillar, but he does not say anything about an inscription
on it. The Pang-chih, however, tells us that the pillar
recorded the ciicumstances of Buddha’s birth. Further
search in the neighbourhood of Padena may reveal the
Sakya’s Tank, the Dragon’s Topes, India’s Tope, and the
Oily stream, all m the Lumbim Garden. About eight
miles north-west from Paderia, we are told, are the rams

> J R. A. S for 1897, p 616 Epigraphia, Xndica Vol V. p 1
Jour des Sa^fiXlts, 1897, p 73
2 Journal A 5 Soo, 1897 p 6i9
® Emn-ti-kuan-cliing, 1 (No 965)

Journal Asiatit^ue 1696 p, 857

♦

B

18

KAPILAVASTU

of Kapilavastu which are “to be traced over a length of
seven English and a breadth of abont three English miles”,
a statement not to be accepted.

Then we have the Asoka pillar of Nighva already
noticed (pp. 7, 16) the inscription on which shews ns that the
city of the previous Buddha Konakamuni, mentioned and pro-
bably visited by the Chinese pilgrims, stood near the site
of that village. Nigllva is “situated 38 miles north-west
of the Uska Bazar station of the Bengal and North-west
Railway, in the Nepalese tahsil TaulihvS of the Zillah
Butaul”. Dr. Elihrer places the ruins of the city of Kraku-
chanda Buddha seven miles south-west from the ruins of
Kapilavastu. As we have seen there is a serious disagree-
ment between the pilgrims as to the sites of the two old
cities of the Past Buddhas with respect to Kapilavastu. Yuan-
chuang makes E!rakuchanda^s city to have been ten miles
eopth of Kapilav^tu, while Fa-hsien makes it to have been
about seven miles to the south-west of that city; and
Yuan-chuang locates Konakamuni’s city to the south-east,
while Pa-hsien places it due west of BCajailavastu. Further
discoveries in the Terai and adjoining country may give
more certainty as to the relative positions of the inter-
esting remains of old Buddhism in the district. The two
stupas of Krakuchanda Buddha have been discovered, we
are told, at a place about seven mile^ to the south-west
of the rums of Kapilavastu, and so about the spot indi-
cated by Fa-hsien as the site of that Buddha^s old city.
Then Nigllva, which, as we have seen, has tjie sthpa of
Konakamuni Buddha, is about 16 miles to the south-west
of Paderia (Lumbini), a location which corresponds rough^
to Fa-hsien*s description. Thus the narrative of the earlier
of the pilgrims is* corroborated and illustrated by these
important discoveries, and the later pilgrim’s account re-
ceives from them useful corrections.

The most recent discovery m the Sa^a countiy is that of
fhe Piprawa Stupa an account of which W£' given to the
Royal Asiatic Society by the Secretary on the 10*^ August
1900. This stupa enclosed certam vases which contained

THE PEPEB VA8ES.

19

bone-relics and various other articles On one of the urns is
a short insc^ption which, in Dr. Stlnler’s translation,* is —
“This relic-shrine of divine Buddha is (the donation) of
the Sakya SuMti brothers associated with their sisters,
sons and wives.”

But Dr. Rhys Davids translates it: — 2

“This shnne for rehcs of the Buddha, the august one,
(is that) of the Sakyas, the brethren of the distinguished
one, in association with their sisters, their children and
their wives”.*

* J. B. A. S. 1898, p 888.

3 The Piprawa Stops on the Birdpore Estate contaiiong the
Relioti of Buddha, ibid. p. 588

» (Professor Piechel, in hie article in the Z D. M. G. 1902, p. 167
has probably solved the problem of the difficult word Sulnti which
he interprets as 'pious foundation'. So the translation will run:
“Ibis shrine &o. is the pious foundation of the Sakyas, hie brethren
in association Ac. Ed]

20

RAMA OR RAMAGRAMA.

The pilgrim goes on to relate that “from this” (that is, ths
Lumbini Garden) he travelled through a wild jungle east for
more than 200 h (about 40 miles) to Lan-tno (Eama) country.
This had been waste and wild for a long time, and its area was
not defined- its towns were heaps of ruins and there was a very
scanty population.

To the sout-heaat of the old city (that is, the former capital),
he tells U3, was a bnck tope nearly 100 feet high. This had
been built by the king of this country (who obtained one of the
eight portions of the Buddha’s relics) to enclose his share for
preservation and worship. Beside this Relic Tope was a clear
tank the dragon of which, when he went out for a stroll, assumed
the form of a snake, and performed pradakshina to the Tope by
crawling round it to the right The wild elephants also came
in companies and strewed flowers at the tope, all this went on
without intermission When king Asoka was disperting the
Buddha-relics of the eight topes, having taken away those of
seveh of the topes, he came to Esma in order to carry off the
relics in its tope also. As he was about to begin work tho dragon
of the tank, afraid of being di^ossessed, changed himself into a
brahmin and tapping the [king’s] elephant in the face, said
— ‘‘Your Majesty’s kindness extends to all Buddhadopa, and you
have largely sown the seeds of good works I venture to beg
you to dismount and deign to visit ray abode”. Asoka accepted
the invitation, and followed the dragon to his palace There
overpowered by the splendour of the dragon’s paraphernalia for
the worship of the relics, he granted the dragon’s petition, and
abandoned the idea of rifling the tope, A memonal at the place
of coming out from the tank recorded the event.

The situation here assigned to Rama agrees with- that-
given by Fa-hsien who places it five yojanas to the east
of the place where the Buddha was bom.* The Fang-
chih also agrees with the Records, but the Life makes
Rama to he above 500 li (about 100 miles) east fiom
Rapilavastu, and this distance agiees rouglily with that
given in some of the Buddhist books, that is, thirteen Yojanas.

Some texts of the Life place the Relic Tope to the
east of the old capital, and some make its height to be
only fifty feet. The Life also does not make any mention

1 Fo'kuo-chi, cJi, 23

TEE TOPE AT BAMA

21

of the dragon of the tank changing himself into a snake,
but states that he often assumed the form of a man and
performed pradakshipa to liie tope

For the words in the above passage “tapping the [king’s]
elephant in the face, said” the original is Chhen-lc^oU’lmang-
ym ( 1 $ np ^ 0), and Julien translates this — “se pro-
stemant aux pieds de l’6l6phant, lui parle ainsi”. This
rendering is manifestly wrong fiom every point of view.
The phrase 1c*ou-hsiang here means to taj) or striJce the
elephant as l^ourma is to tap a horse. But these phrases
are used figuratively in the senses oiholdhjrSte^'nly, seriously,
and it is not necessary to suppose that any actual tappmg
or knockmg takes place. In the present iiassage the word
“king’s”, which I have added, is really not needed, and
we are only to understand that the dragon-brahmin faced
the king, and addressed to him an earnest remonstrance.

The story of king Asoka and the dragon who guarded
the Rehc Tope at RSma is told m several Buddhist books
with variations. The Divyavadana, like our pilgrim’s
narrative, represents king Asoka as gomg to the Naga’s
Rebc Tope, and on seeing the naga’s worship, as going away
without interfenng with the sacred relics ’ But the “Tsa-
a-han-ching” represents Asoka as canymg off the relics
m the tope in spite of the dragon’s remonstrances.^ The
Sinhalese have a legend about the naga (or also nagas)
and this tope. Accordmg to one of their books the relics
were removed from EHmagama (probably the Eama of our
author) by supernatural means to Ceylon, but this is a
late and local fiction.* >

Near to the Nelic Tope, tho pilgrim records, was the 6rSma-
nera MonaBtery bo called becanee its temporal affairs were always
managed by a SrSmanera or nnordained Brother

We have a short history of the origin of this Monastery,
and the account given agrees in the main with the narra-

> Divyiiv. p 380

* Tsa-ai-hBn-cbiDg, ch 23

3 Mah 81. See Ehyu Davids on these legends, J R A. S
1901, pp 897—410.

22

ramagtAata

live by Fa-bsien at whose time the establishment was a
recent institution Yuan-chuang found in it only a small
number of Brethren, who were very civil end hospitable.

From the ^rSmanera Monastery the pilgrim, we are told, went
east through a great wood above 100 h (about 20 miles) to a
great Aeoka tope This was at the place where the Prince (the
P*u8a) made a halt, having gone over the city-wall of Kapila-
vastu at midnight and ndden on until daylight. Here also he
gave expresBion to the settled purpose of his life in these woids—
“Here I go out of prison, put off fetters, unyoke for the
last time”.^ Then the Prince took the jewel from his crown
and handed it to his groom Ohandaka to take back to the king,
his father. At the same time he gave the groom this message
to the king — “My present retirement to a great distance is
not a wanton separation from you — I desire to have done with
impermanence and put an end to moral defects” Then he
epoko words of comfort to the disconsolate servant, and sent
him back

Fa-hsien agrees with our pilgrim in placing the tope of
the “sending back” at about 20 miles east from the 6rS-
manera Monastery, but he does not ascribe the tope to
Asoka. So also in the Lalitavistara^, and in other works
where this tope is mentioned it is merely said to have
been erected by “people of after times”. It was known,
as the Tope of Chandaka^s Return, that is, ihe tope
which marked the spot where the Prince’s groom began
his journey back to Kapilavastu vdth his master’s horse.
But the Chinese scriptures are not agreed as to the pre-
cise locality at which the parting between the Prince and
Ohandaka tOok place, some repre8entmg*‘it^as at a much
greater distance than 20 miles from Kapilavastu.

To the eswt of the tope of OhandakaJs Heturnmg was a dead
jambu, tree and at the side of this was a small tope. It was
here that the Prmce (the P'asa) exchanged his pnnoely robes

* The Ohinese for this soliloquy is —

^ ^ ^ ^ J^» Juhen translates— “Aujotud’huijje aors en-

fin de ma prison et je bnse mes hens, Ce fat en cet endroit qu’il
quitta son char pour la demi&re fois.” This rendering mistranslates
die first word of the sentenuc, and ignores the construction.

3 lishtavistaxa, Foucaux, p. 214.

THE EMBERS* TOPE,

23

for .the deer-skm dress given to him by a hunter who was
Indra in disguise.

Near this spot was an Asoka tope to mark the place at which
the P'usa cut off hia hair, and had his head shaved by a deva,
the hair cut off was taken by Indra to Heaven to be an object
of worship.

The pilgrim next mentions incidentally that accounts varied
as to the age of the F'nsa when he went out from home, some
making him mneteen, and some twenty nine years old at the
time. So also, he tells us, a^^thonties differed as to whether it
was 'on the 8th or the 16th day of the second half of the month
Vi^akha that the Pnnce left his home to begin the rehgious life.

From the Head-shavmg Tope the pilgnm travelled, he tells
us, south-east through a wild country for more than 180 1 % (about
36 miles) to a Banyan Grove which had a tope above 30 feet m
height. This, he says, was the Embers Tope built by the brah-
mins of the place over the charcoal fragments which they found
at the scene of the Bnddha% cremation dfhese brahmins arrived
too late to obtain a share of the actual i^ehcs, and they were
allowed to take a portion of the dead embers — ‘'ashes-charcoal’*
— from “the place of cremation”. Carrying these to their native
place the brahmins there erected this shnne for the worship of
the embers, ever since its erection the tope has given miraculouD
testimomes, and at it many prayers of the afflicted have been
answered

In an old monastery near the Embers Tope were remams of
the sitting - place and exercise - walk of the Four Past Buddhas.
Then on either side of this monastery, the pilgrim adds, were
some hundreds of topes among which was one built by fcmg
Asoka which, although in ruins, still shewed more than 100 feet
above ground.

In this passage Yuan-chuang places the Embers Tope in
the Nyagrodhavana or Banyan (jlrove, and this agrees with
a Tibetan account translated by Mr. RockhilL* In it it is
only one Brahmin, named Nyagrodha from the Nyagrodhika
country, who obtains the embers. In the Pali account
of the distribution of the relics it is “tbe Moriyas of
Pipphalavana” who come late to the scene of the cre-
mation, and have to he content with the remnants of
burnt fuels go also in two Chinese wntmgs the “Ohang-

1 BookhiU, Infe, p 147.

2 Ehys Davids, ‘Buddhist Sutras’ (S. B K VoL XL) p. 184

24

]aiMAQE^IA.

arhan-ching” and the “Mahamaya-ching”, it is (that

is Pippala) villagers who get the embers. ‘ One treatise,
the “Pan-m-huan-chmg”, has an Embers Tope, and also
an Ashes Tope, erected by different men at different
places ;2 the former is built by a Tao-shi, or saintly recluse,
and the latter by a brahmin; but neither of these topes
seems to haye been at a place near Kamagrama. The
“Eo-pan-ni-huan-chmg” agrees with the “Pan-ni-huan-ching”
as to the erection of an Embors and an Ashes Tope, and
places the latter m the Che-ka-Jcie country. ^ In the “Ta-
pan-nie-pan-ching”,4 however, there is only the Embers
Tope and it seems to be located at Kuihnagara.

The “E-ama Country” of the Chinese pilgrims, the Eama
Village (Ramagrama) of various writers, seems to have
been little known until it attained celebrity for its tope
containing bodily relics of Gautama Buddha. ' And it is
iuterestmg to observe that in the accounts of the division
of the relics which assign a portion to Ramagrama there
are some differences of detail, and that all accounts do
not agree m assigning a share to this place. In the Pah
sutra of the “Great Decease” the “Koliyas of Rnmagama”
go to Kusinara and obtain an eighth share of the relics;
80 also m a Yinaya treatise the Kou-lu-lo of Lo^mo
(Rama) obtam a share, s In the Pah version from which
Bigandet’s information was obtained it was the “king of
Rama” who took action in the matter. ^ In the appendix
to the Mahamaya-ching it is the Kou-li (Koh) people of
Lo-mo-ka (Ramaka, or for Ramagi’ama) who obtam the
relics, and so in the “Yn-hsing-clnng” of the Ch‘ang-a-han-
ching, and also in the Pan-m-hnan-ching where the name
of the country is given as k*o-lo ("^ that is “Enjoyable”,

1 Ck'ang-a-han-ching, ch. 4* MaMmaya-ching, ch. 2 (No. 882).

2 Pan-ni-huan'Ching, ch. 2 (No 119).

3 Po-pan-iu-liuaTi-clung, ch. 2 (No 652).

* Ta-pan-iue*p‘an-clung, ch 2 (No 118),

6 Rhys Davids, S. B. E. Vol. XL p. 182* Shih-sung-lu, ch 60
(No 1115)

• Bigandet, ‘liegend’ YoL II. p 92.

BAMAQBAMA.

25

evidently for* Esma. But in no other of the Nirvana trea-
tises in Chinese translations, so far as I knovr, is there
any mention of Ramagrama in connection with the distri-
bution of the Buddha’s relics. And the Tibetan text trans-
lated by Boclrhill is also apparently without the name of
either the country Bama, or the people Koliya, in this
matter. But Bockhill thinks that the Sgra-sg^ogs of his
text may be BamagrSma, and the Kshatriya “Krodtya of
Sgra-sgrogs” ohtamed a share, and this -iVas “honoured by
a king of nagas”.i

The Lalitavistara and some other treatises which tieat
of the subject do not mention BSmagrEma as the first
halting place of Prince Siddhai-tha in his flight from
home, the place where he sent back his groom and horse,
exchanged garments vnth the hunter, and had his head
shaven.

It IS unnecessary now to notice the opinions of General
Cunningham and Mr. Carlleyle as to the modern represen-
tative of the Bama of our pilgnms Further researches
m the Nepal Terai may lead to the discovery of some
trustworthy indication as to the site of the old city To
some of the Buddhist writers it was evidently a frontier
or a foreign place b^ond what was known to them as
Jarcbudvipa or India. It has been identified with the
Bevadaha or Koh of the Sakyas mentioned in the romances
about the origin of the family from which Gautama Buddha
sprang, and there is much in favour of the identification.

KUSINAGABA.

Continmng his ntarative the pilgnjn relates that “from this”
(that 18 apparently, from the vicimty of the Embers Tope) he
■went north-east through a great forest, the road being a narrow
dangerous path, with wild oxen and "wild elephants, and robbers
and hnnters always in wait to kill travellers, and emerging from
the forest he reached the coontry of Kou-shih-na-ka~lo (Knhna-
gara) The city walls were m nuns, and the towns and villages
were deserted The bnck fonndations of the “old city" (that is^

1 Keokhill, Life’ p, 145 and 147 As Ees. VoL p 816

26

KtJBINAEA.

tlie City which had been the capital) were above ten li in circmt;
there were very few inhabitants the interior of the city being a
wild waste.

Here, it will be noticed, the pilgrim departing from his
usual custom does not give the distance which he travell-
ed. Fa-hsien, however, tells us that the distance from the
Embers Tope east to Ku^inagara was twelve yojanast
(about 480 Zt), and the Fang-chih gives the distance as
600 li. As the Embers Tope was about 60 miles from
Ramagrama the distance from that city to Eu^inagara
was appaiently about 140 or 150 miles in an easterly
direction. Then in one of the Nirvana sutras we are told
that from Kajagaha to Kusmagara was a journey of twelve

yojanas.2

Tlie utter ruin and desolation of the city and district
of KuSmagara are noted by Fa-hsien, one of whose expres-
siVe terms about the solitude of the capital is apphed to
it by our pilgrim.

Within the capital in its north-east comer was an Asoka tope
on the site of the house of Chun-tt (Chunda), and on the pre-
mises was a well dug at the time when [Ohunda] was making
preparations for the entertainment [of the Buddha and his dis-
ciples] the water of which had remained clear and fresh.

For the words “Within the capital” here the Ohinese
is Ch‘h%g-nei. This is the reading in all the texts except
B which has the faulty reading Ch^^ng-m^n or “City gate”,
the reading which Julien had before him.

The story of Chunda the blacksmith giving the Buddha
his last breakfast is told in several books. But in these
Chunda is generally described as a resident of PsvS and
as giving the great entertainment there. Thus the “Yu-
hsmg-ching”, the Pali “Maha-Parinibbsna sutta” or “Sutra
of the Great Decease”, and a Tibetan work, all make
Pava to be the place of Chunda^s residence and the
scene of the beakfast to the Buddha.* In the Mahayanist

1 Fo-kuo-chi, eh. 24.

2 Ta-pan-nie-pan-chmg, ch. 17 ‘(No 114)

5 Yn-bfling-cbing in Ch'ang-a-ban-cbing, cA 8; ‘Buddbiifc Suttai’

THE LAST MEAL.

27

sutra Ta-paii-iii*huan-clung, however, it is at Ku^magora
that Chunda lives, and entertains Buddha and his dis-
ciples. ^ Fa-hsien does not make mention of Chunda’s
house m Kusinagara, and our pilgnm’s account may
have been derived from books rather than from personal
knowledge. He had evidently lead Maha - ParmirvSna
sutra in the translation by Dharmaraksha made about
A. D. 420. When Buddha intimated his acceptance of
the invitation to breakfast from Chunda, the latter set
himself to prepare a great feast In the Pah Maha-
parinibbana Sutta Chunda, the artificer’s son, is re-
presented as setting before the Buddha on this occa-
sion a dish of siikm amaddava. No one of the disciples
was allowed to eat of this particular food, and what remam-
ed over was buried in the ground The word sukara-
maddava has been generally understood to mean a pre-
paration of pig’s flesh; and Dr. Rhys Davids translates it
in one place by “dned boar’s flesh”, and in another place
by “tender pork”2. But he is not satisfied with the mter-
pretations and explanations given of the word, and he is
evidently inclined to regard it as a name for some vege-
table article of food. This view is taken also by EL E Neu-
mann who gives reasons for regarding the word as denot-
ing some kind of edible fungus 3 Now it is remarkable
that neithei in the Tibetan, nor in any of the Chinese
accounts of the, death of the Buddha is there any
mention of pork at the last breakfast. Nor is it mention-
ed in the MahaySnist books on the Great Decease, nor in
the account of Chunda’s feast given in the Sarvata Vinaya.
In the “Yu-hsing-ching” the dainty reserved by Chunda
for the Buddha is called “Sandal-wood-tree-ear”, or “San-

by Dr Rhjs Davids p 70 (S B E. Vol XI), EockhiU’s ‘Life’, p. 182
note 2 and p 188.

1 Ch, 0 (No 120) So also in the Ta>pan-nie-p‘an-ching, ch. 2
(No 118)

s ‘Bnddhist Suttas’, p. 72 ‘Questions of king Mihnda’, VoL I p 243
and note

3 ‘Die Ecden Gotamo Buddho’s’, vol 1. p XIX

28

THE DEATH OF THE BODDHA.

dal-wood-ear^'.^ By these names is probably indicated a
tree-fungus, or some aromatic mushroom, in the Chmese
language a common name for any parasitical tree-fungus
is mu-erh (/j'wij) or “tree- ear’’, and among Buddhist
monks and their friends mushrooms are well known as
ffo-shang-jou or “Monks’ flesh-meat”. 1 agree with Neu-
mann that the pious blacksmith was not likely to cook
pickled pork for the Buddha, and think that fungus or
mushroom should ho taken to be the meaning of sukara-
maddava.

The pilfcnm now goes on to describe the scene of the Buddha’s
Parlnirvana, the Great Decease He states that three or four h
to the north-west of the capital, on the other side of the Ajita-
vati nver, and not far from the west bank of the nver, was the
6ala Grove The Sala tree he desenbes as like the the Chinese
oak with a greenish-white bark and very glossy leaves. Among
the Sal trees of the grove were four ot extraordinary size, and
it was at these the Ju-lai passed away. In the large bnck
temple (or chaitja, ching-sM) at the place was an image (or
representation) of Ju-lai'nie-pan (that is, of the Buddha dead)
lying with his head to the north. Beside this temple was a tope,
built by Asoka, which though in rums was still above 200 feet
high In front of the tope w'as a stone pillar, on which were
recorded the circumstances of the Buddha’s decease, but the day
and the month were not given The pilgnm, however, ascer-
tained fi om records that the Buddha lived 80 years, and died on
the last day of the month Taiiakha (April -May), but the
Sarvastivadins held that he passed away on the 8tb day
of the second half of the month Karthika ^Octoher-November).
There were also, the pilgnm adds, differences of statement aS
to the time which bad elapsed since the Buddha’s death, some
authonties giving above 1200 years, some 1300, some 1600, and
some only above 900 and under 1000.

As to the river mentioned m this passage, a note added
to the text explains the word Ajitavati as meaning wur
sheng (te 3r “Invincible”, and adds that this was the
general name for the river at the pilgrim’s time. It also
states that an old name for this nver was A‘U-lo-po~Pi’t
hut the second character in, the transcription has been

1 Cbang-a-han-ching L c.

THE DEATH OF THE BUDDELA.

29

shown to be a mistake, it should be replaced by i (^),
giving the name Airavati. Another designation for this
river is given m the note as Shi-la-na-fa-ii, that is Siran-
yavati for Hirapyavati, with ho added, explained as mean-
ing “the river with gold”. It was evidently a variety of
this last name which Fa-hsien transcribed by Hi-lien

The Buddhist books do not give us much information
as to the situation, relative to Kusmagara, of the place at
which the Buddha died. Bigandet, probably quoting from
a Pah authority, tells us that the forest of Sal trees was
to the south-west of the city.' The “Maha-Panmbbana-
Sutta” merely gives the scene of the Gieat Decease as
the “sSla grove of the Mallas, the Upavattana of KusmarS,
on the fuither side of the river Huanyavati”.^ "With this
the description in the “Lien-hua-mien-chmg” agrees close-
ly,3 and the other accounts are similar. Fa-hsien places
the Sal Grove on the Bhrai^yavati rivei, and to the north
of the city Kusmagara. Instead of the tope which Yuan-
chuang here mentions, as having been built on the spot
by Asoka, we find a chaitya in the DlvyavadSna < It is
worthy of notice that the place at which the Buddha
passed away for ever was the only object pomted out to
Asoka by Upagupta while the two were at Kusmagara.

We have next our pilgnm’B accoants of the Francohn and
Deer Jatakas apropos of two topes near the Temple of the
Buddha’s Decease said to commemorate the events which form
the culminating points of these stones. In the former Jataka as
related by the pilgnm the Francohn, that is the P'usa, by his
earnestness of speech and action, induces Indra to put out a
forest hre which was making great havoc among the living crea-
tures in this distnct. In the latter Jataka the Deer, that is the
P'usa, at the expense of his own hfe saves the other creatures
of the forest here, who fleeing from a great fire were being
drowned in their attempt to cross the rner. The tope over the
remains of the P'usa-Deer, who was drowned after saving the

1 Bigandet, ‘Legend’ Vol IL p. 46
1 Bhys Davids in Buddhist Suttas', p 85
5 Lien-hua-nuen-chmg, cli 2 (No 465)

* p 394

/

30 THE liAST CONVEBT.

last of the animals, the lame hare, ■was built, according to Yuan-
chnang, at this place by the devas.

Tie two Jatakas here summarized are told with some
differences of detail in other works* Thus in the **Fran-
colin Jataka” as told in a wellknown ^Sstra the bird soaks
his feathers in water, and then shakes himself m the burn-
ing forest; when Indra tries the sincerity of his compassion
the Francohn says he is ready to go on until death; by
the force of his merit and faith the fire is extinguished
and since that time the forest has enjoyed an exemption,
from great conflagrations. * In other versions of the Deer
Jstaka instead of a Zuwie hare we have a fawn as the last
creature to be saved. This last animal was Subhadra in
a prcMous birth, and as a man Subhadra was the last to
be saved from* sin and sorrow by the Buddha.2

Near the tope of the Life-saving Deer, the pilgrim next
relates, was a tope which had been erected on the opot where
Subhadra died, and we are treated to a short account of
the circumstances attending the conversion, ordination, and
death of this man as Yuan-chuang knew them. "When the
Buddha was on his death-bed and on the day before he died
Subhadra, who was a brahmin teacher 120 years old, came to
the Twin Trees to see Buddha, and obtain from him the solution
of some doubts and difficulties. Ananda refused to admit the
old enquirer fearing he would weary the Master, but Subhadra
urged his request and he •was finally admitted. Then addressing
the Buddha he said — “There are the self-styled Masters of the
[six] other Communities all -with different systems of doctrine
which they teach for the guidance of lay-people — Does Gautama
know these all ’ ? To this the Buddha made answer — “I have
made myself thoroughly acquained with them sdl, and will describe
them to yon”. When Subhadra heard this, he believed and under-
stood •with pure mmd, and then he prayed to be admitted into
the Order Buddha then told him that a four years’ probation
was required before the professed adherent of another system
could receive ordination as a hhikshu in the Buddhist brotherhood
The probation, he said, -was to allow the conduct and drspowtion ^
of the applicant to he observed, and if his deportment vrere found
to be correct, and his language truthful, he could become a

• See Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch, 16.

2 Cf. Bockhill’s ‘Life, p. 186; Bud. Lit. Nep. p. 80.

THE LAST CONTEET.

31

bhikshu — “But it depends on the individual’s conduct”, added
the Buddha, “and there is no difficulty [in your case]”. To this
Subhadra replied— “The Lord is compassionate and an impartial
Saviour. Let there be four years of probation , my three organs
[mouth, body, and mind] will be in accordance with what is right”.
To this the Buddha replied— “1 have already said — “it depends
on the individual’s conduct” ” So Subhadra was admitted into
the Order, and ordained as a bhikshu He thereupon devoted
an hiB energies to the attainment of spiritual perfection, and
early in the night realized in himself the state of arhatship.
Then as he could not bear to see the death of the Master he,
in the presence of the congregation, made miraculous manifesta-
tions and passed a^vaj by the samafihi of elemental fire

This version of the stoiy of Subhadra follows to a large
extent the “Yu-hsing-ching”, sometimes using the very
words of that interestmg sutra. But the narrative of the
conversion, ordination, and death of this last disciple is
told also in several other treatises. We find, moi cover,
mention of a work called the “Sutra of the BrahmachSrm
Subhadra”, but the account given in it dijBfers in some
important points from that given in the other books ‘
Accordmg to the “Tseng-yi-a-han-ching” and the “Yu-
hsin-ching” Subhadra was a Brahmacharin, and accord-
ing to the “Ta-pan-nie-pan-ching”, the “Tsa-a-han-ching”,
Mr. Kockhill's Tibetan text, and the Sarvata Vmaya, he
was a panvrajika.2 Nearly all authorities describe him as
a feeble old man of 120 years residing m Kuimagara,
We are also told that he was a man of great leammg
and wisdom, possessmg superhuman powers, and held in
high esteem by the inhabitants of Kusmagara who regard-
ed him as an arhat. He had been puzzled, however, by
difficulties in religious matters caused by the disputes and
confiicting doctrines of the six (in one treatise eight) great
rehgious teachers of his time, and by the -inconsistencies
•m the hves of these men. Then at a later period of his
life the Sakya Gautama had arisen as a new leader with

1 Tft-chEb-tu-luii, cJb 8.

j » Tsfeig-yi-a-bcii'ching, ch. 87, Oliang-a-han-cliing, ch. 4; To-paa
-uio-p‘an-<!hjng, ch. 8 (No ll8), Tsa-a-ban-olmig, eft. 86; Rookhill'B
life 1 C.; S«r. Vm. Tsa-sbih. ek. 88.

32

THE LAST CONVEET.

new doctrines about karma and nirvaEa and had instituted
a new Brotherhood. So now hearmg that Gautama uad
come to the suburbs of Kusmagara in a dying state, the
old saint went to see him and learn from him the truth
about his own system and the systems of the six Teachers.
Finding Ananda keeping guard he asked to be admitted
to the Master, but Ananda refused him admission and
repeated the refusal to the old man’s renewed petition,
The reason which Ananda gave was that the Master was
in great pain and dying, and so was not to be disturbed
But the Buddha hearmg the conversation, ordered that the
enquirer be allowed to see him and Subhadra was admitted.
After due salutation performed the old saint being en-
couraged by Buddha stated his diflBculties. The six
Teachers, he said nammg them, all disagreed and. he wanted
to know which of them was nght; were they, as they pro-
fessed to be, omniscient? Were they higher m attamments
than or otherwise superior to Gautama himself? were they
right in their tenets as to what constituted a 6ramapa?'
Replying to Subhadra the Buddha, according to one
account, says that before he left home to become a reli-
gious mendicant all the world was beguiled by the Six
Teachers and that he had not seen the leality of a 6ra-
mana among them.^ Then the Buddha goes on to say —
"At the age of 29 years, Subhadra, I became a mendicant
to learn the way of life (taoy. at the age of 36 years under
the Bodhi tree 1 thought out thoroughly the Eight-fold
holy path, gained perfect spiritual msight, and acquired
omniscience. I then went to Benares and taught the Four
Truths to Ajnata Kaundinya and the four others. When
these men got on the rrack of the way of life the name
^ramana was pronounced for the first time”. In the Pah
Maha-Panmbbana-sutta the Buddha says to Subhadra,
accordmg to Dr. Rhys Davids’s translation —

1 See ‘Buddhist Suttas’ p 103, Ta-pan*me-p‘an-ching, eh 86 (No
114), Fo-pan-me-huan-ching, ch 2 (No 6B2)

2 Ta-pan-iue*p‘an-chiug, ch. 2 (No 118)

SAMADHI AND SAMADHIBXNI.

33

“But twenty-nine was 1 when I renounced
The world, Subhadda, seeking after good.

Eor fifty years and one year more, Subhadda,

Since 1 went out, a piignm have I been
Through the wide realms of virtue and of truth.

And outside xhese no really ‘saint’ can be.‘

Exception may be taken to this rendenng though it
is followed in the German translation by Hardy in his
“Der Buddhismus’’.^ One Chinese version of the passage
gives us the following — “When I was twenty-mne years
old I became an ascetic to seek goodness (shan-tao). Su-
bhadra, fifty years have gone since I became Buddha, the
practice of discipline, samadhi, and spiritual wisdom I
now declare the essentials of my system; outside of it.
there is not a ^ramapa.”* In other books the Buddha
tells Subhadra that for fifty years he had thought in soli-
tude on the practice of samSdhi, a pure life, and spintual
wisdom. These Chinese translations were apparently made
from Sanskrit ongmals, and not from the Pali text here
given Thus the mention of samadhi must be due to
the presence of a word meaning “practising samfidhi”,
and probably the phrase “and one year more” is not the
meanmg of samSdlykani in the Pali text. Then for
“through the wide realms” (padesavatti) the Sanskrit was
probably prade§avartm, which the translators took to
mean “occupied with the exposition of’. The last Ime
of the quotation is a separate sentence, as the text

‘ The otiginal is —

EkQnatimso vayasS Subhadda
Yam pabbsjim ku^asalaQueoL
Yassani paflfiasasamfidhikam
Yato afaam pabbajito Subhadda,

Sfayassa dhauunassa padesavatti
Ito bahiddha samano pi n’atthi
Digha, n. 149 (P. T S ).

2 S. 44. See also Mr Warren’* version in ‘Buddhicnr in Trans-
lations’, p. 106.

3 Ghang-a-han-cbing ch. 4 See aho Tsa-a-han-clung ch, 85.

* 0

34

THE LAST CONVEET.

shews, and means — “Outside of Buddhism there is no
Sramaua.” *

The Buddha nest proceeds to communicate to Subhadra
the Four Koble Truths and the Eight-fold Path, teaching
him that it is only in a religion which has these there
can be a true Sramana proceeding through the three in-
ferior stages to the perfection of arhatship.* Subhadra
is delisted with the Buddha’s' teaching, professes himself
a convert, and prays to be ordained a bhikshtu Buddha
in reply to this request tells Subhadra that a professed
disciple of another nyatem is required to be four months
on probation before he can be ordained as a Buddhist
bhikshu. But he adds that there “is an mdividual diffe-
rence”, that 18, that individual applicants of known good
character may be. ordained without undergoing a period
of probation. Subhadra, however, accordmg to the Maha-
ParinibbSna-sutta and the Yu-hsing-ching replies that he
is ready to undergo a probation of four years. But an
exception is made m his favour and he is at once ordained,
the difference being made on account of his hi^h moral
and religious reputation. Immediately after his ordination
Subhadra applies himself earnestly to the work of self-
perfection, and in a very short time becomes an arhat As
he cannot bear to see the Buddha die, having obtained
the desired permission, he passes away before the Buddha.

In some Buddhist treatises the story of the last disciple

1 But some of the Chinese verflions do not seem to have separated
the last line from the one before. If a full stop is not put at pa<ie-
gavatti vre may perhaps take the two lines as meaning something hke
this — “engaged in teaching the mle of life and tme religion, and
outside of these there is no samena” By nyaya here is meant, we
are told, the Eightfold path as a practical rule of conduct, and
by the religious teaching of Buddha guiding opinion and

habef, and without these there was no samana.

a Buddha makes a similar statement to his bhikshus in Oh, 26 of
the Chung-a-han-ching — “In tftw are the samanas of the four degrees
and outside of ihii there are not samato brahmins: ali other liyatems
are void and witho.it sanuma brahmins”. The ihi» of the above ex-
tract the tfo and Oha of Pali, means “my religion”, Buddha’s system.

rOUE months’ peobation.

35

is told wittout any mention of a rule as to four months’
probation,* and m otheis the rule is made after Su-
bhadra’s ordination.2 The Vinaya giyes the rule, hut
all Salcyas, Jatilas and Fire-worshippers were to be
exempt from its operation.^ So also in the Wa-fen Vinaya
and the Sbti-f§n Vinaya we have the rule made, and in
the latter treatise the circuinstances which led to its being
made are given.^ In representing Buddha as telhng Su-
bhadra that the iiiles required four years' probation Yuan-
chuang apparently makes a shp, as there is no mention
of such a rule m the canonical books. Subhadra’s pro-
fession of readmess to undergo a four years’ piobation
reminds us of the ordination of the naked ascetic 'KsA-
yapa When the latter was told that he must go through
four months’ probation before he could be ordained he ex-
pressed his willmgness to let the months be years ^

The pilgrim contmiung his narrative tells us that beside
the tope ot Subhadra’s Decease was one on the spot at which
the VajrapSni fell to the ground in a swoon. He then de-
scribes the circumstances of this incident as follows — The
Lord of great compassion who made his beneficial appearance
at the proper time (that is, the Buddha) having accomphshed
his work entered the bhss of Extinction lying with his head to
the north at the Twin S§la trees The Vajrapani deity Guhya-
padi (?)-Mslla seeing that the Buddha had gone mto Extinction
cned out in sorrow — “The Ju-lai has abandoned me and gone
into the Gbreat ITirvana, I have no one in whom to put my
trust, no one to protect me, the arrow of distress (lit, poison-
arrow) ha» entered deep and the fire of sorrow is burning me
fiercely” Then throwing down his vajra (adamant club) he fell
in a swoon to the ground Eecovenng consciousness he condoled
with the others over their common loss in the death of the

1 e g. Tsa-a-han-ohmg ch. 35, Fo-pan-m-huan-ching ch 2, Ta,
chih-tu-lun ch 3.

« Ta-pan-nio-p'an-ching ch. 2 (No 118). EockhiU’s ‘Life’ p. 139
where the Sakyas and Jatilas are excepted from the operation of
the rule

* Vir. I 69, 71 Of the Sabhiya Sutta in S B E. Yol X p 96.

* Wu-fen-lfi ch 17, Ssu-fen-lu ch. 84

6 Chang-ft-ban'ching ch. 16, Digha Nik. Vol I p 176 (P T S).

36

TAJRAPANl THE YAESHA.

Buddha their Light and Saviour in the ocean of mortal
existence.

The vroids here rendered “the Yajrapani deity Gubya-
jiadi (?) " Malta” are in the original chi^i-clxin-lcang-sli^n-
mi-chi-h-shi ($g: ^ ^ij jpi{i ^ ±), which Julien trans-

lates— ‘ Mors des gardes, ann 4 s d’une massne de diamant”
Here, to pass ovei smaller matters, we find that the last
four characters of the original are omitted from the trans-
lation. The whole of the passage, which is evidently deriv-
ed fiom an old Chinese translation of a sutra, refers to
the conduct of the yaksha Y ajrapani-Guhyapadi (?)-Malla
at the moment of the Buddha’s death. Our author’s chih-’
cinn-liang (in other works Onn-Ttang, or chtn-liang~slm
(:^) “adamant hand”) is for Yajrapani: Mt~chi, or “secret
traces”, the personal name of the Yaksha, is supposed to
be for “Guhyapadi”, but there is also the rendering pi-
nii-chu, or “Lord of the secret”, which seems to reqmre
a fom like Guhyapati. then li-sht or “athlete” is for
Malla. This Yaksha bad for many years been a devoted
personal attendant on the Buddha whom he accompanied
on the great aerial 3Guruey to the far north. ^ He always
bore in one hand an adamantine club or hammer, and
hence his epithet Vajrapaijii. With this club he was al-
ways ready to smash a rock, or a man’s head, in the ser-
vice of the Master. When the Nirgrantha of Yai^Sli^
would not answer Buddha’s question Ya 3 rap 5 pi threatened
to bleak his head in seven pieces. 2 So also inthePlgha-
Nikaya, when Ambattha sullenly refiises to apeak out,
“Ya3napam yakkho” threatens to smash his head in seven
pieces with his blazing-hot hammer, s This yaksha is re-
presented as 30imng the Buddhist Church, “seemg truth”
and becoming a bodhisattva. As a p'usa he preaches on
pra3na pgramita to a great congregation, but he is still
a chief of yakshas with a palace m the wild land of the

< Sai Viti Yao-shih c7t. 9.

2 Tseug-yj-a-han-cliing ch. 30.

3 Ambattha 8Utta (D 1 95) and Sum-Yil. YoLL p 264 (P. T S)

GtJHrAPATI THE MALLA.

37

demons. 1 Ynan-chuang and Fa-hsien seem to knov/ of
only one Yajrapapi at the death of the Buddha, and other
authors also mention only one. 2 But there may have been
m the opimon of all narrators a company of yakshas
present with Mi-chih at their head. Indeed the Lien-hua-
mien-chmg makes this Vajrapani the chief of milhons
of yakshas all present at the Buddha’s decease.^ Yuan-
chuang, we have seen, calls him a shen or god, hut it is
not nght to identify him, as some have done, with Indra
(Sakko) The throwing down of his club by Yajiapani,
his fallmg in a swoon, and his exclamations of sad despair,
are all related in various Chinese treatises.

The pilgrim proceeds to relate that near the tope of Ycjrapani’s
Swoon was another tope to mark the spot at which the newly
deceased Buddha was worohipped for seven days by the devaa
He tella ua that an the Jn-Iai was dying (lit. about to be ex-
tinguished) a bright light shone everywhere All present wore
moved with ^orrow end they said one to another — “The Jjord
of great enlightenment is now about to pass into extinction
the rehgious ment (that is, the means of acquinng merit) of
creatures is exhausted and the world id resourceless ” But the
Buddha as he lay on his right side on his bed said to the multi-
tude'— “Say not the Ju-lai 10 undergoing final extmction his
spiritual presence abides for over aloof from all change, ye
should cast SS sloth and seek betimes for Emancipation (that is,
Nirvana) ” The bbiksbus, however, continued to wail and weep
until Aniruddha rebuked them saying — “Stop, lament not the
devae will chide you” the Mallas had performed their

services of reverence to the dead body of the Buddha they
wished to remove the coffin to the place of cremation, bat Ani-
Tuddha made them leave it where it was for seven dayc This
he did at the desire, of the devss who wished to pay worship
to the Buddha’s body. Then the devas came through the air,
bearing exquisite celestial flowers, and chanting the praises of
Buddha, and then they offered worship to his body

1 Ta-chi-tu-lun ch. 88 Ta-pao-chi-ching, chs 6 to 14 (No 23 (3))

2 Eo-ju-me -p*an-mi-chi-chm-kang-h-8hi-ai-hen-cbing (No 1382),'
that IS, The Sfitra of the loving distress of &iihjapada (i^ VajrapSni
Malla on the Buddha’s nirvana.

a Chi 2

38

THE SPIBITUAIi BODY

In this very interesting passage the words “his spiritual
presence” represent the Chinese fa-shen ^), a term
which has occurred already in the account of Kapitha
and wo are to meet with it again. The fa-shen of the
Buddha is explained in several ways by the different
schools. Thus it is the “body of religion”, that is, the
canon of scripture, or the teachings of all Buddhas. This
includes the unwritten traditions, the doctrines and prac-
tices of all true Buddhist teachers from Ea^yapa down-
wards.* In a very interesting old treatise, with which
Yuan-chuang was evidently familiar, we find the Buddha
in his last instructions to his disciples saying to them —
“Henceforth the observances of all my disciples in suc-
cession constitute the Tathagata’s fa-sMn eternal and im-
perishable”. Then the fa-shin is also the “spiritual body”
of the TathSgata, that is, the eternal immutable substance
which is Buddha in all phases and changes of his material
existence, and which survives these accidents for ever.
“Buddha,” we read, “means an individual, /a- means
the eternal.” 2 Again ^we are told that ‘*the Ju-lai’s (TathS-
gata’s) body is one which abides for ever, it is indestruc-
tible, adamantine, independent of the various kinds of food,
it 18 the forshen^^ It was perhaps in this latter sense
that the MahaySnists interpreted the term as used by the
Buddha to his disciples on his death-bed. The reader
will notice thatm the above passage Yuan-chuang, following
the Yu-hsing-ching, represents Aniruddha (in other texts
Anaruddha and Anuruddha) as requesting the Brethren
to cease wailing otherwise the devas wdl chide them. This
confirms Dr. Bhys Davids’s reading and translation in the
“Book of the Great Decease”, — “Even the spirits, brethren,
will reproach us”. 3 According to most authorities it was
not the “gold coffin” containing the Buddha’s body which

X ChiBo-shfeng-fa-Bhu ch 5 (No. 1636), Fo-chm-pan-me-p'an-liao-
sbuo-cluao-clue-climg (No. 122).

2 Ta-pan-ui-liuaii-clung cJi. 2, Ta-pan-nie-p'an* clung ch. 8 (No. 113).

3 ‘BuddhifltrSihtaa’, p. 119 and note.

mahamata’s teabs.

39

was kept for seven days at the place where he died but
only the body itself on a bier also called “golden”. It was
not until the body was removed to the place of cremation
that it was swathed and coffined, but there is also authonty
for our pilgrim’s veision of the story

Yuan-chuang next relates that near the place where the Golden
Coffin was detained for seven days there was a tope to comme-
morate the weeping of the lady MahsmajS, the Buddha’s mother,
over her dead eon As soon as the deceased Ju-lai was coffined
Aniruddha ascended to Paradise and informed MajS of the death
of the Buddha "When that lady received the news she at once
came down with a company of devas to the place where the
coffin rested at the Twin Sal trees While she was weeping at
the sight of her son’s bowl, and robe, and staff, and lamenting
the helpless state of mankind deprived of their Light and Lord,
the coffin-hd was raised by the Buddha’s power, and he sat up
m the coffin with folded hands, and addressed some words of
farewell comfort to his mother, as a lesson for the unfihal of
after times, as he stated to Ananda in reply to the latter’s
question

The stoiy of MahS Maya commg down from her place
in Paradise to weep over hei dead son the Buddha, is
told m seveial Buddhist treatises. Yuan-chuang bad evi-
dently read it m the “Mahamaya-chmg” with the account
m which his largely agrees * Some of his expressions such as
“the happmess of men and devas is exhausted”, “the world’s
eye is extmguished”, occur in that treatise. It also gives
Ananda’s question as to how the occurrence w^as to he
described for the benefit of posterity and the Buddha’s
reply It is to be noted that the older NirvSpa treatises
such as the “MahS-Paiinihbana-sutta”, the “Ta-pan-me-
p‘an-ching”, and the “Po-pan-ni-huan-chmg”, do not make
any mention of Maha Mays, coming down to weep cvei
her dead son

Continuing his descnptioil the pilgrim relates that to the north
of the city, above 300 paces on the other side of the nver, was
a tope at the place of the Buddha’s cremation He states that
the ground there was still of a jellowish black colour, the soil

1 Moh&m&yS-ehing ch. 2 (No 382)

40

MAKUTA BA2?DHiLNA,

taving a mixtare of aches aad charcoal, and that people praying
there in perfect good faith might get relics. The Buddha’s coffin,
he tells us, nras made of the seven precious substances, his body
was VTrapped in 1000 folds of cotton: •with incense and flowers
and banners and sunsh^ea the Mallas bore the coffin, and formed
an escort to it, crossing to the north of the Golden River. Using
abundance of fragrant oil and sweet-scented wood they set fire
to th^ pile, the fold of cotton next the body and the outside
fold remained unbumt, for the sake of living creatures the rest
of the body {sM-U for sanra) was reduced to atoms (lit separated
and dispersed), the hair and nails alone remaining uninjured.

In placing the tope of the cremation of Buddha to the
north of Kn^inagara Yuan-cliuang follows the Yu-hsmg-
chihg but differs from nearly all the other authorities.
According to the Pali and Tibetan texts and the “Ta-
pan-nie-p‘an-ching” the cremation occurred outside of the
east gate of the city, while the “Pau-ni-huan-ching” and
other texts describe it as taking place outside ilie west
gate. The particular spot where it occurred was at the
Malla’s Makuta (or Makula)-bandhana-chaitya, in Csoma’s
translation from the Tibetan “the chaitya that has a head
ornament tied on by the champions”.! Makuta-handhana
means a diademdyand or iurhwh and the name of the spot
is rendered in Chmese by T'ien-kmn-c1nh~t‘i (3fc ^ il)
Ibe “Chaitya of the Deva (or Royal) tiara”, and by Chnang-
shi-hi’kmn (Hi i ^ chih-t^i, the “Chaitya of the
Mallas’ diadem-binding. ]ji some texts, however, we have
the name transcribed Ciiu~li-ji)'<hian, that is, the Chuli
(for chula or chuda) - bandhana with tien added, meaning
the Shrine of Diadem-bindmg. We find also other names
such as the Tneri’-Jcuan-ssUj and Jraodtuan-chih-tH or the
“Diadem chaitya'\ One account places the scene of cre-
mation at the temple of the god U-ch*a (j'g ^), perhaps
for Ojas, outside the city on the west side.^

Beside the Oremation Tope, our pilgnm coatmues, was a tope

1 As. Res, Yol. XX. p. 818. Of. Sox Vin. Tsa-sbih ch. 87 where we
have a similar rendering of the name.

5 There it also the reading ^ for ota, the name of a "Wild
animal, and also of a god or demon. Pan-m-huan-ching ch 2.

LEGEND OF KASYAPA-

41

on tlie spot -where the dead Buddha put his feet out of the coffin
to show them to MahBkSsyapa When the Ju-lai's golden coffin
had descended, he relates, and the funeral pile -was ready it could
not be Ignited Aniruddha explained to the trembling crowd that
the cremation could not take place until Kasyapa was present,
When the latter arrived from the forest with his 500 isciples
he asked Ananda to allow him to see the Buddha’s bodj As
this was swathed in 1000 folds of cloth Ananda refused to open
the coffin, but the deed Buddha caused the lid to rise, and then
put out his feet to let Kasyapa see them This disciple observing
that the feet, were discoloured, asked Ananda for the explanation,
and was told that the stains were due to the excessive weeping
of the crowds of devas and men at the momeut of the Buddha’s
death. When Kalyapa had finished his services of honoui to
the deceased Master the sweet-scented wood was spontaneously
igmted, and made a great fire

The story of Maha Kasyapa and the coffined Buddha
condensed in this passage agrees, as to the chief circum-
stances, with the other accounts of the incident When
Ynan-ohuang -writes of the “gold coffin descending” he
means from the air into which it had soared, and not
from “la litiere” as Julien -writes. At the time of Buddha’s
death Ka^apa was at Pava according to some authorities,^
but accordmg to others he was on the Gndhrakuta moun-
•tain near Rajagaha or at the Dakshiuagin (^).2 A super-
natural light and earthquake disturbed his meditation, and
by his divine sight he saw his master attam pariniivapa
at the Twm Trees, and immediately set out with his
disciples for that place. In some -v^ersions of the story
Bla^apa does not ask Ananda’s permission to have the
coffin opened, the Buddha spontaneously showing his feet
to him as a mark of faYour. The reason why Kasyapa
wanted to see the body was that he c5uld not tell where
was head and where were feet, and he wished to prostrate
himself at his dead Master’s feet. Then the stains on
the Buddha's feet are m some treatises ascnbed to the
g ushin g tears of a poor old woman, a lay member of the

1 Ohang-a-hon-cbing ch. 4, Pan-ni-buan-clung ch 2.

2 S5ng-ki-lii ch. 82; Ta-pau-nie-p*an-ching ch 8

4:2

DIVISION OF THE EEDICS.

cliurcli, One of the reproaches afterwards brought against
Ananda was that he had through neghgence thus allowed
the dead Buddha’s feet to he stained hy tears.

The pilgnm next tells of the Asoka tope which was beside
the one last mentioned. ^This Asoka tope was at the place where
the Buddha’s relica were divided among the eight kings, and m
front of it was a stone pillar recording the circumstances. Yuan-
chuang relates that after the Buddha’s cremation eight kings
came, with their armies, and using the services of the brahmin
Chth'lmng (jj^ ’}4), “Honest nature,” begged the Mallas of
Kusmagara to give them shares of the relics. The Mallas rudely
refused, and the kings were about to wage war when Chih-hsmg
became mediator. Acting on his advice all agreed to have the
relics distributed equally among the eiglit kings Then Indra
claimed a share for the gods, and the Dragon-langs also claimed
a share So the brahmin divided the relics into three lots, one
for the gods, one for the Dragon-kings, and the third was sub-
divided into eight shares for the kings. The gods, dragons, and
kings were all deeply affected.

This account of the division of the relics differs in some
respects from that generally followed. There were not
eight kings at the division of the Buddha’s relics as the
pilgnm, folloiYing certain sutras, seems to teach. We read
in most of the books on the subject that the rehes were
distributed among the deputies of eight cities or countries.
These, according to the Maha-Parinibbana-sutta,^ were
the Mallas of KusinarS, AjataSattu rSja of MSgadha,
th© Licchavis of Yesali, the Sakyas of Kapilavastu, the
Bulayas of Allakappa, the Kohyas of Ramagama, a brah-
min of Yethadlpo, and the Mallas of PavE. With one or
two exceptions, which are perhaps only apparent, this list
agrees vutb the Yu-hsing-ching, the Mahamaya-ching, and
the Pan-ni-huan-ching. The name “Allakappa” seems to
be found only in the Pali text, and instead of it some of
the others have Che-lo-])'o ^ j^) 2 or Che~p% or they
translate the name by Yu-Jitng “having scales” or

a balance,^ So also instead of Ve^hadlpo, that is Yaishfra-

I Oh YL (Digha, Vol II. p. 166 .)

Tdah5maya-chmg (last page).

3 Pau-m-hutm-ching ch. 2.

DIVISION OP THE lOSLICS.

43

dvjpa, W 8 have Sh^n-clm, the “Continent of the god”,
VIZ. Vishnu, (m the Tibetan translation Klidb-hjug)', or we
have the name transcribed F^i-hvrPi (short for Vethadlpo),
and we read of the Licchavis or the brahmins of JP'i-liu-
t^t. In his account Yuan-chuang seems to combine in one
person the envoy from Ajatasatru and ^ the "wise pohtic
brahmin. The latter appears in the books under various
names such as Dropa (Dopa), Dhupa (Hsiang or Incense),
Dhuma (Ten or Smoke), and Mao-Kile. The name which
Yuan-chuang gives him, Chi-hsing, meamng fair or honest
may be for Dronasanm which seems to have been the
form of the name before Mr. Rockhill’s Tibetan authority. i
This may have been a sobiiquet given in jest, as fairness
in deahng was not a weakness of this brahnun. He tned
to steal one of the Buddha’s canme teeth, and he smeared
the inside of the vase for the rehcs with honey or molasses
in a clandestmo manner, and thereby obtamed a quantity
of rehcs to which he was not entitled. The reader will
observe that, according to the version of the story followed
by Yuan-chuang, the Mallas of Kusmagara did not get
any share of the cremation relics of the Buddha. This
18 not in agreement with other versions and we even read
ot a great rehc tope at the place of cremation.

The pilgnm now procesdo to relate that ohove 200 h couth-
west from the tope of the Divioion of the Eelics was a large
town At it wap a brahmin grandee who was a learned cmd
pious Buddhist This man, who tstos very wealthy had built
near his residence a magnificent estabLshment for the entertain-
ment of travelling bhikshue Bj Ssfianka’s extermination of
Bnddbiom the groups of Brethren were all broken np to the
great distress of tho brahmm. Some time before Yaan-chuan^B
visit this man had entertained a strange old Buddhist monk
With bushy eyebrows and white hair. This old monk eighed
as he tasted the boiled milk which the brahmin gave him,
and told his host that the pure milk of the tune was more
insipid, than the water at Bajagaha in which he, when attending
Buddha bad cleansed his bowl and washed. He revealed hunBolf
to hiB host to be B&hula, the con of the Buddha, v/ho for the

1 RockhiU, Life, p. 146 note.

u

XEGEND OP BAHUI/A.

mamlenance of the true religion had ahstained from passing into
final extinction, and after making this statement he suddenly
disappeared.

Rahula is represented in some of the Buddhist scriptures
as occasionally serving his father, and a passage m the
Tsa-a-han-ching shews him attending Buddha in the Ka-
ianda monastery at Rajagaha i This disciple, according
to some authorities, was to remain alive in the world until
the time for the nest Buddha’s advent, when he dies to
be rehorn as that Buddha’s son, or he passes away foi
ever.

Cunningham and Oarlleyle fancied that they found the
remains of KuSmagara. at Knsia in the south-east corner
of txoiakhpm.2 But there is nothing in their statements
to make us accept the identification These archaeologists
make much of a “colossal” image of Buddha in nirvana,
but there is no mention ‘of any colossal image m Yuan-
chuang’s account of the distnct. Ku^inagara, as men have
known it, was never a large city; and it owed its celehnty
to the fact that in its neighbourhood the Buddha died
and was cremated. It was *iQuch against Ananda’s wish
that the master came here to die* he wanted the Buddha
to pass away at some great city, not at this “contemptible
little town”, this “small wattel and daiib town, a town in
the midst of the jungle, a branch township.” In a long
ago past of which only the Buddha knew, it had been,
Buddha relates, a magnificent city .rich and prosperous,
well-governed and of great renown ^ In Buddha’s time it
was a town of the FavS country noted chiefly as the home
of the Mallas or Athletes. Very recently Mr. V. A. Smiths
has shown conclusively that the Kasia of Cunningham and
Oarlleyle cannot be the KusinS-ra or Ku^magara of Buddhist

' Tsa-a-ban-ching ch. 88

i Arcb Suv. Tud. Yol. XYIU. Pref. and p. 55.

3 ‘Buddhist Snttas' p. 99, Rockhill, Life, p. 136 j Fo-pan-m-huan-
ching ch, 2; Ta>pan-nie-p‘an-ching ch. 29 ^o. 118)

< J B>. A. S. for 1897 p, 919. The remains near Kasia in the
Gorakhpur District &c. by Vincent A Smith.

SITE OF KUSDTAEA..

45

writers It is possible, as has been conjectured, that with
the help of the recent discoveries in the Nepalese Terai
the site of this place also will be found in the Terai In
some Chinese translations Kapilavastu and Ku^magara seem
to be one place Thus we read o^ the Buddha passmg away
at the Twin Trees to the north of the Sakya city Kapi-
lavastu, and we find Ku&nagara described as -‘the Buddha’s
birth-place”. ^

1 P‘u-8a-ch‘u-t‘ai-ching ch. 1 (No. 433), Chung-yin-ching ch 1
(No 463), Chang-a-han-ching ch 2 (last page).

CHAPTER Xm

CHUAN vn.

VARANASI TO NEPAL.

The narrative in the Records goes on to state that the pilgrim
continued his journey from the large town which ^vas 200 h
south-west from Ru4inagara onward through the forest, and
after travelling above 600 li he reached the Po-lo*nc-se (Vara-
nSsi or Yaranasi) country (that is the city now called Benares).

The Pang-chih repeats the statement here made, hut
in the Life, which does not mention the large tovm, the
distance from Kn^inagara to Varanasi is given as only
over 500 h, the direction nOt being given. Ea-hsien calls
the conntry and the capital F*o-lo-na (Barana or

Varana),* and this distinction is observed by other writers.
We also find these two names occasionally treated as
convertible, hut in Buddhist hooks Ks^i is seldom found
as the designation of the city, and is generally applied to
the country. Thus the fine cotton stufe for which the
Benares district was famous are called “Ks^i cloth”. The
sacred city is generally called Varapa or Varapasi or
Varanasi, and sometimes the district is included in this
name. The latter form is the only one which Ynan-chuang
seems to have known and, in his usual manner, he makes
it include the city and the coimtry.

The YarEnaal District is' described by our pilgnm a* being
above 4000 7t m circuit The capital reached to the Ganges on

1 Fo-fcuo-chi, ch. 34

BENABES

47

its >17681 Bide, and was about eighteen h long by five or oix /»
wide. The city- wards were close together, and the inhabitants
were very numerous and had boundless wealth, their houses being
full of rare valuables The people were gentle and courteous and
esteemed devotion to learning, the majority of them beheved in
the other systems and only a few of them were Buddhists The
climate of the district was temperate, and the harvests were
abundant, fruit and other trees grew densely and there was a
luxuriant vegetation. There were above thirty Buddhist mona-
steries with more than 3000 Brethren all adherents of the Samma-
tiya schooL Of Deva-Temples there were above 100, and there
were more than 10000 professed adherents of the sects, the
majority being devotees of Siva, somp of these cut off their
hair, others made it into a top-knot, some went about naked
and some smeared themselves with ashes, they were persevering
m austerities seeking release from mortal existence "Within the
capital were 20 Deva-Temples and the narrative goes on to tell
how their storeyed terraces and temple-eaves were of carved stone
and ornamented wood, thickets of trees gave continuous shade
and there were streams of pure water, there was a t'u-sln (bell-
metal?) image of the t)eva (probably Siva) nearly 100 feet high
which was hfe-like in its awe-inspmng majesty ,

It IS to be noticed that m this passage the pilgnm
places Varanasi on the east instead of on the ivest side
of the Ganges. The Life gives the ntimber of the Buddhist
Btethren as 2000 and represents them as hemg SarvSsti-
vadins Then theie is nothing in the Life about the
twenty Deva-Temples within the city, and tins passage is
probably cormpt. The text of the Becords used by the
compiler of tbe Fang-chib w'as apparently, for this passage,
different froin that of any of our editions Accoiding to
it the*' object of worship in the Peva-Temples was the
lingam, and it was this which was 100 feet high It is
perhapg possible that Yuan-cbuang may have written that
among tbe Deva-Temples m the city was one to Siva
which bad twenty sepaiate shrines oi sacred buildings,
and that he then proceeded to describe, this great temple
His desciiption of it seems to agree m many points with
that given by Mr. Sherring of the ruins of Bakarija Kund
in the north-west comer of Benares But Mr Shemng is
disposed to find in these luins the remains of an ancient

48

THE TOPE AT SAENATH.

Buddhist establishment. i But neither Fa-hsien nor Yuan-
chuang has any mention of a grand establishment in the
city corresponding to the buildings at Bakarlya Kund.
Nor does the later Sung pilgrim know of such an estabhsh-
ment. This pilgiim places Varanasi to the north of the
Ganges, and on its bank, and he has two cities separated
by five

Our pilgrim proceeds to relate that to the north-east of the
capital, and on the west side of the Po-lo-na (Bama) nver, was
an Asoka tope above 100 feet high In front of this was a
pillar of polished green stone, clear and lustrous as a mirror m
which the reflection of the Buddha was constantly visible Con-
tinuing his descnption the pilgrim states that at a distance of
ten h north-east from the Barna nver was the Deer-Park
Monastery This establishment, he says, was in eight divisions
all enclosed within one wall, the tiers of balconies and the rows
of halls were extremely artistic; there were 1600 Buddhist Brethren
in +he establishment all adherents of the Sammatiya School
Within the great enclosing wall was a temple {ching-sM) above
* XK) feet high surmounted by an embossed gilt 'lon-mS-fo (amra
or mangoj fruit the base and steps were of stone, m the bnck
portion above were more than 100 rows of mohes each contaimng
a gilt image of the Buddha, inside the temple was a tfu-chi
(bell-metal?) image of the Buddha representing him in the atti-
tude of preaching and as large as hfe

The monastery here described is the famous one m the
Bishipatana Mrigadava, the Isipatana Migadaya of the
Pall books, dating from the time of the Buddha. The
Deer-Park is said in the Mahasanghika Vinaya to have
been -half a yojana, and in the Po-kuo-chi to have been
ten hj distant from Varanasi, and in the Sung pilgrim^s
Itinerary it is placed above ten U north-west from that
city. Our pilgrim’s location of the Deer-Park seems to
agree with a passage in the H[sing-clii-ching * which
represents Buddha as going through the east gate of Vara-
nasi to a place on the water (river) and thence going north

t ‘The Sacred City of the Hindus’, ch. XIX.
2 Ma T. L. ch 338
2 Hsing-ohi-ching ch. 33.

THE EISEl’s HEEE-PAEK

49

to the Deer-Park. In Chinese translations the name of
the place is commonly given as Hsien-jen-lu-ye-yuan
(fill A JH SF or the “Deer Park of the Ilishi”. In
the DiiyavadSna we have mstead of “Pishipatana” the
form “Rishivadana”, and this explains the Chinese trans-
lation in the A-yh-wang-chmg which has Hsten-mien or
“Rishi-face”. 1 I-ching and others sometimes translate the
word Rishipatana literally by “the place of the rishi’s fall
vflll A M )^)”» have also the rendering “the nshi's

dwelling-place”. 2 According to Pa-hsien the rishi who
gave the name to the place was a Pratyeka Buddha who
had lodged here as a hermit When this recluse heard
that “Suddhodana’s son” was about to become Buddha he
“took nirvana”, that is, died in this wood. The other part
of the name, Mjigadava, is said to have been denved from
the jataka, related in this passage by the pilgnm, in which
the Buddha and Devadatta m former births were rival
chiefs of flocks of deer in this forest Instead of “Mjiga-
dava” or “Deer-forest” we find in some books “Mngadaya”
or “Deer-gift”, and this explains the translation given by
I-ching and others, shih(;j^ylurye or Shih-lu-kn, the “Deer-
gift Wood”, the wood of chanty, to deei.

One of the buildmgs of the Deer-Park establishment,
as Yuan-chuang has told us, was a Buddhist temple sur-
mounted by an embossed gilt “amra fruit”. The word
amra (or amra) denotes the mango, but we are not to take
it m that sense hei e. It perhaps represents dmalaka, used
by the pilgrim in the next chuan of the Records, the name
of a common ornament of Hindu temples The ^ikhara,
“tower” or “spire” of the temple, to borrow Mr. W. Simp-
son’s descnption, “is surmounted by a member called the
dmaUika, which is circular in plan, and might be likened
to a cusluon or a compressed melon* the outer surface
nbbed. A kalasa, or jar, surmounts this as a pinnacle”.

1 Divyav p 398, A-yU-wang-ching ch. 2, The DivyBr atp 464
has Bxshivadana The MahSvastu also uses both forms.

* Fo-shuo-san-chuan-fa-lan-ching (No. 658)

♦

D

50

THE PEW PISH.

Another name for the ornament ia “amra or amra^fila”
and it is supposed by some to have been a reKc casket.
But this seems unlikely; and Mr. Sinclair is perhaps right
in regarding it as having been .merely a stand or support
for the jar (kalas). * It has also been supposed that the
gmalaka is the “Dew-dish” of our pilgrim and other trans-
lators from Indian into Chinese. But this term is apparently
transferred from native use, and not translated from the
Sanskrit. With the old Chinese the “Dew- dish” was a
cup, OH a stand, placed in the open hand of an image or
statue. Han Wu Ti in B. 0. 116 caused such a figure,
made of copper, to be set up on the artificial mound (or
Terrace) which he had constructed. 2 This Dew-dish was
intended to receive the dew from heaven, and such dew
was supposed to confer immortality. It is to be noticed
also that the Dew-dish is an ornament for a tope,
while the amra is on the roof of a temple, * and in
the present passage tne amra is not associated with any
other article. The temple here described was evidently
a' very recent one, and the life-size image of the Buddha
in the attitude of preaching indicates the mfiuence of
Mahayanisiu.

To the south-west of the Buddhist Temple, the pilgnin pro-
ceeds, was a iminouB old stone tope built by Asoka of whidi
100 feet still remained above-ground. In front of this vras a
stone pillar, above 70 feet higb, which had the softness of jade
and was of dazzling brightness Yery earnest petitioners saw in
it darkly various pictures, and it often, showed good and bad
(that 18 , lucky and unlucky) indications. This pillar was at the
spot at which the Buddha, having attained enhghtenment, first
preached his religion

ITear this monohth, the narrative tells ua, was a tope to mark
the place where AjuEta £aandinya and his four companions
settled m order to apply themselves to devotional meditation.
These men had been practising austerities with the P‘usa elac-

1 R. A S Vol XX p. B4 and at pages 68, 272, 276, 646, and
Yol XXI. p 689ff

2 T’ung-cbien-kang-rau, Han Hsiao "Wu Ti, Yuan-ting 2d year.

3 See P'u-sa-pSn-sheng-man-lun ch. 4 (No. 1312)

THE BUDDHA TO COHa

61

•where, and ■when they oaw him give np the practice, they left
him, and came to this place. Ihe tope beside this marked the
place -whero 600 Pratyeka Bnddbas “entered nirvana” at the
same time , and there were three topes at the sitting places and
exercise-walks of the Three Past Bnddbas
The pDgnm next tells of a tope at the place where, he soys,
Mei-ta-h-ya (Maitreya) P*!!!® received from the Bnddha the
prophecy of hie future attainment of Buddhshood. He then
explams that once, when the Ju-lai was on the Vulture Peak
near BSjagaha, he announced to bis disciples that at ^ distant
period there would be bom in Jambudvipa a brahnun’s son
named Tzu (Maitreya) of a bright golden colour This man, he
adds, '“will take orders and become Bnddha He will then on
a large scale at three assemblies preach for the good of living
creatures Those whom he wiH save -will be the creatures who
sow good seed m my system, devoted to the Buddha, the Canon,
and the Church Whether lay or clenoal, whether they keep or
■violate the Vinaya, aU will receive rehgious teaching, become
arhats, and attain emancipation. In tbe three Meetings in which
Maitreya will preach he will ordain tbe disciples my system,
and then convert those rehgious friends who have the same
destiny” Maitreya P'usa hcanng these words of the Buddha
rose from his seat and addressmg the Bnddha said — May I
become ihis Maitreya Bhagavat. Bnddha in reply intimated to
Maitreya P'usa that he would become the Buddha of the pro-
phecy, and carry out its predictaons

There is an extraordinary inconsistency of statement in
this passage about the prediction to Maitreya P'usa, foi
■while -the tope is described as being near Benares at the
place where the prediction was made, the prediction is
said to have been made by the Buddha when at E 3 ja-
gaha. As the stoiy is not repeated either in the Life
or the Fang-chih we cannot have any assistance from
those works Now there are several treatises which
tell the story of the prediction of Bnddhahood to Mai-
treys by the Buddha, but these treatises make the pro-
phecy to have been dehvered at a mountain near Eaja-
gaha, 01 at SrSvasti. and the prediction is made to San-
putra, or Ananda, and the congiegation of disciples in tbe
absence of Maitreya. i But the ^Fo-shuo-hu-lm-shihshth-

1 Fo-ahuo Wu-lS-hsia-shSng-chmg (Ho 208), prophecy at Snuasti,
Po-6huo-Mi-le-hsia-sheng-^h‘eng-Fo-ching (No 207) at Kfijagaba Fo-

D-

52

DEAGON HiOWEE MEETINGS,

ching'^ tells of the Buddha making the prediction -while in
the chapel of the Rishipatana Mrigadava Monasterj^ at
Benares.^ In this version of the story the proiihecy is
addressed to the hhikshu Maitreya, who is one of the
congregation, and accepts the prophecy and the duties it
is to bring. It was evidently this version of the story
that the pilgrim followed ; and the mention of the Griddhra*
kuta, near Rajagaha, as the scene of the prediction is
probably only a slip.

The three great religious gatherings, here called “Three
Assemblies” (or Meetmgs), which are to be called by
Mai-treya Buddha, and at which he is to preach with great
effect, are popularly known in Chinese Buddhist works as
the “Lung-hua-san-hui”, the “Three Lung-hua Meetings”.
They are to be held under Dragon-Flower (Lung-hua)
trees; hence their name, the Dragon-Flower (or Ghampac)
tree being the Bodhi-tree of Maitreya Buddha. In these
Meetings, accoidiug to the prediction, Maitreya Buddha
IS to receive into his communion in all 282 Kotis of con-
verts, and those of his congregations' who had in previous
births been good Buddhists wiU' then' attain arhatship.

To the west of the Maitreya-Prediction Tope, Tuan-chuang
confenues, was a tope at the place where Sakya P'usa (that is,
the P’usa) as Hu-vmng IJ)1) P'nsa received from Ka^yapa
Baddha the prophecy of bis future attainment of Buddhahood
with the name Sakyamuni. Near this tope was an artificial plat-
form of dark-blue stone, above 60 paces long by seven feet high,
which had been a walking-place of the Pour Past Buddhas On
this was a standing image of the Jn-lai, grand and majestic,
with long hair from the top of the head (from the ushnlsha), of
noted and conspicuous miraculous powers.

In his translation of this passage ' Juhen restores Lu-
ming-, “Diglit- protecting” as JPrdbkdpala with the same
meaninjj. But the Chinese rendering is probably for

shuo-Mi-le-ta-ch’eng-Fo-cbing (No. 209j on mountain in klagadba,
Sar. Yin. Yao-shih ch, 6 prophecy made to the disciples on the way
from Kajagaha to Vaiiali

1 This is the ‘‘Po-shuo-Mi-lMai-shih-ching (No 20o). See also
tile Shih-erh-yu-ching (No. 1374).

CHADDANTA JATAKA.

63

Jyotirpala (Jotipala in Pah) vrhich was the name of the
P‘asa as the son of a brahmin in the time of Ks^apa
Buddha.

The Life descnbes the Exercise ground of the Four
Past Buddhas as being 500 feet long by seven feet high,
and represents it as having images of the four Buddhas.

The pilgrim next telle of three Tanks, one to the iveet of the
JHonastery Wall, a second further west, and a third to the north
of the latter These were all regarded as sacred by the Buddhists
and were jealously guarded by dragons
Near these Tanks, Yuan-choang continues, was a tope He adds —
while Ju-lai was fulfilhng the career of a Bodhisattva he became a
six-tusked elephant-king, a hunter to get the elephants tusks
disguised himself in a Buddhist monk’s costume, drew his bow
and captured the elephant-kmg the latter, out of reverence for
the monk’s garb, tore out hjs tusks, and gave them to the hunter.

In the latter paragiaph of this passage, it will be noted,
there is no word foi “place” in the short account of the
tope, but the Life and Pang-chih state expressly that the
tope was at the place where the elephant gave his tusks
to the hunter. In the Life also the P'usa is a “six-tusked
white elephant” giving his tusks to the hunter as an act
ot chanty. To place the scene of this famous Jstaka at
Benaies is agamst all the versions of the story with which
we aie acquainted, and the pilgrim does not state that
the tope was at the spot where the event occuried Accord-
ing to some anthonties the Chaddanta (six-tusked) ele-
phant lived on the side of the Snow Mountains (Himavant),
and accoiding to others lus home was to the south 3000 U
and withm several ranges of mountams But the Jataka
IS connected with Benaies because it was to proem e ivory
for the queen of that distnct that the cruel himtei shot
the elephant, the self-denymg indefatigable candidate for
Buddhahood A full account of this veiy curious Jataka
will be found in M Peer’s ailicles in the Jommal Asiatique
for 1895 which give the variations of the different ver-
sions 1

• See alBoTCa-chih-tu-lun cA. 12; and J P T S 1901 pp. 80—84.

54

TUnEA JATAKA.

Ne&r the tope of the TuBk-extracting, the pilgnm proceeds,
vas another tope. This commemorated the action of the Ju-lai
while fulfilling the career of a P'usa when in pity for the want
of civihty in the world he took the form of a bird; as such he
and his friends a monkey and a white elephant asked each other
which had been the first to eee the banyan tree under which
they were sitting. Each gave his experience and according to
their statements they took precedence the good influence of
this proceeding gradually spread, men got civil order, and reli-
gious and lay people gave in their adherence.

This 18 a Jataka told in the Vinaya and other treatises,
the three friends being the Buddha, Maudgalyayana, and
^anpnfrft in former births. * But the story as told in the
Buddhist hooks has no connection whatever with Benares
and the reader will observe that again Yuan-chuang does
not state that the tope was at the place where the event
commemorated occurred. The story is related at ^ravasti,
or on the way thither, and the scene is laid on the side
of the Himavant. According to the Jataka the bird was
a partridge and the tree a banyan, but the Ta-chih-tu-lun,
calls the bird a and represents tbe three

friends as living under a peepnl tree.*-*

Beside this tope, in. the great wood, Yuan-chuang relates, was
a tope where the P‘uoa and Devadatta as Deer-kings settled an
afiffir. To prevent the extermination of their two flocks of deer
by the hunts of the king of the country it was arranged that
an animal from each flock, on alternate days, should be given np
to the king for the nse of his table. "^K^en it came to he the
turn of a doe big with young xn Deva4atta’8 flock the doe
begged to be spared for & few days for the sake of her unborn
fawn. The Devadatta Deer-chief refused to entertam her petition
and the P‘ub& Deer-chief thereupon offered himself as Bubstitute
fpr the doe. This act of self-oacrifice moved the long to remorse,
he released all the deer from the penalty of death, and gave
them the wood as pasture land: hence arose the name, the Wood
of Oharity to the Deer.

The story of the P‘nsa as a Deer-kmg giving himself
up as a substitute for a pregnant doe is told ih one

1 Vin. IL 160—162, Ohahners* J&taka p. 92 and note p. 9®*
’ Te-ohih-tu-lun ph 12

NIGEODHA-MIGA JATAKA.

55

Buddhist book without any mention of another Deer-kmg
9,8 Devadatta in a former birth. The scene of the P'usa’s
act of self-sacrifice is not given in this treatise But m
another woik the scene is laid in the wild country of
Benares kmgdom, and the king of the country is Brahma-
datta In this treatise there are two flocks of deer, one
with the deer who was the P‘usa as chief, and one with
the Devadatta-deer as chief the version of the Jataka

V

heie given agrees closely with that in our text.*

The pilgnm next tells us of a tope which was two or three
h to the south-west of the great Buddhist eatablishiueut of the
Deer-Park. This tope was above 800 feet high with a broad
high base which was ornamented with precious substances, the
tope had no storeys of niches for images, but it was covered by
a dome, and it had a spire but without the circular bells. Beside
'this peculiar tope, the pilgnm tells us, was one which marked
the place where Ajilatakaundinya and his four compamons aban>
doned then decision to treat the Buddha with disrespect, and
received him with the reverence due to a Master.

Here we have an account of the mission of these five
men, and of the Prmce Siddhartha hecommg Buddha and
converting and ordaimng them The story is told m many
books in several languages, and is well known.

Two three h east firom the Mngadava, the pilgnm contmuen,
was a tope beside which was a dncd-up tank called by two
names, Life-^tnng and Th6 Hero

We have then the very cunoua story which explains the
ongm of the names It is not necessary to go over this
long story of which Jtdien has given us a fair translation.
But th^re is one passage in it on which we may dwell
for a moment. While the Hero is keepmg vigil in the
temple he has a horrible nightmaie m which he is killed.
Thereupon, he says, he shou-chunff-ym-sji^ 4 *
which Juhen renders — “et je restai quelque tempS~iians
ce tnste §tat’'. ^ut the meaning of the words is “in my
mtermediate state”. Chung~yin, ealled also ciiif^g-y'K^ ( 4 *

* liiu-tu-chi-ching ch. 8, Tft-ohih-tu-lnn, cfi 76 Jfctaka No. 19

56

AKTAEABHAVA.

;j^), in Sanskrit “Antarabhava”, denotes, as the passage
cited in Julien’s note shows, the “intermediate existence”,
the state in which the spirit or self remains, between its
separation from one mortal body and its nmon with
another.^ Then from a different pomt of view ih&chung-
ym IS the being which, acting mdependently of jiarents
and without their knowledge, animates their offspring and
makes its destmy. To the production of a child there
come three agents, the two parents and the tertium quid
or ckung-yin which makes the individual, gives character
and fortune. In the story of the dream, in our text, as
soon as the Hero was killed he became an antarabhava,
and then was incarnated in a brahmin lady, transferrmg
to his new bodily life the habit of silence enjoined on
him in the previous existence. This term chung-yin is
also applied by some authorities to one who, like a Buddha,
having experienced final death (parinirvana), is freed from
all transient existence, but lives for ever in a state of being
absolute and incommunicable

To the west of the Hero’s Tank was, the pilgnm tells us, the
Tope of the Three Animals on the spot where the P‘us^ ae a
hare, roasted himself The mention of thia tope leads th'e pil-
grim to relate the Jataka of the fox, the ape, and the hare
providing food for Indra in the guise of a hungry old man
The hare was the P'usa, and Indra had come to observe and test
his conduct Pretending to he very hungry, the old man asked
the fox and the other animals for food, and obtained from the
lox a hsh and from the ape some fruit, but the hare could not
provide anything. When he was chidden for his inhospitahty
the hare caused his companions to make a fire and roasted
himself on it to provide a meal for the old man. The latter
resuming his proper form was greatly affected, and carrying the
hare’s corpse to the moon placed it there to go down to posterity.
Since that event all speak of “the hare m the moon”, and men
of after times erected a tepe at the place of the roasting.

The abstract of the Hare Jataka here given by our
pilgnm differs in several respects from the story as found
m certain other books. In the Pali version, which lays

1 Chnng-yin-ching (No.- 463 U‘. circ. A D. 400j.

SABA JATAKA

57

the scene of the occurrence at Benares in the tivne of
good king Brahmadatta, there are four animals, a hare,
an otter, a jackal, and a monkey. * La this treatise the
stoiy does not have the haie roasted alive, and Ladra,
who has tried the Bodhisattva, paints the likeness of the
hare m the disk of the moon. In the “Fo-shuo-sheng-
ching” it IS Dlpankara Buddha who is the hermit and
there aie no other animals anth the Hare-king and the
hares, nor is there any mention of the moon 2 The “Lin-
tu-chi-ching” also makes Dipankara Buddha to be the
hrahmm who tries the P'usa as a haie, and here there
are a fox, an otter and a monkey livmg with the hare,
hut there is no transfer to the moon » Li the “P'u-sa-
pen-sheng-man-lun” the hermit is Maitreya, the Hare-kmg
IS the P'usa. and he has only his own species about him.^
The Hare-king prepares to roast himself for the hermit
to eat him in the absence of all other food, but the hermit
pulls him off the fire, too late, however, to save Ins life
Then praymg to be bom in all future hves as a disciple
of the P‘usa the hermit burns himself with the hare, and
Indra comes to worship, and raises a tope over the rehcs,
but does not take anything to the moon

A legend about the hare like that here told by the
pilgrim seems to have survived aniong the Mongols down
to the present Thus the Kalmucs, who worship the haie
as a god, and call him Sakyamuni, “say that on earth he
allowed himself to be eatan by a starving man, for which
gracious act he was raised to domineer over the moon
where they profess to see him” ^

The reader will observe that m the pilgrim’s account
of the Buddhist sacred places m and about Varapasi he
mentions only one monastery, the j^shipataoa-mrigadava-
vihSra. This is in agreement wutli a Buddhist ^astra which

» Jilt. VoL HI p 61, Francis and Niel’s Jataka p 05

2 cA 4 3 c* 8 * ch 8

3 Rhys Davids, ‘Buddhism’ pp 197, 198 Crooke ‘Pop. Rel and
Folklore of N. India’ p 215

68

THE EIGHT GEEAT TOPEa

informs its readers that the Deer-Park monastery ivas the
only Buddhist establishment at Varanasi.^ In a Vmaya
treatise, however, we find mention of another vihara, the
name of which is given as Olip-t^o-lo-ko’^ok {5£

which perhaps may be for Khidrakapa. ^here are also
one or two other Buddhist estabhshments lu the Kasi
country mentioned in Buddhist books, but nothing seems
to be kno•^^n about them.

Yaranasi, the capmal’of the K.a§i country, now „the
sacred city of the Hindus”, was held sacred then by all
Buddhists because at it the Buddha set the^^ wheel of
religion in motion, that is, gave the first teaching m the
essentials of his new system. At the spot where he de-
hvered this tirs^ seimon to A 3 natakaundinya and his four
companions a tope is said to have been erected, and this
IS one of the Eight Great Topes of which later Buddhism
tells. But to the Buddhists this city had even earbei
claims on their reverence, for it was the second city to
“arise” in the last renovation of the world, and it had
been the scene of the ministrations of several of the Past
Buddhas The last of these Past Tathagatas, Xs^yapa
by name, had hved here lu an 5-rama near the Rishipatana
Deer-Park. At this far off time the king of Ka^i was
named Ki-h-ki (the Kikl of the Pali scriptures), and he
was a lay adherent and a patron of Ka^yapa Buddha,
It was at Varapasi that this latter having ordained the
young Jotipalo, the friend of Ghatikaro the potter, predict-
ed that the disciple would in a distant future become the
Buddha Sakyamuni.s

In the Chinese versions of Buddhisi; works the terras
KaSi and TarEpasi are generally given in transciiptions,

1 Ta-cbifa-tu-lun oft 3.

^ SSng-ki-lu ch 29.

* Sar. Vin Tsa-shih 12, here the name Jobpala does not occur,
Majjhitna 2 45 — 54, Kihi and Jotipala-m intercourse with Kassapa
Buddha, JEt. Vol. I. Int. p. 43, here there is the prediction to
Jotipffla

CHAN CHU.

59

but the former term is sometimes translated by Ti-miao
itk !!)• means “reed-sprouts”, and its use by I-ching
18 explamed when we find him v. transcribing the name of
the country by Ka-shi-lo that is, haseru, a word which
denotes a kind of reed or grass i But Ti-miao may also
have been used to translate Kai§i as supposed to be con-
nected with Ka^

OHAN-CHU COUNTRY.

From the neighhoxirhood of VfiraJiaBi Yuan-chuang proceeded,
he tolls •us, eastward following the course of the Ganges for
above 800 h to the Chan-chu countrj This country,

according to the pilgrim, was above 2000 h in circuit, and its'
capital, whioh was on the Gangeg, was about ten h in circuit
The country had. a dense and flourishing population, a good
climate and a fertile soil, the people were honest and high-
spirited and they had a mixed religious creed There were
above ten Buddhist estabhohments with nearly a thousand Brethren
all attached to the system of the “lAttle Vehicle”. There were
twenty Deva-Temples, and the followers of the different non-
Buddhist systems dwelt pell-mell

5ere the narrative as usual describes the pilgrim as
going on “from this”; and we must take this Expression
as meaning “from the Deer-Park” which, as we have seen,
was above ten h north-east of the Bama river 'at Var5-
pasi. The term Chan-chu means “fightmg lord” or “lord
of battle”, and it is evidently a translation of a Sanskrit
name or epi&et with a similar meamng. Cunningham has
identified ottr Chan-chu country with the modem Ghanpur,
the “city bf the Conqueror”. 2 But chan is used to tianslate
YxiMlia and chu stands for several words such as inti.
sidmm, and i^ara, and the Chan-chu of our text may be
the rendermg of a word like Yuddhapati, which may be
an epithet of Siva.

In the mention of the non-Buddhists Juhen makes the
pilgrim describe these as hving in their temples This is

> Sar Vin. Y'^o-ahih ch 1 and P‘o-8eng-shih ch. 6
6. L p. 486

60

MAHASilLA.

due to the faulty reading of his text which adds the par-
ticle clnh after the four words Yt4ao-tsa-clia, “the
heretics live pell-mell”. To these four words, which form
a very common phrase m the Records, the old texts added
the particle Yi (^) to serve as a full stop. This un-
fortunately appears in the B text as chth, and spoils the
meaning. Our pilgrim never represents the professed
adherents of the non-Buddhist systems as living in the
“Deva-Temples”.

In a Buddhist establiebment, Yuan-chuang tells as, at the
north-west of the capital was an Asoka tope, with bodfly relics
of the Buddha, to commemorate a spot at which the Buddha
had expounded his rebgion for seven days to a congregation of
devas and men. jNear it was a place with trees of the Three
Past Buddhas’ sitting and exercise ground. Next to this was
on image of Maitreya P'usa, small, but of great miraculous
powers

Above 200 h east from the capital was the A-pt-t'i-ka-Ia-na
(restored by Julien as Aviddhakarna) Sangharama (“the monastery
of the Brethren vath unpierced ears”). This monastery had
been built for the use of Buddhist pilgrfms from Tokhara, and
the pilgnm tells the story which accounted for the name Above
100 h south-east from this monastery, and on the south side of
the Ganges, was the town of Mo-ha-sho-lo (that is, Maha6&la or
MahSsara), in it all the inhabitants were brahmins, and there
were no Buddhists Then to the north of the Ganges was a
Narayana Temple, with halls and terraces beautifully adorned,
and with sculptured stone images in the highest style of art
Thirty h east Irom this was an Asoka tope half sunk m the
ground, and in front of it was a stone pillar surmounted by a
lion An inscription on the pillar told how the Buddha here
subdued and converted certain cannibal demons of the wilderness.
Not far from this place were several Buddhist monasteries which
were all in a bad condition, but still contained a number of
Brethren, all Mahayanists

Going on 8outh-e'>st above 100 li you come to the ruins of a
tope of which some scores of feet remained above-ground. When
after the Buddha’s decease his rehcs were being divided among
the eight kings, the brahmin who measured the rehcs smeared
the mside of the lar with honey, and then distributed to the
kings. The brahmm returning to his home took the jar with
himj over the relics which had adhered to the sides he built
a tope; and because the jar also was deposited in the tope, the

THE DEMON OE RLAVI

61

latter got its name from the circumstance Afterwards king
Asoka took away the relics and jar, and replaced the old tope
by a large one, on fast daja there may be a bright light from
the tope

The Aviddha-kaiDa (or TJnpierced-ear) Monastery of
this passage is placed hy the Fang-chih to the north-east
of tlie capital, and not to t^e east as in our text Our
pilgrim’s town ]\Iahai 5 la (or Mahasaia) has been supposed
to correspond to the present Masar about six miles Nvest
of Shahabad in Bengal.

For “demons of the ’wilderness” in this passage the
Chinese is Kuang-ye-lcaei (^ or 3^ ^ which we should
pel haps render “Kuang-ye Demons”. This term Imang-ye
denotes the wild unoccupied land beyond the boundaries
of a city 01 town But it is also used in Buddhist books
to tianslate the Indian word Ala-\i or Atavi as the name
of a touTi 01 village In the Buddha’s lifebme this town
was plagued by a cannibal demon, also called Afavi, who
Icilled and ate a human bemg every day. Buddha tried to
convert Atavi by gentle means, but failmg m this he pro-
ceeded to bnng the demon to submission by fear. Havmg
succeeded in this Buddha then imparted to the demon
the saving tniths of Buddhism, and the demon was con-
verted and became a good Buddhist 1 This is perhaps
the stoiy of which the pilgrim had heard, but his story
represents several cannibal demons as being at the place,
although his woids at the begmuing of the paragraph
seem to refer only to the “reduction of a demon to sub-
mission ({^ This town of Afan had a monastery

in the time of the Buddha, and this is perhaps the Kuang-
ye monastery of Fa-hsien, which was about twelve yojanas
to the east of Benares 2

In the last paragraph of this passage the. word jar is
for the Clunese 'phng (^%). As jHng is the recogmsed

» Ta-pan-me p'an-ching ch 16 (No 114),

2 Fo-kuo-chi ch 34, The monoBtery ib mentioned e. g in Seng-
ki-lh ch 19, 31, 83 See also Sutta NipSta I 10

62

EIGHT HEONA STUTAd.

rendering for the Indian word Jcumhha our pilgrim’s
statement here would lead us to suppose that the tope of
which he is telling was called “Kumbha- stupa”. This
suits the account of the division of the relics at the end
of the MahapannibbSnasutt.a, and in other Pah texts we
find Drona’s tope called kumbha-thupa or kumbha-cetiya.^
Julieu 111 his translation of the ^present passage proposes
Drona-stupa as the name of the tope, but Yuan-chuang
always, I think, renders drona by liu (^) Moreover all
the eight topes over the Buddha’s bodily rehcs were called
dronO’sHtpas because each contained a drona of relics.
Thus in the Divyavadana the tope over king Ajatasattru’s
share of the Buddha’s relics is called a drona (not Prona)-
stupa. There were eight of these dropa-stupas ; seven in
India and one in Ramagama, and Asoka wanted to take
the rehcs away from all of them. 2 The wily brahmin
who distributed the rehcs of the Buddha’s cremated body
among the angry claimants is in some accounts a Ku^a-
gara man, and apparently sets up his tope at that city.'*
The Tibetan translation makes him a native of the town
which bears his own name, and he builds his tope at that
town.'* In a Vmaya treatise he is a native of a town
called T‘ou-na-lo (|^ ^ and it is to this place that
he carries the jar, with the purloined relics, and here he
bmlds bis tope .6 It is possible that the T‘oiirna-lo of
this treatise is a copyist’s error for T*oi(Ao~na, that is,
Dropa.

t e g in Buddhavamsa p. 68 (P. T. S.).

2 DivySv. p 380 Bar. Int. p 372 Hhye Davids in J. A S.
1901 p. 401.

3 Ta-pan-iue-p‘an-chmg (last page)

< Rockhill, Life, p 146 and note.

5 Shih-Bung-lu ch 60, Ta-pan-nie-p‘an-cliiiig-hoa-fen cfu 2. The
account of the distribution of the Belies .in the latter passage is a
verbatim copy of that in the Shih-sung-ld.

VAISSlil.

63

VAISALI

The pilgrim proceeds to relate that “from this" he went north-
east, crossing the Ganges, and after a jonmey of 140 or 160 h
he reached the IH-she-h (Vais&hl country

By the words “from this” here the context requires us
to understand “from the Kumbha Tope”, hut the Life
makes the pilgrim proceed from the Ghan-chu country
north-east 150 li to Vai^ah. Cunningham, who identifies
the city of Yai^Slh (or VesSb) with the modem BesSrh,
regards the Ganges of this passage as a mistake for Qan-
dak. But the pilgrim evidently placea the Kumbha Tope to the
south of the Ganges, and the text may be regarded as correct.

The VaiSah country is described by the pilgnm as being above
5000 h in circuit, a very fertile region abounding in mangos,
plantams and other fruits The people were honest, fond of good
works, esteemers of learning, and orthodox and heterodox in
faith The Buddhist estabhshments, of which there were some
hundreds, were, with the exception of three or four, dilapidated
and deserted, and the Brethren were very few. There were some
tens of Deva-Temples, the vanous sects lived pell mell, and the
Digambaras flounsheu The foundations of the old city Vaiiah
were 60 or 70 h in circuit, and the “Palcce-city" (that is, the
walled part of the city) was four or five h in circxut, and it had
few inhabitants About five It to the north-west of tihe “palace
city" was a Buddhist monastery, the few professed Buddhiatc
in which were of the Sammatiya School, and at the side of the
monastery was a tope It was here that the Buddha dehvered
the "P’i-tno-lO'kt-ckinff ^ ^), and that the house-

holder’s son Pao-cht and others presented sun-shades to the
Buddha

The treatise here mentioned is that called by Mr. Bun-
yio Kanjio “Vimalaklrtti-nirde^a-sutra”, “the sutra of Vi-
malaklrtti’s exposition”, which corresponds to the meaning
of the fdU Chinese title as given by KumSrajiva, But
the proper title is probably “Arya-Vimalaklrtinirdesa”,
without the word sutra. The woik cannot be said to have
been uttered by the Buddha, but it is rather a collection
of the utterances or teachmgs of Vimalaklrti. Accordmg
to the treatise Buddha is in the Mango Orchard at Vesah,
and Vimalaklrti is m his own house, supposed to be ill

64

VTMALAEIETI.

aud confined lo his bed, while the expositions are given.
There are extant three translations of the work into
Chinese, the first by a monk of the Yue-ti country m the
middle of the third century A. D., ‘ the second by Kumara-
jlva, 2 and the third by our pilgnmA A learned Chinese
monk, who was a disciple of KumSrajlva, edited his master’s
translation and ennched it with a commentary. < There
are also several other editions of kCumarajiva’s version
with commentaries, and it has long been a favourite work
with Chinese students Buddhist and non-Buddhist. The
incidents m this so-called sutia aie puiely fictitious, and
it must liave been composed long after the death of the
Buddha It is, however, an interesting well-composed and
ingenious exposition and discussion of the distmctive meta-
physical tenets of the expansive developed Buddhism known
as the 'MahaySna or “Great Vehicle” system.

The last clause of our text here mentions the offering
of sun-shades. It is in the introduction which forms the
first chaptei of the Vimalakli'ti-nirde^a-sutra that the
stor}' IS told of the 600 young Licchavis, including Pao-
clu, .ofiering their sun-shades to the Buddha in the Amra
orchard. The preseutalion of these gifts was immediately
followed by a great miracle wrought by the Buddha which
astomshed and ravished all beholders. Julien suggests
Ratnakara as the Sanskrit origmal for Fao-dii
“Gem-heap”, and the restoration is probably coriect. The
first translation, which transcribes the name as Lo-h-mOr
la, perhaps for Ratnakara, translates it by Fao-sh'ili ( |
or “Gem-husmess”, and Yuan-chuang in his version has
Vao-hsvng ( j ‘J^) or “Gem-nature” perhaps for RatnS-
kara. In using Pao-chi in the text here the pilgrim adopts
Kunuirajiva's rendering, which lemains the popular one.

1 Wei-mo-L'ie-ching (Bud No 147)

2 Wei-mo-k‘ie-80-3huo-cliing (No 146)

3 Slmo-wa-kou-ch‘eng-ching (No 149),

< Wei-mo-khe-eo-sbuo-chiDg-chu (No 1032) The aiitraB Nos. 144,
146, 181 in Nanjio’s Catalogap have the same Sanskrit title as the
‘Wei-mo-kUe-ching, but thej are difiFerent works

THE MOKKBT TAl^^:.

65

Further in. Ms version of the sutra Yuan-chuang calls this
Pao-cM a ;p'usa, vrMle in the text of our passage he follows
other translators in styling him “son of a householder”.

To the east of this monastery, Tuan-choang relates, was a
tope to commemorate the attainment of arhatsbip at the place bj
“Sanputra and others”.

The word here rendered by “and others” is thig
and the pilgrim probably meant it to include only Maud-
galyaySna. But the Buddhist scriptures generally represent
^anpntraas attaining arhatsMp atBajagaha, and this seems
to be the account followed by Yuan-chuang m Clman 9
of these Becords.

To the south-east of this tope, the pilgnm continues, was one
erected by the king of this -country over the portion of the
hodily relics of the Bnddha which the king had obtained at the
division made on the scene of the icremation. This king s shai’^
Yuan-chuang says, was a bushel (Au or drona) of relics, and he had
deposited these in a tope to be kept as objects of worship, after-
wards Asokaoame and earned off nine - tenths of the precious relics

In tMs passage, as in a previous one, the pilgrim forgets
that there was no king of VaiSah in the time of the
Buddha, the city and district being governed by a council
of Elders It was the Licchavis of VaiSah who, as Ksha-
fcriyas, claimed from the Mallas of Kusinagai*a a share of
the relics of the Buddha who also had been a Kshatnya
Some of the Scriptures, we know, repzesent eight kings,
and among them the kmg of this country, coming to ask
for* and extort shares of the Buddha’s relics

The pilgrim next tells us about the Monkey Tank, which was
to the south of a stone pillar about 50 feet high surmounted by
a lion, at an Asoka tope, to the north-west of the Kelic Tope
He says the Tank (or Pond) Bad been made by monkeys for the
Buddha, and that the latter resided at this place. Neai the west
side of the Tank, he contmues, was a tope on the spot at which
the monkeys took the Buddha’s bowl up a tree for honey to
gi\e him; near the south bank was a tope at the place where
the monkeys presented the honey, and near the north-east comer
of the Tank was a picture (or image) of a monkey.

These statements about the monkeys and the honey
recall the story related by our pilgrim in connection with
* E

66

THE MONKEY TANK.

his description of Mathura. The phrase “Monkey Tank”
is a translation of the Sanskiit term IfarJcata Hrada,
"We are also told, however, that Marka^a was the name
of a man, a Ynjjian or ya33i-putta. It is remarkable that
the equivalent of “Monkey Tank” does not seem to occur
in the Pah Nikayas, or in any other Pali text so far as I
know. These scriptures generally represent the Buddha
when at Vesali as staying in the KutSgaraialS (or “Two-
storey HaU”) in the Mahavana (or “Great Wood”). Yet
the Monkey Tank occurs frequently in the Chinese trans-
lations of the sutras and other scriptures. Thus it is
found in several passages of the Chung-a-hau-chmg and
the Tsa-a-han-ching. In the latter treatise we have the
story of the monkey picking out the Buddha’s alms-bowl,
taking it away, and brmging it back full of honey. This
takes place in the Great Wood near Yesah; but imme-
diately afterwards we read of the Buddha staying in the
Two-storey Hall at the Monkey Tank near the city. The
Tibetan text translated by Bockhill also tells of the
Buddha and Ananda going “to Yesali and there they
abode in the mansion built on the edge of the monkey
pond.” 1 The HivyavadSna also mentions the Markatahrada
and its BIutagara^Sl& in which the Buddha lodged .2 So
also in the Sanskrit texts of other avadSnas and of the
Mahavastus we find mention of this great HaU by the
side of the Menkey Tank at Yesali as a place of so3oum
for the Buddha. Ix is to be noted, however, that Fa-hsien,
who gives the Great Wood and its Two-storey monastery
in his list of the sights of Yesali, has nothmg about the
Monkey Tank or the Two-storey HaU at its side.

Oar pilgrim goes on to tell us that three or four h to the
north-east of the Buddhist establishment mentioned above were
the rums of Vimalaklrti’s house, which were marked By a tope,
and were the scene of marvellous phenomena Near this site,
he teUsns, was a “spirit’s abode (or god’s-house, ^hen-sM Stj’ ‘^)

1 ‘Life of the Buddha’, p 131.

2 p, 136.

3 Mahavastn Vol. 1. p. 300.

67

VIWAT.AKTTITI’S SICKNESS.

which seemed to be a pile of bricks, but according to -tradition
was “amassed stones" This was said to mark the place at which
Vimalakirti “displaying sickness preached” Near this shen she
was a tope at the place where the Elder’s son RatnSkara hved,
near this a tope marked the site of the amra (mango)-lady’8
house, here the Buddha’s foster mother (Maha Praj&pati) and
other bhikshunls realized entrance mto nirvana

Our pilgnm here, as befoi e, transcribes the name of the
Vai^ali householder by T‘t~mo-lo-Jah which is perhaps foi
a form like Vimalakit or Vimalakitti He styles the indi-
vidual so named a CJiang-che, (Gahapati or “House-
holder’), and he translates the name by Wi(~kou~ch^tng
(M ^ that 18, “Stainless deputation”. In some of the
sutras, however, Vimalakirti is called a Ta-lizehth {-^ -jj
or “Great Malla”, while in other book^ he is often
styled a Pusa, and he is also represented as bemg from
another world He is always, howevei, a fictitious peisonage,
a character created for the religious teachings attributed
to him, or connected with him and his imaginaiy family.
We may, accordingly, be certam that the site pointed out
to our pilgrim as that of Vimalakirti’s house was a late
invention. This house also is not in Fa-hsien’s enume-
ration of Buddhistic objects of interest in and near Vosali.

As to Vimalakirti “displaying sickness” and preaching,
the pilgrim is here referring to the sutra which he had
mentioned by name In it we find that Vimalalliti has
recouise to the device of sickness in order to attiact the
Buddha’s attention to him, and the discourses of the book
are hnked on in an ingemous manner to this feigning of
illness. When Buddha proposes to one after another of
his arhats and P'usas to go to Vimalaklrti’s house and
enquire about his state of health, each one of them de-
clines and gives his reasons, these embody praises of the
very wise and clever dialectician who was the patient
Afterwards Buddha himself converses with the “Elder”,
and draws from Inra further “incomprehensible expositions”

As BatnSkara, like Vimalakuti, was a fictitious person
created for the action of the sutra, the site of his house
also was an invention. The “Mango lady” of Yuan-chuang's

E*

88

THE liAST LOOK.

account of Yai^ah is evidently the Amrapah (in Pali.
Ambapali) of other enters. This woman had led an im-
moral life, and haA become rich and famous, when she
came under the influence of the Buddha, who converted
her and made her a lay member of his church.

"We may here notice that Yua.n-chuang places the houses
of Yimalailrti, Ratnakara, and AmrapSli outside the city,
while the canomcal works represent them as being inside
the city. But this discrepancy may be due to the pil-
pnm^s taking a narrow technical view of what constituted
the city.

Then, three or four h to the north of the Monastery already
mentioned was a tope on the spot where, as the Julai was about
to proceed to Kusinogara to attain panniTvSna, the human and
other creatures who escorted him stood waitmg.

The Chinese for “the human and other creatures'’ of
this sentence is jen-fei-jen^ literally “men and non-men'*.
Juhen translates fd-^en by “Ehnnaras” quoting as usual
a Chinese dictionary as his authority. But the term is
here evidently used in a comprehensive sense to include
the Yakshas, Devas, and other superhuman cieatures who
formed the Buddha's invisible escort. The whole expression
^jen-fei-jen is probably to be understood here, as in some
other passages, as meamng “[superhuman] bemgs in humau
and other forms". In the Life we have simply “Devas
and men”.

A little to the north-west of the tope last mentioned, the
pdgnm adds, was one at the place where the Buddha stood to
contemplate the city of VaisSh for the last time

Accordmg to Fa-hsien and some of the Buddhist scnp-
tures the ‘Buddlia left Yesali by the west gate on his way
to Ku^magaia for the last time, and as he passed by the
city-wall he turned and took a last view of the city. As his
course lay north-westwards from the city this statement
is not at variance with our pilgrim's account. The Sai-
vata Yinaya also represents the Buddha as taking his last
look at Yesali from a spot not far to the norrh-west ot

THE LAST LOOK

69

che city. But the “Sutra of the Great Decease” makes
the Buddha take his last view of Yesali after going through
the city on his morning circuit for the purpose of begging
his food. '

Continuing hit tJescnption the pilgnm tells us that a little to
the south of the Tope of the Last Look was a Buddhist temple
(ching-she) vrith a tope in front, this was the Amra lady’s garden
which she gave as an offering to the Buddha At the side of
the Amra-garden was a tope on the spot where Ju-lai announced
his approaching nirvSna (decease) Yuan chuang hereupon lelates
the well known story oi Ananda being stupified by Mara and
so faihng to request the Buddha to remain in the world, and
of Mai a obtaining from Buddha a statement that he would pass
away at the end of three months

The onginal here translated by ‘ garden” is yuan (^),
a word which means a gat den or orchard^ but it is also
used to translate the Indian word Srama in the sense
of a Buddhist monasteiy. In Pali scnptuies we find the
gift which Ambapah presents to the Buddha called a
vana and drama Thus the Vmaya represents the lady
as giving “this Ambapalivana” to Buddha who accepts
the “aiama”, and in the Mahapannibbana-sutta the lady
gives and the Buddha accepts tlie drama The accounts
generally seem to agree m placing the Amra Gaiden (or
Anuapall’s Orchard) to the south of Vesali, and at a
distance of three or four It from the city according to
Pa-hsien, or seven li according to a Nirvana sutra. But
heie our pilgrim seems to locate the Amra-yuan at some
distance north-west from the city. It is perhaps possible
that he uses the word yuan hers in its sense of Buddhist
establishment or monastery. But it is better to take the
words of the text as meaning that the tope was at the
spot where Amrapall perfoimed the ceiemony of makmg
a iormal gift of the oi chard to the Buddha and his
Brethren. This is the sense in which the compilers of
the Xiife and the Pang-chih undei stood the passage But

1 J’‘o-kuo-chj ch 25, Sar Vin Tsa-shih ch 36, Maba-pannibbaua'
sutta ch 4 (Digha 2 122 )

70

TOPJl or THE THOUSAIH) SONS.

then the authorities are not agreed as to the place at
which the ceremony was performed, some making it the
lady^s residence and others the orchard itself.

The stoiy of Ananda being stupified by Mara and of
the latter obtaining from the Buddha a declaration of
his intention to die at the end of three months is told in
the Maha-parimbbana-sutta and other works.

Neai* the Tope of the “Announcement of the time of nirvana”,
Tuan-chuang tells us, was the tope of the 1000 sons recognizing
their parents fle then proceeds to relate the silly legend con-
nected with the n&me of this tope

The name was probably Babuputraka (or Bahnputra)-
chaitya, in Chinese To-tzii-Pa, “the Tope (or Chaitya) of
Many Sons ” There was a celebrated lope with this name
on the west side of Vesali ^ In the Divyavadana^ we
— read of the “Bahupattraka (“much fobage’’) chailya at
Vesab, and this is probably the Bahuputra chaitya of
other books, and the tope of our text. This tope may
also be the “Laying down aims tope” of Fa-hsien who
makes the 1000 sons give in their submission at a place
three U to the north-west ot the city The Bahuputra
chaitya was devoted to the Buddhists, but it was also held
sacred by the non-Buddhists of Vesali, and there was a
temple with this name near the city of Rajagaha.

The pilgrim next tells us that not far from the place where
the 1000 sons returned (gave in submission) to tbeir kindred was
a tope Heie Ju-lai walking up and down the old traces indi-
cated the place to his disciples saying — Here I long ago returned
to my kindred and recognized mj parents — if you want to
know who the 1000 sons were, they are the 1000 Buddhas of
the Bhadra kalpa.

In this passage the Chinese for “old traces” is cltiii-ch^h
(=& M*)> reading in the A. C, and D texts. Instead
of chiu the B text has yi (jg) and yi-chih means “traces
left”. The latter, which is evidently wrong, was apparently

• Chang-a-han-ching, ch 11

2 p 208

SACEED SITES AT VE8ALL 71 '

the reading m the texts of the translatois, hut Juhen’s
rendering omits the two characters. Re represents the
pilgrim as tellmg his readers that the tope was at a place
where the Buddha took exercise, but, as the context
shows, the pilgrim describes the tope as being on a spot
which the Buddha tells his congregation was the scene
of one of his Jatakas, viz his birth as one of the 1000 sons
who were brotheis born in an extraordinary manner.

To the east of the Tope of the Jataka narrative, the pilgrim
continues, was a wonder-working tope on the old foundations
of the “two storey Preaching Hall in which Ju-lai delivered the
P'v.-mZn-to-lo-m and other sQtras”

Juhen restored the Sansl^it ongmal for the title of
the sutra here jnentioned as “Samantamoukha-dh5rani-
soutra”, and this is probably correct Beal says that the
work with this name is a section of the “Saddharma-
pupdarika-sutra”. But this is not correct as the lattei
treatise has not any section with the above title, and the
dharapi communicated in that sutra are from a P'usa in
the congregation at Rajagaha.

Close to the remains of the Preaching Hall, the pilgrim con-
tinues, was the tope which contained the half-body relics of
Ananda. Near this were several hundreds of topes at the place
where 1000 Pratyeka Buddhas attained panmrvaim The pilgrim
tells 113 also that in the district were topes and other objects oi
interest to Buddhists too numerous to be mentioned in detail
A journey of 50 or 60 li to the noith-west of the oitj brought
one tn a greet tope. Thiff was at the spot whore the Buddha
prevented the Licchavi-sone from following lum on hi3 last
journey to Kusinagara hj creating a nver with steep banks and
rapid turbulent current. The Licchavis were stopped, and the
Buddha in pity for their distress gaie them his alms-bowl as a
memento.

Fa-hsien, who does not mention the topes to the 1000
Pratyeka Buddhas, tells us of two topes to Pratyeka
Buddhas, and these Buddhas were the natural and foster
fatheis of the 1000 sons

Our pilgrim’s account of the Buddha’s stopping the
Licchavis from following him to Ku^magaia agrees to some

72

makhadeva jataka.

extent with the story in the “Ta-pan-nie-p‘an-ching’'.^
Ea-hsien places the river (or as he calls it, deep trench)
which the Buddha created, five (in the Korean text ten)
yo^ahas to the west of Yesali,' a much greater distance
than the 50 or 60 li of our passage. The Nirvana treatise
makes the river to have been produced between Vesah
and the Kan-Vu (or cha or clnh) village, the Bhapdagama
of the Pah Suttanta.

Nearly 200 li to the north-west of the city Vesah was an old
city which had long been a waste with very few inhabitants
In it was a tope where the Buddha had related to a great con-
gregation of P'usas, Devas, and men his former existence here
Its a universal sovereign by name Mahadeva who had given up
his kingdom to become a bhikshu.

This particular Jataka is the Makhadeva Jataka of the
Pall collection. It is not in the Chinese translations of
jataka hooks. But there are very similar stories of the
P'usa as a chaki*avai*ti raja. Thus in one treatise the
Buddha relates the jataka in which he was such a king
with the name and gave up hrs kingdom, and became

a bhikshu. 2 Here the name of the king is different and
the situation of his imaginary capital is not given.

The jnlgnm next tells us that 14 or IB to the south-east
ot Yesali city was a great tope This, he adds, was at the
place wheie the 700 eminent sages made the second compilation
(viz of the Dharma and Yinaya).

Eor the words in itahcs here the original is sluli-clih-
pai-lisien-sheng-chung-clne-chi-ch^u (Jg. ^ ^ "M. ^ ^

^), and Julien translates this by — “Ce fut en cet endroit
que sept cents sage^ s’associferent et se reunirent” This
icndeimg, it will be se'm, leaves out the important word
chimy (meaning ag nn. for a second time) and gives a
wi’ong meaning to the phrase ckie-chi. This means to
hind and collect and ' o to bring together in oi dei or compile.
Thus in an account of the proceedings of this Council

> Ta-pan-nie-p‘an-c} g, ch 1 (No 118)

2 Liu-tu-chi-ching c 8 Nimi Jataka, No B41

THE COUNCIL OF VESALI.

73

Yasada is represented as saying to theBiethren — “Who
IS to compile the Vinaya pitaka*^” the expression used
being shw-ying-clne-chi-lu-tsang ^ ^). So

Fa-hsien represents this Council of 700 Brethren, composed
of arhats and orthodox ordinary bhikshns, as making a
second recension of the Vinaya Pitaka.

Our pilgnm here makes the Council of 700 to liave met
at a place some distance to the south-east of Vesali. But
Fa-hsien descnbes the tope of the Council as being three
01 four h to the east of the Thousand-sons-submission
Tope which he places to the north-west of the cit> Tlie
name of the place or establishment in which the Council
was held is given in the Mahasanghika Vmaya as the
Sha-tm (fj; Sangharama oi Sand-heap Monasteiy. i
In other Chinese versions of editions of the Vinaya the
place IS called the P‘o-li-ka yuan^ or the T‘o-li-yuan, or
P‘o-h~lin.‘^ The words P'o-h bjiS. P‘o h-ka m these names
represent the Valika of the Pali sciiptures, and this word
(the Sanskrit Baluka) means sand ^ This Valikarama or
Sha-tui monastery was a quiet retired place, cool and
pleasant, and adapted for peaceful meditation and senous
conversation

The pilgrim goes on to explain that 110 years after the
Buddha’s decease there were bhikshns at Vesali who went far
from hi8 dharma, and erred as to the Vmaya. He tiien goes
on to give the names of five of tbe great arhats who took a
leading part in the Council These arhats were Ya-she (Ya-
soda) of Kt.sala, San-p'u-Tca (Sambhoga) of Mathura Li-p'o-to
(Revata) of Han-no (supposed to be Kananj), « Ska la of Vesrili,
and Fu-she-sxi-mt-lo (Pujasunieru?) of Sha-lo-h-fu (that is by
mistake of sha ^ for p'o Pataliput) The pilgnm descnbei
these men as great arhats, whose minds had attained indepen-
dence, who held the Three Pitakas, who had obtained the three-

1 ch 83

2 Ssu-fen-lu ch 64 (No 1117)

3 Vinaya Vol lU p 294, Mah Oh lY (the Hall is Valuka-
rama)

* But there does not seem to be any authority for this, and the
name of the country is a’so transenbed Ss^-han-no ^

74

THE COCTNCnii OF VEBALI.

fold underBtanding, men of great reputation, ^own to all who

have knowledge, and all of them disciples of Ajaanda

In tliis passage the original for “whose minds had
attained independence” is hsm-U-tm-tsai g ^).

These words are the phrase used by Kumaraiiva and others
to translate the Sanskrit word vaSihhuta, in the sense of
“having attained mastery”, “liaving become lord”, m
Burnoufs rendering “parvenus a la puissance”. The term
is one of the constant epithets of arhats, and denotes that
their mmds are emancipated from the control of external
powers For “had obtained the three-fold nnderstandmg”
the text is te-san-ming ^ ^). The three constituents
of this knowledge or nnderstandmg are given as the ap-
prehension (1) of impermanence, (2) of pain, and (3) of
Unreahty. But according to another account the san-ming
are the knowledge of previous existences, of others’ thoughts,
and of moial perfection, and there are furthei variations
in the enumeration of the “Three Understandings”. For
the words “known to all who have knowledge” the Chinese
18 chimg-so-chik-chih ^ lo 5^) or “recogmsed by those
who know” Julien’s lendenng is “connus de tout le
moude” which agrees with some of the explanations. The
Chinese words represent the Sanskrit term ahhijMtdhhtjndtff
which means “known to the Imown”. The term is of
fiequent occurrence in the Buddhist scriptures and the
Chinese rendering of it vanes a little. Thus we have
“known to the wise”, and “acquaintances of all who are
looked up to”, and Yuan-chuang’s o^vn reudenng “known
to those who are looked up to ^ ^ and the
term^is also lendered by “recognized by the recognized”
(or “known to the known”).

The arhat Yasada of this passage is the Yasada (or
Yasa or Yasano) of 'the Vinaya treatises, called also Ka-
kandaka- (or Kada-)putra. It was his action which started
the agitation agamst the Vrijji-putra bhikshus of Yesali
and led to the meeting of the Council The Sambhoga
of oui text is the Sambhuta of the Yinaya treatises, m
which this arhat is styled also Sanavasi and has his resi-

mfc COUNCIL OF VESALL

75

dence at the mountain “beyond the Ganges” (Ahogahga).
Rerata according to the Pah Vinaya was lodging in
Soreyya, hut according to other Vinayas he was in Ko-
samhi; he took a very prominent and important part in
the proceedmgs of the Council. Our author’s Slia-lo is
apparently the Salha of Vai^ah who represented the oitho-
dox Biethren of the district. The Fii-she~su-mi-lu of the
text is evidently the Pu-slie-su^mo of the Ssfi-fen Yinaya
and the Ku-sl\esu-ph~to of the Shan-hsien-lti This last
18 undoubtedly the Khujjasobhito of the Pah Vinaya,
and the Oliu-an or “Bent Peace” oi I chings

translation of the Sarvata Vinaya. It may seem that the
pilgnm’s information about this great Council was not
derived from any of the lecognized authorities and lus
omissions are interestmg. Thus he does not mention the
venerable aihat of Vesali named Sabbakama (oi Sabba-
kami). This man, who had seen Ananda, was the senior
Brother of India and, according to the Pah Vinaya, he
became Piesident of the Council. In the Chinese versions
his name is generally translated by Yi-ch‘ie-ch‘iv ^
or, “All-going”, as if for a Sansknt form hke Sarvagama
But m the Shan-jisien-lu the Pah name is given trausciibed
as Sa-p^o-ka-mei. Then our pilgrim does not make mention
of Sumana and Vasabhagamika, disciples of Ami'uddha,
who were on the jury of the Council, or of the leaxne
Ba^abala who, according to the Mahasanghikas, drew up
the Vinaya for the Council. ‘

The pilgnm. proceeds to relate that when the sages, summoned
by YaSada to meet in VesSli city, assembled, they were o®® ® ®
of 700 This number was completed by the arrival of Fuja-
sumeru who came through the air. Then Sambhoga, wit
right shoulder bared and on his knees in the great Congre^ o ,
addressing the assembled Brethren jirays them to e or er ,

’ For this Council see also the Wu-fen-lu ch. 30 (No
Bung-lu ch. 60 (No illo) (the account here given had
been read by our pilgnmh Sar Vm Tsa-shih
ch l,Pi-m-xnu-ching ch 4 (No 1188), Dip P 189 ^okh.ll, Life
P 171 ‘Vinaya Texts’ (S B. E ) Vol III pp. 388-414

76

THE COmsCTL OP VESALT,

sedate, and attentive. He proceeds — ‘Although years have passed
emce our holy spiritual sovereign in his wise discretion passed
away, his oral instruetions still survive— Irreverent bhikshus
of Vesali city have gone astray in Vinaya, in ten matters violating
the teaching of the Buddha — Reverend Brethren, ye understand
what accords with and what is opposed to this teaching As ye
have been instructed by the Bhadanta Ananda show gratitude
for Buddha’s kindness, and make a second promulgation of his
ordinances’ Every one of the Brethren m the Council was
greatly affected The offending bhikshus were summoned befote
the Council, repnmanded, and ordered to desist the erroneous
Dharma v^as annulled and the teaching of Buddha was set forth
clearly

The Council of the 700, we learn Iroiu the Vinaya
treatises, had to pronounce on each of the ten innovations
in matters of rule and practice introduced by certain
Vnjjiputra bhikshus of Vesali. For these innovations,
which are enumerated in the Vinayas, the Brethren who
propounded them and adhered to them claimed that the
innovations either had canomcal authority or were m
accordance with, and to he logically inferred from, the rules
and teaching of the canonical scriptures. The Council
was called to examme into these matters and give the
authoritative final decision of the Church on them, and
to promulgate the standard Dharma and Vinaya (or Vi-
naya only) It was a very representative assembly, being
composed df members from various districts and important
centres of Buddhism in India Some of the members
apparently brought one, and some had more than one copy,
of the Vinaya, while others had retained in memory the
teachings of the first apostles The ten erroneous tenets
and the practices based on them were openly announced
ID succession, and separately condemned by vote as against
the Vmaya, the circumstances in which the rule against
each point was made being quoted from the sutras or
Vinaya. Then the Vinaya was reduced to order and
finally settled it was drawn up in a five-fold division, its
contents being largely drawn from the sutras Very hfrle
is told in any treatise about the effect of the Council’s
action on the sinning Brethren, hut we are' left to infer

SITE OP VE8ALI.

77

that they submitted to authority and leturned to ortho-
dox practices. There is nothing whatever to indicate that
they seceded and formed a great sect or school.

With the mention of the Tope of the Second Council
oui pilgrim brings to an end his account of the city Yai*
^ali and its suburbs. The place, as has been stated, has
been identified by Cunningham with the site of the modem
village of Besarh to the east of the nver Candak,^ but
we need not accept the identification. Prom the Buddhist
scnptures we do not get much light or guiding as to the
precise situation of Va’Sali. AYe are told that it was not
far from the south side of the Snow Mountains, and that
to its north were seven “black mountams’^ (that is, moun-
tains on which the snow melted), and to the north of these
was the Gandhamadana, the home of Kinnaras. 2 Prom
other authonties we learn that the city was in the Yrijji
territory not far from Pava,^ or that it was m Kosala <
The Mabavana or Great Porest, so often mentioned in
connection with Yai^ah, was so called on account of its
great extent it reached to Kapilavastu and thence to the
Snow Mountains, was a virgin forest, and was without in-
habitants. The word Yai^ali is explained as meanmg
“spacious” or “magnificent”, and Licchavi (or liecchavi) is
said to mean “skin-thin” or “same-skin”, the name being
treated as a derivative of cchavi (chcbhavi) which means
“skin”. 6

It must have been distressmg for our pilgnm to go
over the waste jungle-covered ruins of a district which
he had known from the Buddhist scnptuies to have been
once very flourishing, full of life and beauty, loved and
admired by the Buddha while he was on earth. In the

* A. G. of India p 443

2 Oh'i-shih-cliing c/i 1 (No B50)

2 Lien-hna-mien-ohing ch. 1 (No. 465).

* Pi-nai-ye ch 1. This is the “Ohie-yin-yaan-ohing’ No 1180 01
Mr. Nanjio’s Catalogue.

® Shan-heieu-lS ch 8

78

8HEINES AT VESAIjT.

“Tsa-a-han-ching” a great Nirgrantha teacher speaks in
glowing terms of the district to the Buddha,* and in the
“Sutra of the Great Decease” and other treatises Buddha
is reported as praising it in similar terms. “How charm-
ing”, he says, “is Vai^ali the home of the Yrijjians”, and
then pioceeds to specify a few of its hallowed places. Its
chaityas and temples were numerous, and some of them
are often mentioned in the sacred books. There was the
Chapala Chaitya, a favouiite resort of the Buddha, given
to him and his church by the Licchavis. In Chinese the
name is sometimes rendered by CkU-lmng or “Bow-taking”,
cjid'pa meamng a how. This chaitya, which was at some
distance from the city, was probably only a sacred spot,
with trees, origmally devoted to the worship of a local
divinity. ^ There were also the Chaitya of the Seven Mango
trees at which Purana-Ks^yapa lodged, the Gotamaka or
Gautama Nyagrodha Chaitya, the Chaitya of the Many
Sons, the Sarandada and the Udena Chaityas, and the
Kapinahya Chaitya given to the Buddha and his Church.*
In or near Yai^ah moreover, were at least three laige
Buddhist monasteries, one of them bemg the Swan-shaped
Kutagarasala near the Monkey Tank in the Great Forest
which has been already noticed. The city had in the
BuddhaTs time at least one nunnery, the one in which the
nun Bhadra resided. 4 Then theie weie the Su River* in
which the monks and nuns once bathed with childish en-
joyment, the Mango Orchard of Jlvaka-kurnSra which was
a favourite lesort of the Buddha, and the beautiful Park
of the Licchavis c To these along with other pleasant

> Ch -6

’ Sar Vin. Tea-shih ch 36 (But the “Bow-taking chaitya” of thie
passage lo apparently the same with the “Chaitya of the Laying
do\vn of Bows and spears”), Tsa-a-han-ching ch 6

3 Tsa-a-han-ching 1. c , ‘Buddhist Suttas’, p 58, DivySv p. 201,
Ang Nik. VoL I. p. 276 (the Gotamaka Cetiya), Vol. Ill p. 107
(Sarandada), RockhiU, ‘Life of the Buddha’, p 132, Mahavastu 1. c.

Seng-fa-Iu ch. 87.

6 Seng*ki-lu ch. 38 (the word Stt ^ here may be a translation).

0 Tsa-a-ban-ching ch. 6 et al.; Sar Vin Tsa-smh ch. 1.

THE IiICCHAVIS OE VESALT.

79

scenes have to be added AmrapSll’s Mango Orchard and
the Bahkacchavi given to the Buddha and the chnrOh by
Bahka. But the attractions of the Yai^ali city and district
had a serious set-off in the famines and pestilences to
which they were subject

In the Buddha’s time the young Licchavis of the city
were a free, wild, set, very handsome and full of life, and
Buddha compared them to the gods in India’s Heaven.
They dressed well, were* good archers, and drove fast
carnages, but they were wanton, insolent, and utterly
irrehgious These dashmg young fellows, with then gay
attire and bnlhant equipages and saucy manners, must
have piesented m Vai^ah a marked contrast to the gieat
Teacher and his leverend somhre-clothed disciples The
young Licchavis drove along the streets and loads m
carnages with trappings of blue, yellow, red, or white,
and they were dressed or adorned m colours to match. i
Qn the other hand the Brethren were to be seen any
mormng grave and self-collected, bare-headed and bare-
foot, in dark patchwork robes, their alms-bowls in their
hands, beggmg their day’s food through the stieets Or
they might be met walking solemnly to the bathing-tank,
or going to attend a discouise fiom the Teacher, or to
meditate under a shady tree in a cool quiet retreat

, ^VBTAPURA MONASTERY.

Continuing his narrutive the pilgrim relates that from the
Tope of the Council of Seven Hundred he proceeded south, and
after a journey of 80 or 90 h, came to the Monastery of Shih-
fet-to-pu’lo (Svetapur) This monastery is desonbed by the pilgmn
as having sunny terraces and bnght-coloured halls of two storeys
The Brethren m it were strict in their lives and they were